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Non-aggression principle

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Everything is allowed except aggression, defined as disproportional (non-similar) force,[1] meaning force that would exceed a target's momentary aggressiveness (see meter) defined as the total (cumulative) aggression applied by the target minus the cumulative force received (in response) by the target at that moment.
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The non-aggression principle (NAP), also called the non-aggression axiom, is the legal or moral rule that states that for every person, all ways of action with their property except aggression are permitted (also called good), where aggression is defined as the initiation of forceful action, and where forceful action is defined as 'the application or threat of' 'physical interference (property breach) or fraud (contract breach)', any of which without consent.[1][2] [3] [4][5][6][7] The principle is also called the non-initiation of force. [8] The principle incorporates universal enforceability.[9] In other words the principle represents the substantive law and also incorporates both the procedural law and the sanction law, and can as such be considered anarchic.

The non-aggression principle is considered by some to be an essential idea of right-libertarianism, voluntaryism, anarcho-capitalism or minarchism.[10][11][12][13]

Justifications

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The principle has been derived by various philosophical approaches, including:

  • Consequentialism: some advocates base the non-aggression principle on rule utilitarianism or rule egoism. These approaches hold that though violations of the non-aggression principle cannot be claimed to be objectively immoral, adherence to it almost always leads to the best possible results, and so it should be accepted as a moral rule. These scholars include David D. Friedman, Ludwig von Mises, and Friedrich Hayek.[14][failed verification]
  • Objectivism: Ayn Rand rejected natural or inborn rights theories as well as supernatural claims and instead proposed a philosophy based on "observable reality" along with a corresponding ethics based on the "factual requirements" of human life in a social context.[15] She stressed that the political principle of non-aggression is not a primary and that it only has validity as a consequence of a more fundamental philosophy. For this reason, many of her conclusions differ from others who hold the NAP as an axiom or arrived at it differently. She proposed that man survives by identifying and using concepts in his rational mind since "no sensations, percepts, urges or instincts can do it; only a mind can". She wrote, "since reason is man's basic means of survival, that which is proper to the life of a rational being is the good; that which negates, opposes or destroys it [i.e. initiatory force or fraud] is the evil."[16]
  • Argumentation ethics: some modern right-libertarian thinkers ground the non-aggression principle by an appeal to the necessary praxeological presuppositions of any ethical discourse, an argument pioneered by anarcho-capitalist scholar Hans Hermann Hoppe. They claim that the act of arguing for the initiation of aggression, as defined by the non-aggression principle, is contradictory. Among its advocates are Stephan Kinsella[17] and Murray Rothbard.[18]
  • Estoppel: Stephan Kinsella believes that the legal concept of estoppel implies and justifies the non-aggression principle.[19]

Causal interpretation and free-market consequences

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Main article: Negative and positive rights
See also: self-ownership

Negative and positive rights, according to the Rothbard-Berlin definition, are sovereignty claim rights where person A imposes on person B and obligation O, without declarative volition of B. In case obligation O is satisfied by refraining from actions of pure 'physical interference' with A's property, understood by necessary causation of a 'forceful circumstance', it is called a negative right and it is called a positive right otherwise.[20][21][22] To every claim right of person A to obligate person B corresponds the obligation on B, so the obligation corresponding to a negative right is called a 'negative obligation'[23] and an obligation corresponding to positive right a 'positive obligation'.[24] Examples of negative rights are natural right to self-ownership and property like land and territorial sovereignty of a government including possibly the right to enforce the law on all inhabitants. Examples of positive claim rights are intellectual property rights and personality rights when these are claimed to hold everywhere instead of only on property. A sale contract to receive a product is not a sovereignty claim right at all. Negative sovereignty claim rights can also be inviolability's against negligence torts on some person or thing. Defamation, free-market competition or refusal to offer a delivery service are not forms of damage that are tortuously necessarily caused by an action of pure 'physical interference'. Bans on these actions are positive obligations and the right to inviolability of these actions are positive rights.

