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Rajputs in Bihar

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Rajputs in Bihar are members of the Rajput community living in the eastern Indian state of Bihar. They traditionally formed part of the feudal elite in Bihari society.[1][2][3][4] Rajputs were pressed with the Zamindari abolition and Bhoodan movement in post-independence India; along with other Forward Castes, they lost their significant position in Bihar's agrarian society, leading to the rise of Other Backward Classes (OBCs).

History

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From 1200 CE, many Rajput groups moved eastwards towards the Eastern Gangetic plains, forming their own chieftaincies.[5] These minor Rajput kingdoms were scattered across the Gangetic plains of modern-day Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.[6] During this process, petty clashes with Native populations occurred and in some cases, alliances were formed.[5] Among these Rajput chieftaincies were the Bhojpur zamindars[7] and the taluks of Awadh.[8]

The immigration of Rajput clan chiefs into these parts of the Gangetic Plains also contributed to the agricultural appropriation of previously forested areas, especially in Southern Bihar.[9] Some historians have linked this eastwards expansion with the onset of Ghurid invasion in the West.[9]

These groups included the Ujjainiya clan of Parmar Rajputs.[10] Gajpati Ujjainia of the same clan was a chieftain and commander in the army of Sher Shah Suri.[11] In the early 18the century, Kunwar Dhir, a Rajput Zamindar of Bhojpur district rebelled and fought against the Mughal empire.[12]

In the Middle Ages, Rajput migrants to the region of Bihar founded the Gidhaur Raj, Deo Raj and Kharagpur Raj.[13] In the same period, the Rajput Gandhavariya clan controlled a significant portion of North Bihar.[14] The Sonbarsa Raj also belonged to this clan.[15] What brought success to these Hindu princelings was the strong clan organisation upon which they rested.[16]

From the 16th century, Rajput soldiers from the eastern regions of Bihar and Awadh were recruited as mercenaries for Rajputs in the west, particularly in the Malwa region.[17][18][19] During the Great Uprising of 1857, a section of Rajputs participated under the leadership of Kunwar Singh, who was the main leader of the revolution in Bihar.[20]

Veer Kunwar Singh and his attendants, Jagdishpur Raj

In the traditional agrarian society of Bihar in the pre-independence period, Rajputs were among the upper castes that controlled the agricultural production through Zamindari rights. Some of the upper-castes were also recruited to the lower level of administration under the British rulers. Rajputs, a less-literate relative of other upper castes, played a limited role in public administration and were primarily property holders.[21] Between 1900 and 1920, it was noted Rajputs formed a large portion of the population of some regions of southern Bihar.[clarification needed] In Shahabad region, where Rajputs were prominent, they took little or no interest in intellectual pursuits. The literacy rate of the region and of Bihar as a whole was also in precarious state.[22][clarification needed]

In post-independence India, pressed with the Zamindari abolition and Bhoodan movement, Rajputs and other upper castes lost their prominence in the agrarian society of Bihar.[23][24]

Oliver Mendelsohn and Marika Vicziany said the "untouchables" who formed the bottom of society in Bihar have clashed with communities, including Yadavs and Kurmis in the middle segment, While Rajputs, Bhumihars and Brahmins in the upper segment of society. The authors have identified land control as the major characteristic of the opponents and not the caste identity. According to Mendelsohn and Vicziany, the exploiters of the untouchables doesn't have the same caste identity in all the region, and the conflicts were not restricted to Bihar.[25] The Rajputs and Bhumihars and not the Brahmin and Kayastha being the major landowners among the upper castes is also supported by a study by sociologist Badri Narayan.[26] In Shahabad district, some Rajput and Bhumihar landowners frequently raped lower-caste women, and by 1930s, the Triveni Sangh gave the abused women a platform to express her frustration.[27]

In a survey conducted[when?] in a few villages in Bhojpur, rape of lower-caste women from Musahar and Chamar castes by Rajput and Bhumihar landlords was a major cause of anguish until the emergence of Naxalism.[28][29]

According to Fernando Franco, in parts of central Bihar, who describes the condition of women agricultural laborers; "Even as late as the 1970s , the rape of lower caste women by [some]Rajputs/Bhumihars[landlords] had almost become a tradition, an accepted social evil, a fate which many bore unquestioningly".[30]

Ranabir Samaddar cited an example of an Anwa village in which upper-caste Rajputs practiced Dola Pratha; newly wedded brides of Dalits and landless labourers had to spend one night with the landlord before having sex with her husband.[31] According to a report from Sonatola village in Bihar, in the neighbouring village Berath, some Dalit women said when lower-caste women rejected the landlord's proposal of sexual contact, it was common for the landlords to falsely implicate the male members of their families and their kin in criminal cases. Besides sexual assaults, the drawing of water from the village wells and walking on the pathways alongside the landlords in that village were forbidden for the lower castes.[32] By the 1960s, most of the prevalent feudal practices came to an end due to the activism of Kisan Sabhas, an organization led by middle-peasant castes who also campaigned for women rights and dignity, and allowed agricultural-labourer women to speak for themselves.[32]: 72–73 

