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Vietnamese nationalism

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Flag of Vietnam (1976–present)
Flag of old Vietnamese regimes (1948–1975), used by some Overseas Vietnamese communities and many Vietnamese anti-communists

Vietnamese nationalism (Vietnamese: chủ nghĩa dân tộc Việt Nam, or chủ nghĩa quốc gia Việt Nam) is a form of nationalism that asserts Vietnam as a sovereign state and unify Vietnamese citizens into a nation. It encompasses a broad range of ideas and sentiments harbored by the Vietnamese ethnicities (mainly Kinh people) in regards with national identity and interests.[citation needed]

A street banner in Hanoi at the end of World War II.

Some modern nationalist concepts in Vietnam focused on China, where anti-Chinese sentiment in Vietnam had been fueled in various forms, from South China Sea disputes, to cultural and historical grievances, and at some stage, finding Mongolian and Manchurian rule "less civilised" or had to repel against several dynasties from the north, housing Song and Ming refugees due to these empires.[1][2] Nationalism that promoted anti-French[3] views had also been prominent in the past. Vietnam's current government propaganda is also regarded as a synthesis of socialism and nationalism.[4] Long periods of foreign domination has also created the fear that Vietnam may be "reconquered", which also tends to serve as fuel for Vietnamese nationalism.[5][6]

History

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Prehistoric

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Semi-mythical figures such as the Hùng kings prior to Chinese rule in southern China and northern Vietnam from 2879 BC – 258 BC played a role in shaping Vietnam as a separate nation in the modern era. Such origin myths were exploited by the Viet elite as early as the 15th century as a catalyst for identity formation and unification under an imperial state. Under French rule and the early national period, these myths were integrated into the official historiography of Dai Viet.[7]

Nationalist historiography

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The historiography of Vietnam under Chinese rule has had substantial influence from French colonial scholarship and Vietnamese postcolonial national history writing. During the 19th century, the French promoted the view that Vietnam had little of its own culture and borrowed it almost entirely from China, which was mostly wrong as origin of Vietnamese culture was the Dong Son culture before being sinicized. They did this to try to justify European colonial rule in Vietnam. By portraying the Vietnamese as merely borrowers of civilization, the French colonisers situated themselves in a historical paradigm of "bringing civilization" to a "backwards region" of the world. French scholar Leonard Aurousseau argued that not only did Vietnam borrow culturally and politically from China, the population of Vietnam was also directly the result of migration from the state of Yue in China. This line of thought was followed by Joseph Buttinger, who authored the first English language history book on Vietnamese history. He believed that to fight off the Chinese, the Vietnamese had to become like the Chinese.[8]

The national school of Vietnamese history, portrays the period in "a militant, nationalistic, and very contemporary vision through which emerged a hypothetical substratum of an original Vietnam that was miraculously preserved throughout a millennium of the Chinese presence."[8] The national Vietnamese narrative depicts the Chinese as a corrupt and profit-driven people and merely the first of the foreign colonizing empires that were eventually driven from Vietnam. According to Catherine Churchman, this is not an entirely new historical tradition but a rewriting or updating of it, and has roots in Dai Viet, which portrayed itself as the Southern Empire equal to the Northern Empire (China). Dai Viet literati of the Trần and Lê dynasties sought an ancient origin for their autonomy prior to Chinese rule and traced their genealogy to Triệu Đà or the semi-legendary Hồng Bàng dynasty. They recorded that the Northern Empire suffered defeat for not respecting these views. However, scholars such as Nhi Hoang Thuc Nguyen argue that "the trope of a small country consistently repelling the China's cultural force is a recent, postcolonial, mid-20th-century construction".[1][9] Works by Japanese scholars in the 1970s as well as in the English language in the 1980s have taken on elements of the national school. Katakura Minoru's Chūgoku shihaika no betonamu emphasizes the innate characteristics of the Vietnamese people. Keith Taylor's The Birth of Vietnam (1983) asserts a strong continuity from the semi-legendary kingdoms of the Red River Plain to the founding of Dai Viet, which was the result of a thousand-year struggle against the Chinese that culminated in the restoration of Vietnamese sovereignty. Jennifer Holmgren's The Chinese Colonisation of Northern Vietnam uses Sinicization and Vietnamization as terms to refer to political and cultural change in different directions. Works following the national school of Vietnamese history retroactively assign Vietnamese group consciousness to past periods (Han-Tang era) based on evidence in later eras. The national school of Vietnamese history has remained practically unchanged since the 1980s and has become the national orthodoxy.[10]

The argument for an intrinsic, intractable, and distinctly Southeast Asian Vietnamese identity in the Red River Plain throughout history has been categorized by Catherine Churchman as context, cultural continuity, and resistance.[11] Context refers to the downplaying of similarities between Vietnam and China while emphasizing Vietnam's Southeast Asian identity in the postcolonial period. Cultural continuity refers to an intrinsic Vietnamese "cultural core" that has always existed in the Red River Plain since time immemorial . Resistance refers to the national struggle of the Vietnamese people against foreign aggressors. Proponents of this historical narrative, such as Nguyen Khac Vien, characterize the history of Vietnam under Chinese rule as a "steadfast popular resistance marked by armed insurrections against foreign domination", while opponents such as Churchman note the lack of evidence, anachronisms, linguistic problems, adherence to Chinese political and cultural norms, and similarities as well as differences with other peoples under Chinese rule.[12]