Definitional issues

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Abortion

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See also: Libertarian perspectives on abortion

Both libertarian supporters and opponents of abortion rights justify their position on NAP grounds. One question to determine whether or not abortion is consistent with the NAP is at what stage of development a fertilized human egg cell can be considered a human being with the status and rights attributed to personhood. Some supporters of the NAP argue this occurs at the moment of conception while others argue that since the fetus lacks sentience until a certain stage of development, it does not qualify as a human being and may be considered property of the mother. On the other hand, opponents of abortion state that sentience is not a qualifying factor. They refer to the animal rights discussion and point out the argument from marginal cases that concludes the NAP also applies to non-sentient (i.e. mentally handicapped) humans.[25]

Another question is whether an unwelcome fetus should be considered to be an unauthorized trespasser in its mother's body.[26] The non-aggression principle does not protect trespassers from the owners of the property on which they are trespassing.[27]

Objectivist philosopher Leonard Peikoff has argued that a fetus has no right to life inside the womb because it is not an "independently existing, biologically formed organism, let alone a person".[28] Pro-choice libertarian Murray Rothbard held the same stance, maintaining that abortion is justified at any time during pregnancy if the fetus is no longer welcome inside its mother.[29] Similarly, other pro-choice supporters base their argument on criminal trespass.[30] In that case, they claim that the NAP is not violated when the fetus is forcibly removed, with deadly force if need be, from the mother's body, just as the NAP is not violated when an owner removes from the owner's property an unwanted visitor who is not willing to leave voluntarily. Libertarian theorist Walter Block follows this line of argument with his theory of evictionism, but he makes a distinction between evicting the fetus prematurely so that it dies and actively killing it. On the other hand, the theory of departurism permits only the non-lethal eviction of the trespassing fetus during a normal pregnancy.[31]

Anti-abortion libertarians such as Libertarians for Life argue that because the parents were actively involved in creating a new human life and that life has not consented to their own existence, that life is in the womb by necessity and no parasitism or trespassing in the form of legal necessity is involved. They state that as the parents are responsible for that life's position, the NAP would be violated when that life is killed with abortive techniques.[32]

Intellectual property rights

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See also: Libertarian perspectives on intellectual property

The NAP is applicable to any unauthorized actions towards a person's physical property. Supporters of the NAP disagree on whether it should apply to intellectual property rights as well as physical property rights.[33] Some argue that because intellectual concepts are non-rivalrous, intellectual property rights are unnecessary[34] while others argue that intellectual property rights are as valid and important as physical ones.[35]

Force and interventions

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Although the NAP is meant to guarantee an individual's sovereignty, libertarians greatly differ on the conditions under which the NAP applies. Especially unsolicited intervention by others, either to prevent society from being harmed by the individual's actions or to prevent an incompetent individual from being harmed by his own actions or inactions, is an important issue.[to whom?][36] The debate centers on topics such as the age of consent for children,[37][38][39] intervention counseling (i.e. for addicted persons, or in case of domestic violence),[40][41] involuntary commitment and involuntary treatment with regards to mental illness,[42] medical assistance (i.e. prolonged life support vs euthanasia in general and for the senile or comatose in particular),[43][44] human organ trade,[45][46][47] state paternalism (including economic interventionism)[48][49][50] and foreign intervention by states.[51][52] Other discussion topics on whether intervention is in line with the NAP include nuclear weapons proliferation,[53][54] human trafficking and immigration.[55][56][57]

Randian author Ronald Merill states that use of force is subjective, saying: "There's no objective basis for controlling the use of force. Your belief that you're using force to protect yourself is just an opinion; what if it is my opinion that you are violating my rights?"[58]

States

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Some libertarians justify the existence of a minimal state on the grounds that anarcho-capitalism implies that the non-aggression principle is optional because the enforcement of laws is open to competition.[59]

Anarcho-capitalists usually respond to this argument that this presumed outcome of what they call "coercive competition" (e.g., private military companies or private defense agencies that enforce local law) is not likely because of the very high cost, in lives and economically, of war. They claim that war drains those involved and leaves non-combatant parties as the most powerful, economically and militarily, ready to take over.[60][61][62] Therefore, anarcho-capitalists claim that in practice, and in more advanced societies with large institutions that have a responsibility to protect their vested interests, disputes are most likely to be settled peacefully.[63][64] Anarcho-capitalists also point out that a state monopoly of law enforcement does not necessarily make NAP present throughout society as corruption and corporatism, as well as lobby group clientelism in democracies, favor only certain people or organizations. Anarcho-capitalists aligned with the Rothbardian philosophy generally contend that the state violates the non-aggression principle by its very nature because, it is argued, governments necessarily use force against those who have not stolen private property, vandalized private property, assaulted anyone, or committed fraud.[63][65][66]

Taxation

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Some proponents of the NAP see taxes as a violation of NAP, while critics of the NAP argue that because of the free-rider problem in case security is a public good, enough funds would not be obtainable by voluntary means to protect individuals from aggression of a greater severity. Geolibertarians, who following the classical economists and Georgists adhere to the Lockean labor theory of property, argue that land value taxation is fully compatible with the NAP.