Later, assertion of many left-wing organizations took place in Bihar, the most prominent among them being Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCC), which waged wars against the landlords for the cause of lower castes. In Bihar, the prime targets of this organisation were Rajputs, against whom most of the caste-inspired massacres were committed. The events at "Darmian" and Dalelchak-Bhagaura, among others, are considered caste-based violence perpetrated against Rajputs by MCC.[33]

In the 1990s, the accession of Lalu Prasad Yadav to the premiership of Bihar brought socio-economic changes in the state's feudal society. Under the leadership of Anand Mohan Singh, a campaign against the Mandal Commission was undertaken in the state. The movement was also opposed to the rule of Lalu Prasad Yadav. Pappu Yadav, an associate of Yadav and a Janta Dal leader, led a campaign of violence against the "Upper Castes".[34]

Politics

[edit]

At the time of independence, Rajputs and other upper castes had a monopoly in the Indian National Congress (INC) and Bihar state politics. Over time, conflict within the upper-caste groups emerged in the INC, and Rajputs and Bhumihars became major challengers of the dominance of the Kayastha caste. This period saw the emergence of Bhumihars as the most-significant caste group within the INC; to counter the Bhumihars, Rajputs allied with Kayasthas, leading to intense inter-caste conflicts at all level of politics in Bihar and rise of caste-based political patronage, crippling the state's politics in later years.[35]

According to Sanjay Kumar, before 1990s, the dominance of the upper castes such as Rajputs, Brahmins, Bhumihars and Kayasthas in Bihari society, politics, the judiciary and bureaucracy prevented the implementation of land reforms in the state, which could have helped Scheduled Castes and Backwards castes. In the post-Mandal phase, Kurmi, Koeri and Yadav, the three backward castes who constitute the upper-OBC due to their advantageous position in the socio-economic sphere of agrarian society, became the new political elite of the state. One of the causes of this change was weakening of the INC in the state, which was long-dominated by upper castes. The rising Kulaks from the upper-OBC supported the Lok Dal political party for their emancipation and jostled with the erstwhile political elites, the upper castes. According to Sanjay Kumar, after a long, protracted struggle, the upper castes accepted the leadership of OBCs during this phase.[36]
In the recent decade, however, upper castes have returned to the power structure, holding prominent positions.[37]

Some of the leaders of the community also played important roles in the Rashtriya Janata Dal-led government, which includes Raghuvansh Prasad Singh, who conceptualised MNREGA, the biggest anti-poverty scheme in India.[38] Radha Mohan Singh has been credited for the growth of the BJP in the state while being state chief from 2006 to 2009.[39]

Present circumstances

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Rajputs of Bihar have been a socially dominant community, as they are fairly represented in the legislative assembly and legislative council of Bihar, despite risen hostility towards upper-castes.[40] This community also has largest representation in Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha MPs from Bihar.[41] According to a report of Institute of Human Development Studies, Brahmins topped the average per-capita income with Rs 28,093; Rajputs have an average per-capita income of Rs 20,655, closely followed by middle-agrarian castes such as Kushwahas and Kurmis, who earned Rs 18,811 and Rs 17,835, respectively, as their average per-capita income. In contrast, Yadavs’ income is one of the lowest among OBCs at Rs 12,314, which is slightly less than the rest of the OBCs at Rs 12,617. Despite the political mobilisation of backward castes in the post-Mandal period, Rajputs are still among the high-income groups in Bihar. According to this report, the economic benefits of the Mandal politics could be seen[by whom?] as affecting few backward castes of agrarian background, leading to their upward mobility.[42]