Anarcho-capitalists argue that the protection of individuals against aggression is self-sustaining like any other valuable service, and that it can be supplied without coercion by the free market much more effectively and efficiently than by a government monopoly.[67] Their approach, based on proportionality in justice and damage compensation, argues that full restitution is compatible with both retributivism and a utilitarian degree of deterrence while consistently maintaining NAP in a society.[61][68][69] They extend their argument to all public goods and services traditionally funded through taxation, like security offered by dikes.[70]

Support

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Supporters of the NAP often appeal to it in order to argue for the immorality of theft, vandalism, sexual assault, assault, and fraud. Compared to nonviolence, the non-aggression principle does not preclude violence used in self-defense or defense of others.[71] Many supporters argue that NAP opposes such policies as victimless crime laws, taxation, and military drafts. NAP is the foundation of libertarian philosophy.[17]

Criticism

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NAP faces two kinds of criticism: the first holds that the principle is immoral, and the second argues that it is impossible to apply consistently in practice; respectively, consequentialist or deontological criticisms, and inconsistency criticisms. Libertarian academic philosophers have noted the implausible results consistently applying the principle yields: for example, Professor Matt Zwolinski notes that, because pollution necessarily violates the NAP by encroaching (even if slightly) on other people's property, consistently applying the NAP would prohibit driving, starting a fire, and other activities necessary to the maintenance of industrial society.[72]

The NAP also faces definitional issues regarding what is understood as forceful interference and property, and under which conditions it applies.[73][74][75][76][77][78][79] The NAP has been criticized as circular reasoning and a rhetorical obfuscation of the coercive nature of right-libertarian property law enforcement because the principle redefines aggression in their own terms.[80]

Moral criticism

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Main article: Morality

Positive rights

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Critics argue that the non-aggression principle is not ethical because it opposes the initiation of force even when they would consider the results of such initiation to be morally superior to the alternatives that they have identified. In arguing against the NAP, philosopher Matt Zwolinski has proposed the following scenario: "Suppose that by imposing a very, very small tax on billionaires, I could provide life-saving vaccination for tens of thousands of desperately poor children. Even if we grant that taxation is aggression, and that aggression is generally wrong, is it really so obvious that the relatively minor aggression involved in these examples is wrong, given the tremendous benefit it produces?"[72]

Incompatibility with driving and other civilizational necessities

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Zwolinski also notes that the NAP is incompatible with any practice that produces any pollution, because pollution encroaches on the property rights of others. Therefore, the NAP prohibits both driving and starting fires. Citing David D. Friedman, Zwolinski notes that the NAP is unable to place a sensible limitation on risk-creating behavior, arguing:

Of course, almost everything we do imposes some risk of harm on innocent persons. We run this risk when we drive on the highway (what if we suffer a heart attack, or become distracted), or when we fly airplanes over populated areas. Most of us think that some of these risks are justifiable, while others are not, and that the difference between them has something to do with the size and likelihood of the risked harm, the importance of the risky activity, and the availability and cost of less risky activities. But considerations like this carry zero weight in the NAP's absolute prohibition on aggression. That principle seems compatible with only two possible rules: either all risks are permissible (because they are not really aggression until they actually result in a harm), or none are (because they are). And neither of these seems sensible.[72]

Some supporters argue that no one initiates force if their only option for self-defense is to use force against a greater number of people as long as they were not responsible for being in the position they are in. Murray Rothbard's and Walter Block's formulations of NAP avoid these objections by either specifying that the NAP applies only to a civilized context (and not "lifeboat situations") or that it applies only to legal rights (as opposed to general morality). Thus a starving man may, in consonance with general morality, break into a hunting cabin and steal food, but nevertheless he is aggressing, i.e., violating the NAP, and (by most rectification theories) should pay compensation.[81] Critics argue that the legal rights approach might allow people who can afford to pay a sufficiently large amount of compensation to get away with murder. They point out that local law may vary from proportional compensation to capital punishment to no compensation at all.[61]

Non-physical aggression

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Other critics state that the NAP is unethical because it does not provide for the violent prohibition of, and thereby supposedly legitimizes, several forms of aggression that do not involve intrusion on property rights such as verbal sexual harassment, defamation, boycotting, noninvasive striking etc. If a victim thus provoked would turn to physical violence, they would be labeled an aggressor according to the NAP. However, supporters of the NAP state that boycotting[82][83] and defamation[84][85] both constitute freedoms of speech and that boycotting,[82][83] noninvasive striking[83][86] and noninvasive discrimination[87] all constitute freedoms of association and that both freedoms of association and of speech are nonaggressive. Supporters also point out that prohibiting physical retaliation against an action is not itself condonement of said action,[88] and that generally there are other, nonphysical means by which one can combat social ills (e.g., discrimination) that do not violate the NAP.[83][87] Some supporters also state that while most of the time individuals choose voluntarily to engage in situations that may cause some degree of mental battering, this mental battering begins to constitute unauthorized physical overload of the senses (i.e., eardrum and retina) when it cannot be avoided and that the NAP at that point does apply.[32]

Many supporters consider verbal and written threats of imminent physical violence sufficient justification for a defensive response in a physical manner.[89][90] Those threats would then constitute a legitimate limit to permissible speech. Because freedom of association entails the right of owners to choose who is permitted to enter or remain on their premises, legitimate property owners may also impose limitation on speech. The owner of a theatre wishing to avoid a stampede may prohibit those on her property from calling 'fire!' without just cause.[91] However, the owner of a bank may not prohibit anyone from urging the general public to a bank run, except insofar as this occurs on the property of said owner.[82]

In a 1948 interview with Donald H. Kirkley for the Library of Congress, H. L. Mencken, a writer who influenced many libertarians, puts an ethical limit on the freedom of speech:

I believe there is a limit beyond which free speech cannot go, but it's a limit that's very seldom mentioned. It's the point where free speech begins to collide with the right to privacy. I do not think there are any other conditions to free speech. I've got a right to say and believe anything I please, but I have not got a right to press it on anybody else. [...] Nobody's got a right to be a nuisance to his neighbors.[92]

Supporters also consider physical threats of imminent physical violence (e.g. pointing a firearm at innocent people, or stocking up nuclear weapons that cannot be used discriminately against specific individual aggressors) sufficient justification for a defensive response in a physical manner. Those threats would then constitute a legitimate limit to permissible action.[93][94][90]

Inconsistency criticisms

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Main article: Applied ethics

Natural resources and environmental pollution

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Critics argue it is not possible to uphold NAP when protecting the environment as most pollution can never be traced back to the party that caused it. They therefore claim that only general broad government regulations will be able to protect the environment. Supporters cite the theoretical "tragedy of the commons"[clarification needed] and argue that free-market environmentalism will be much more effective in conserving nature.[95][96] Political theorist Hillel Steiner emphasizes that all things made come from natural resources and that the validity of any rights to those made things depends on the validity of the rights to the natural resources.[97] If land was stolen then anyone buying produce from that land would not be the legitimate owner of the goods. Also, if natural resources cannot be privately owned but are, and always will be, the property of all of mankind then NAP would be violated if such a resource would be used without everybody's consent (see the Lockean proviso and free-market anarchism).[98] Libertarian philosopher Roderick Long suggests that, as natural resources are required not only for the production of goods but for the production of the human body as well, the very concept of self-ownership can only exist if the land itself is privately owned.[99]

Relative rather than absolute concept

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Consequentialist libertarian David D. Friedman, who believes that the NAP should be understood as a relative rather than absolute principle, defends his view by using a Sorites argument. Friedman begins by stating what he considers obvious: a neighbor aiming his flashlight at someone's property is not aggression, or if it is, it is only aggression in a trivial technical sense. However, aiming at the same property with a gigawatt laser is certainly aggression by any reasonable definition. Yet both flashlight and laser shine photons onto the property, so there must be some cutoff point of how many photons one is permitted to shine upon a property before it is considered aggression. However, the cutoff point cannot be found by deduction alone because of the Sorites paradox, so the non-aggression principle is necessarily ambiguous. Friedman points out the difficulty of undertaking any activity that poses a certain amount of risk to third parties (e.g., flying) if the permission of thousands of people that might be affected by the activity is required.[100]