Kingdoms and chieftaincies founded by Rajputs in Bihar

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The Palace of Sonbarsa Raj

Notable people

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References

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  1. ^ Hira Singh (4 March 2014). Recasting Caste: From the Sacred to the Profane. SAGE Publishing India. p. 4. ISBN 9789351504030. Retrieved 17 December 2018.
  2. ^ Henry C. Hart (4 March 2019). Indira Gandhi's India. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-72607-1.
  3. ^ Carolyn Brown Heinz (3 June 2013). Peter Berger; Frank Heidemann (eds.). The Modern Anthropology of India: Ethnography, Themes and Theory. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-06118-1. The four dominant high caste groups (the forward castes)-Brahman, Bhumihar, Rajput, Kayastha-together constitute about 12 percent of the population. These are the old elite, from whose numbers came the major zamindars and land owning castes. The so-called Backward castes consisting of about half the population of Bihar, were further classified soon after independence into Upper Backward and Lower Backwards(Blair 1980). The upper backwards - Bania , Yadav, Kurmi and Koiri - constitute about 19 percent of the population, and now include most of the rising Kulak class of successful peasants who have acquired land, adopted improved agricultural technology, and become a powerful force in Bihar politics. This is true, above all, of the Yadavas. The lower backwards are shudra castes such as Barhi, Dhanuk, Kahar, Kumhar, Lohar, Mallah, Teli etc, about 32 percent of the population. The largest components of the scheduled castes(14 percent) are the Dusadh, Chamar, and Musahar, the Dalit groups who are in many parts of the statelocked in struggles for land and living wages and living wages with the rich peasants and landlords of the forward and upper backward castes
  4. ^ Seyed Hossein Zarhani (3 September 2018). Governance and Development in India: A Comparative Study on Andhra Pradesh and Bihar after Liberalization. Routledge. pp. 183, 210. ISBN 978-1-351-25518-9.
  5. ^ a b C. A. Bayly (19 May 1988). Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, 1770–1870. CUP Archive. pp. 18–19. ISBN 978-0-521-31054-3.
  6. ^ Barbara N. Ramusack (8 January 2004). The Indian Princes and their States. Cambridge University Press. pp. 14–15. ISBN 978-1-139-44908-3.
  7. ^ Kumkum Chatterjee (1996). Merchants, Politics, and Society in Early Modern India: Bihar, 1733–1820. BRILL. pp. 35–36. ISBN 90-04-10303-1.
  8. ^ Richard Gabriel Fox (1971). Kin, Clan, Raja, and Rule: Statehinterland Relations in Preindustrial India. University of California Press. pp. 68–69. ISBN 978-0-520-01807-5.
  9. ^ a b c Gyan Prakash (30 October 2003). Bonded Histories: Genealogies of Labor Servitude in Colonial India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 64–66. ISBN 978-0-521-52658-6.
  10. ^ Ahmad, Imtiaz (2008). "State Formation and Consolidation under the Ujjainiya Rajputs in Medieval Bihar: Testimony of Oral Traditions as Recorded in the Tawarikh-i-Ujjainiya". In Singh, Surinder; Gaur, I. D. (eds.). Popular Literature And Pre-Modern Societies In South Asia. Pearson Education India. pp. 76–77. ISBN 978-81-317-1358-7. Retrieved 2 January 2012.
  11. ^ Singh, Surinder; Gaur, I. D. (2008). Popular Literature and Pre-modern Societies in South Asia. Pearson Education India. p. 80. ISBN 978-81-317-1358-7.
  12. ^ Rizavī, Saiyada Najamula Razā (2004). Zamindars and Revenue Farmers of Eastern Uttar Pradesh: From Mughal to Colonial Rule. Anamika Pub & Distributors. p. 76. ISBN 978-81-7975-053-7.
  13. ^ Prakash, Gyan (30 October 2003). Bonded Histories: Genealogies of Labor Servitude in Colonial India. Cambridge University Press. p. 64. ISBN 978-0-521-52658-6.
  14. ^ Radhakrishna Choudhary. "Mithila In The Age Of Vidyapati". Chaukhambha Orientalia. pp. 131–132. Retrieved 14 January 2019.
  15. ^ Bhagwant Sahai (1984). The Journal Of The Bihar Puravid Parisad 1983 Vol. Vii And Viii. pp. 414, 418.
  16. ^ Bayly, C.A. (2012). Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion 1770-1870. p. 18.
  17. ^ Farooqui, Amar (2007). "The Subjugation of the Sindia State". In Ernst, Waltraud; Pati, Biswamoy (eds.). India's Princely States: People, Princes and Colonialism. Routledge. p. 57. ISBN 978-1-134-11988-2.
  18. ^ Dirk H. A. Kolff (1990). Naukar, Rajput, and Sepoy. Cambridge University Press. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-521-52305-9.
  19. ^ Jadunath Sarkar (1960). Military History of India. Orient Longmans(Original from the University of Virginia). pp. 56–61. ISBN 9780861251551. Retrieved 18 August 2020.
  20. ^ Thomas R. Metcalf (2015). Aftermath of Revolt: India 1857-1970. Princeton University Press. p. 299. ISBN 978-1400876648. Retrieved 28 May 2022.
  21. ^ Bindeshwar Ram (1997). Land and Society in India: Agrarian Relations in Colonial North Bihar. Orient Blackswan. pp. 12–13. ISBN 8125006435.