See also

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Notes

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References

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  1. ^ a b Hamowy, Ronald (2008). "Nonaggression Axiom". In Hamowy, Ronald (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage; Cato Institute. pp. 357–360. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n219. ISBN 978-1412965804. LCCN 2008009151. OCLC 750831024. The nonaggression axiom is an ethical principle often appealed to as a basis for libertarian rights theory. The principle forbids "aggression," which is understood to be any and all forcible interference with any individual's person or property except in response to the initiation (including, for most proponents of the principle, the threatening of initiation) of similar forcible interference on the part of that individual.
  2. ^ Rand, Ayn (1964). "The nature of government". en:The Virtue of Selfishness. p. 111. Citation (p. 108): "The necessary consequence of man's right to life is his right to self-defense. In a civilized society, force may be used only in retaliation and only against those who initiate its use." Citation (p. 110): "In a free society, men are not forced to deal with one another. They do so only by voluntary agreement and, when a time element is involved, by contract. If a contract is broken by the arbitrary decision of one man, it may cause a disastrous financial injury to the other—and the victim would have no recourse except to seize the offender's property as compensation. But here again, the use of force cannot be left to the decision of private individuals. And this leads to one of the most important and most complex functions of the government: to the function of an arbiter who settles disputes among men according to objective laws." Citation (p. 111): "A unilateral breach of contract involves an indirect use of 'physical force: it consists, in essence, of one man receiving the material values, goods or services of another, then refusing to pay for them and thus keeping them by force (by mere physical possession), not by right—i.e., keeping them without the consent of their owner. Fraud involves a similarly indirect use of force: it consists of obtaining material values without their owner's consent, under false pretenses or false promises. Extortion is another variant of an indirect use of force: it consists of obtaining material values, not in exchange for values, but by the threat of force, violence or injury."
  3. ^ Gustave de Molinari (1849). The Production of Security. Citation(p.53):"..and certain individuals will make criminal attempts, by violence or by fraud, against the persons or the property of others. Hence, the need for an industry that prevents or suppresses these forcible or fraudulent aggressions."
  4. ^ Murray Rothbard (1973). For A New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto.Citation (p. 27) "... that no man or group of men may aggress against the person or property of anyone else. This may be called the "nonaggression axiom." "Aggression" is defined as the initiation of the use or threat of physical violence against the person or property of anyone else."
  5. ^ Hans-Hermann Hoppe. The theory of socialism and capitalism (1989) (PDF). Citation (p. 22) "If ... an action is performed that uninvitedly invades or changes the physical integrity of another person's body and puts this body to a use that is not to this very person's own liking, this action, according to the natural position regarding property, is called aggression." Citation (p. 160)" "... according to the nonaggression principle a person can do with his body whatever he wants as long as he does not thereby aggress against another person's body"
  6. ^ Stephan Kinsella https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SzHEhMQaKbg&t=1209s
  7. ^ David D. Friedman (1989). Machinery of freedom (2nd ed.). Citation (p. 66): "Whether these institutions will produce a libertarian society—a society in which each person is free to do as he likes with himself and his property as long as he does not use either to initiate force against others—remains to be proven."
  8. ^ Rand, Ayn (1957). "Atlas Shrugged". en:Atlas Shrugged. Citation:"Whatever may be open to disagreement, there is one act of evil that may not, the act that no man may commit against others and no man may sanction or forgive. So long as men desire to live together, no man may initiate — do you hear me? no man may start — the use of physical force against others."
  9. ^ John Locke (1689). "Second treatise on government, Book II" (PDF). Citation ("State of Nature", B2,H2,§7): "And if any one in the state of nature may punish another for any evil he has done, every one may do so: for in that state of perfect equality, where naturally there is no superiority or jurisdiction of one over another, what any may do in prosecution of that law, every one must needs have a right to do." Citation (B2,C13,§155) "I say, using force upon the people without authority, .., is a state of war with the people, who have a right to reinstate their legislative in the exercise of their power: .. In all states and conditions, the true remedy of force without authority, is to oppose force to it. The use of force without authority, always puts him that uses it into a state of war, as the aggressor, and renders him liable to be treated accordingly."
  10. ^ "The Morality of Libertarianism". The Future of Freedom Foundation. October 2015. Retrieved 2016-03-16.
  11. ^ "The Non-Aggression Axiom of Libertarianism". Lew Rockwell. Retrieved 2016-03-22.
  12. ^ "What is the "non-aggression principle"?". Advocates for Small Government. Retrieved 2016-03-22.
  13. ^ "Discovering Libertarianism – Non-Aggression Principle". Young Americans for Liberty. Archived from the original on 2016-04-09. Retrieved 2016-03-22.
  14. ^ Norman P. Barry (January 1993). "Review Article: The New Liberalism". British Journal of Political Science. 13 (1): 93–123). doi:10.1017/s000712340000315x. JSTOR 193781. S2CID 154938624.
  15. ^ Craig Biddle. "Libertarianism vs. Radical Capitalism (The Objective Standard, Vol. 8 No. 4, Winter 2013-2014)". Archived from the original on 2013-11-12. Retrieved 2013-11-11.
  16. ^ Ayn Rand. "The Objectivist Ethics (The Virtue of Selfishness, 1961)". Retrieved 2012-11-05.
  17. ^ a b Stephan Kinsella. "The relation between the non-aggression principle and property rights (Mises Economics Blog, October 4, 2011)". Archived from the original on November 14, 2011. Retrieved 2011-11-25.
  18. ^ Murray N. Rothbard. "Hoppephobia (2004 LewRockwell.com reprint from Liberty, Vol. 3 No. 4, March 1990, pp. 11–12.)". Retrieved 2012-01-05.
  19. ^ Kinsella, Stephan. "Punishment and Proportionality: the Estoppel Approach." Journal of Libertarian Studies 12, No. 1 (1996): 51–73.
  20. ^ Rothbard, Murray (1982). "Isaiah Berlin on Negative Freedom". The Ethics of Liberty. Humanities Press. p. 248. ISBN 0391023713. A negative right is called the right to negative liberty, citation: "Superficially, Berlin's concept of negative liberty seems similar to the thesis of the present volume: that liberty is the absence of physically coercive interference or invasion of an individual's person and property.. Berlin's fundamental flaw was his failure to define negative liberty as the absence of physical interference with an individual's person and property, with his just property rights broadly defined."
  21. ^ Rand, Ayn (1988). The Ayn Rand lexicon: objectivism from A to Z. Penguin Publishing. p. 40. ISBN 978-0452010512. Citations p. 246: "As to his neighbors, his rights impose no obligations on them except of a negative kind: to abstain from violating his rights..", p. 40: "an individual's freedom from physical compulsion, coercion or interference"
  22. ^ Block, Walter (1986). The U.S. Bishops and Their Critics: An Ethical and Economic Perspective]. SSRN 1896495. Citation: "In classical philosophy, negative rights or negative liberty consist solely of the right not to have physical force, or the threat thereof, initiated against oneself. Each person, then, has the right not to be murdered, raped, robbed, assaulted, battered, etc. The doctrine of positive "rights," in contrast, typically holds that people have the right to food, clothing, shelter, and, depending on which variant is under discussion, to a reasonable lifestyle, to non-discriminatory behaviour, to meaningful relationships, to psychological well-being, to employment, to a decent wage, etc."
  23. ^ Homowy, Ronald (2008). "Individual Rights". The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. p. 246. Citation:"each person is born to a negative obligation to leave others in the peaceful enjoyment of their persons and their own property.. property rights are negative rights. In the absence of special complications, one's property rights only impose on others the duty not to trespass and to leave one free to do as one sees fit with oneself and one's own property"
  24. ^ Rothbard, Murray (1982). "Children and Rights". The Ethics of Liberty. Humanities Press. p. 139. ISBN 0391023713. Citation:"On the other hand, the very concept of "rights" is a "negative" one, demarcating the areas of a person's action that no man may properly interfere with. No man can therefore have a "right" to compel someone to do a positive act, for in that case the compulsion violates the right of person or property of the individual being coerced."