  22. ^ Shreedhar Narayan Pandey (1975). Education and Social Changes in Bihar, 1900-1921: A Survey of Social History of Bihar from Lord Curzon to Noncooperation Movement. Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 11–12. ISBN 0842609865. Retrieved 22 December 2020.
  23. ^ Nira Yuval-Davis; Kalpana Kannabiran; Ulrike Vieten (2006). The Situated Politics of Belonging. SAGE. p. 131. ISBN 1412921015. Retrieved 27 May 2022.
  24. ^ Ranabir Samaddar (3 March 2016). Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace. Routledge. pp. 168–. ISBN 978-1-317-12538-9.
  25. ^ Mendelsohn, Oliver; Vicziany, Marika (30 April 1998). The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the State in Modern India. Cambridge University Press. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-521-55671-2. In the case of the castes which lie in the bottom stratum of Bihari society, particularly the Untouchables, they too are acting out of a class as well as a caste logic. So their enemies are far from constant in terms of caste identity: Untouchables have violently clashed with Kurmis and Yadavs from the middle stratum, and Bhumihars, Rajputs and Brahmins from the upper stratum. The key characteristic of their opponents has not been caste identity but rather land control: in the particular region where violent conflict has become endemic, Untouchables have tended to come into conflict with those castes which happen to control the land. Nor is this a merely Bihari phenomenon: throughout India there have been reports of Untouchables coming into conflict with newly rising peasant communities, rather than simply their traditional exploiters from upper castes.
  26. ^ Badri Narayan (30 May 2013). Subhadra Mitra Channa; Joan P. Mencher (eds.). Life as a Dalit: Views from the Bottom on Caste in India. SAGE Publishing India. p. 420. ISBN 9788132118022. The so-called forward castes predominantly consist of the Brahman, Bhumihar, Rajput, and Kayastha communities. Among these, the Bhumihars and Rajputs are the dominant landowning castes who once ruled various parts of the state.
  27. ^ Vinita Damodaran (1992). Broken Promises: Popular Protest, Indian Nationalism, and the Congress Party in Bihar, 1935-1946. Oxford University Press. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-19-562979-8. The rape of lower-caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landowners was common in Shahabad where , by the 1930s , anger and resentment against the frequent violation of women were openly expressed on the platform of the Tribeni Sangh
  28. ^ Kaushal Kishore Sharma; Prabhakar Prasad Singh; Ranjan Kumar (1994). Peasant Struggles in Bihar, 1831-1992: Spontaneity to Organisation. Centre for Peasant Studies. p. 247. ISBN 9788185078885. According to them, before the emergence of Naxalism on the scene and consequent resistance on the part of these hapless fellows, "rape of lower caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landlords used to cause so much anguish among the lower cates, who, owing to their hapless situation, could not dare oppose them. In their own words, "within the social constraints , the suppressed sexual hunger of the predominant castes often found unrestricted outlet among the poor, lower caste of Bhojpur-notably Chamars and Mushars.
  29. ^ E M Rammohun; Amritpal Singh; A K Agarwal (2012). Maoist Insurgency and India's Internal Security Architecture. Vij Books India Pvt Ltd. p. 18. ISBN 978-9381411636. Retrieved 12 June 2022. Consider the oppression of the lower castes in Bihar. In Bhojpur district of Bihar, the lower castes lived in utter poverty and were also subjected to social exploitation. Kalyan Mukherjee and Rajender Singh Yadav described that the oppression of the lower castes at the hands of the upper castes did not flow from numerical superiority, but rather from niches in the economic hierarchy apropos land ownership and the monopoly over labour. Further the culture of violence ensured that the Chamar or the Musahar never raise their heads in protest. Though begar was a thing of the past, the banihar worked often for nothing. Wearing a clean dhoti, remaining seated in the presence of the master, even on a cot outside his own hut, walking erect were taboo. When the evenings fell or in lonely stretches of field, the rape of his womenfolk by the landlord's lathieths and scions complete a picture of unbridled Bumihar, Rajput over lordship.
  30. ^ Fernando Franco (2002). Pain and Awakening: The Dynamics of Dalit Identity in Bihar, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh. Indian Social Institute. p. 52. ISBN 9788187218463.
  31. ^ Ranabir Samaddar (2009). State of Justice In India Issues of Social Justice. SAGE Publications India. pp. 46, 65. ISBN 978-8132104193. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
  32. ^ a b Kelkar, Govind (1989). "Women and Land Rights Movements". Case Studies on Strengthening Co-ordination Between Non-governmental Organizations and Government Agencies in Promoting Social Development. United Nations (Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific). Sec. "Kisan Sabha and Kisan Samiti: Peasant Movemnts and Women (India)", pp.  72–73.
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