  25. ^ "Are libertarians pro choice or pro life? (Libertarian FAQ Wikipage, January 2, 2010)". Archived from the original on 2019-02-03. Retrieved 2011-11-15.
  26. ^ "Trespassing in the Womb – Stand to Reason". www.str.org. Retrieved 28 March 2018.
  27. ^ "Is Property Theft?". c4ss.org. Retrieved 28 March 2018.
  28. ^ Leonard Peikoff (29 March 2010). "Abortion Rights are Pro-Life". Retrieved 2011-11-16.
  29. ^ Murray N. Rothbard (20 July 1973). "For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto (1973, 1978, 2002 online ed, Chapter 6)". Retrieved 2011-11-16.
  30. ^ Walter Block. "Rejoinder to Wisniewski on Abortion (Libertarian Papers Vol. 2, Art. No. 32, 2010)" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-12-21.
  31. ^ Parr, Sean (2020). "Departurism: Gentleness and Practical Consistency in Trespasses Inside and Outside the Womb" (PDF). The Christian Libertarian Review. 3: 65. It is only the lethal (or otherwise debilitating) eviction of a fetus during a normal pregnancy that departurism views as discordant with gentleness and, thus, a violation of the NAP.
  32. ^ a b Dutton, Donald G. (2006). Rethinking Domestic Violence. Vancouver, BC, Canada: UBC Press. ISBN 978-1282741072.
  33. ^ Wendy McElroy (1995). Intellectual Property: The Late Nineteenth Century Libertarian Debate (Libertarian Alliance, 1995). Libertarian Alliance. ISBN 1856372812. Archived from the original on 2021-01-02. Retrieved 2011-11-17.
  34. ^ N. Stephan Kinsella. "Against Intellectual Property (Journal of Libertarian Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, Spring 2001, pp. 1–53)" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-11-17.
  35. ^ Lysander Spooner. "The Law of Intellectual Property: An Essay on the Right of Authors and Inventors to a Perpetual Property in Their Ideas (Bella Marsh, Boston, 1855)". Archived from the original on 2014-05-24. Retrieved 2011-11-17.
  36. ^ Nathaniel Branden. "Reflections on Self-Responsibility and Libertarianism (The Freeman April 2001, Vol. 51, No. 4)". Retrieved 2011-11-22.
  37. ^ Wayne Allyn Root. "Anarchism, Age of Consent Laws and the Dallas Accord (Crazy for Liberty, May 7, 2008)". Archived from the original on December 4, 2011. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
  38. ^ Lonely Libertarian. "Age of Consent (The Lonely Libertarian, April 25, 2008)". Retrieved 2011-11-22.
  39. ^ Max O'Connor. "Sex, Coercion, and the Age of Consent (Libertarian Alliance, 1981, ISBN 1856371905)" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-04-25. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
  40. ^ M J P A Janssens; et al. (2004). "Pressure and coercion in the care for the addicted: ethical perspectives (Journal of Medical Ethics, 2004, No. 30, pp. 453–58)" (PDF). Journal of Medical Ethics. 30 (5): 453–458. doi:10.1136/jme.2002.002212. PMC 1733929. PMID 15467076. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
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  88. ^ Murray N. Rothbard, in "Natural Law and Natural Rights," ch. 4, in "Introduction: Natural Law," pt. 1 of The Ethics of Liberty (New York, N. Y.: New York University Press, 1998; orig. 1982), p. 24.

    "Right" has cogently and trenchantly been defined by Professor Sadowsky:

    When we say that one has the right to do certain things we mean this and only this, that it would be immoral for another, alone or in combination, to stop him from doing this by the use of physical force or the threat thereof. We do not mean that any use a man makes of his property within the limits set forth is necessarily a moral use?

    Sadowsky's definition highlights the crucial distinction we shall make throughout this work between a man's right and the morality or immorality of his exercise of that right. We will contend that it is a man's right to do whatever he wishes with his person; it is his right not to be molested or interfered with by violence from exercising that right. But what may be the moral or immoral ways of exercising that right is a question of personal ethics rather than of political philosophy—which is concerned solely with matters of right, and of the proper or improper exercise of physical violence in human relations. The importance of this crucial distinction cannot be overemphasized. Or, as Elisha Hurlbut concisely put it: "The exercise of a faculty by an individual is its only use. The manner of its exercise is one thing; that involves a question of morals. The right to its exercise is another thing."

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