The Vietnamese national narrative has introduced anachronisms in order to prove a unified Vietnamese national consciousness. The word Viet/Yue is often used to refer to an ethnic group when it had various meanings throughout history. There was no terminology to describe a Chinese-Vietnamese dichotomy during the Han-Tang period nor was there a term to describe a cohesive group inhabiting the area between the Pearl River and the Red River.[13] During the Tang period, the indigenous people of Annan or Jinghai Circuit were referred to as the Wild Man (Wild Barbarians), the Li, or the Annamese (Annan people).[14][15] In addition, the national history tends to have a narrow view limited to modern national boundaries, leading to conclusions of exceptionalism. Although it is true that the political situation in the Red River Plain was less stable than in Guangzhou to the north, such circumstances were not restricted to the area. The Vietnamese national narrative retroactively assigns any local rebellions, the rise of local dynasties, and their local autonomy with the motive of seeking national independence.[16] Language has also been used as evidence for a distinct Vietnamese identity in the Han-Tang period. However, some research points to the formation of a Vietnamese language only afterward as the result of a creolization and language shift involving Middle Chinese.[11]

Nam tiến

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Main article: Nam tiến

Beginning in the 20th century under the auspices of nationalism, modern Vietnamese historiography coined the term nam tiến for what they believed to be a gradual, inevitable southern expansion of Vietnamese domains.[17][18] The nam tiến became one of the dominant themes of the narrative that Vietnamese nationalists created in the 20th century, alongside an emphasis on non-Chinese origin and Vietnamese homogeneity.[19]: 7  Within Vietnamese nationalism, it served as a romanticized conceptualization of the Vietnamese identity, especially in South Vietnam and modern Vietnam.[20]

During the Nam tiến period of the Nguyễn dynasty, Emperor Gia Long stated that "Hán di hữu hạn" (漢夷有限, "the Vietnamese and the barbarians must have clear borders") when differentiating between Khmer and the Vietnamese.[21] Emperor Minh Mạng, the son of Gia Long, stated with regards to the Vietnamese forcing the ethnic minorities to follow Sino-Vietnamese customs that "We must hope that their barbarian habits will be subconsciously dissipated, and that they will daily become more infected by Hán [Civilised] customs."[22] The Nguyễn dynasty under that influence once saw themselves as "Hán nhân" (Civilised people).[23][24]

Vietnamese anti-colonial period

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Hồ Chí Minh, leader of the Vietnamese communist movement

After French started to rule Vietnam (French Indochina), Vietnamese nationalism became driven by a sense of anticolonialism as evidence of French atrocities in Vietnam emerged.[25] The French sought to introduce Christianity to Vietnam, but the religion was viewed with suspicion from the rulers and French missionaries were executed, leading to war between France and Vietnam and eventual conquest of Vietnam under France.[26] Initially, there were attempts to "modernise" Vietnam with Western ways of thinking via France.[27] However, the oppressive colonial rule created a divide between the bourgeoises and the oppressed peasant class of Vietnam, causing leaders such as Ho Chi Minh to oppose French colonial rule, and found communism enticing during his time abroad, believing that it could be used to liberate the Vietnamese people.[28] Although Ho Chi Minh remains revered and controversial to this day, there were arguments that Ho Chi Minh was fundamentally a Vietnamese nationalist turned to communism.[29][30][31][32][33] A combination of French colonialism, followed by temporary Japanese occupation, and attempted French colonialism again further spurred Vietnamese nationalism and finally independence from foreign powers.[34]

Vietnam War and the Modern era

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During the Vietnam War, Vietnamese nationalism was split between Chinese and Soviet-allied North Vietnam and US and Western-backed South Vietnam.[35] Controversies continue to this day where communist symbols or the current Vietnam flag raised controversies within the South Vietnamese overseas diaspora, whilst the South Vietnam flag is disparaged in Communist-controlled Vietnam.[36][37]

Modern Vietnamese nationalism

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Flag of the Nationalist Party of Greater Vietnam, also adopted by the Vietnamese Nationalist Party later

Economy

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There has been a growing movement among Vietnamese by boycotting Chinese products, using Vietnamese-made products instead, or tending to prefer Japanese or Western-made products over Chinese products. "Made in China" can be seen as mass-produced cheap products but sometimes also of inferior quality.[38] The China-United States trade war since 2018 has also made other countries a beneficiary of the trade war.[39][40][41]

Territorial

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Further information: Vietnamese irredentism

The contentious South China Sea disputes (called East Sea in Vietnam) can become a flashpoint for nationalism to emerge.[42] The Barbie movie was banned over alleged drawings resembling the 9 dash or 11 dash line.[43]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ a b Nhi Hoang Thuc Nguyen (2017). "Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Contemporary Vietnam: Constructing Nationalism, New Democracy, and the Use of "the Other"" (PDF). Trinity University. Retrieved 21 January 2021.
  2. ^ Baldanza, Kathlene, ed. (2016), "A brief history of Annan", Ming China and Vietnam: Negotiating Borders in Early Modern Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 15–48, doi:10.1017/CBO9781316440551.004, ISBN 978-1-107-12424-0, retrieved 2023-10-14
  3. ^ Munholland, J. Kim (December 1975). "The French Response to the Vietnamese Nationalist Movement, 1905-14". The Journal of Modern History. 47 (4): 655–675. doi:10.1086/241371. S2CID 145604977. Retrieved 8 February 2021.
  4. ^ Moise 1988, p. 9.
  5. ^ "Restoration of Devastated Inland Forest in South-Vietnam". 1978. Retrieved 2023-12-26.
  6. ^ Baldanza, Kathlene, ed. (2016), "Ming China and Vietnam", Ming China and Vietnam: Negotiating Borders in Early Modern Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. i, ISBN 978-1-107-12424-0, retrieved 2023-10-30
  7. ^ Nguyen, Dieu Thi (2013). "A mythographical journey to modernity: The textual and symbolic transformations of the Hùng Kings founding myths". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies. 44 (2): 315–337. doi:10.1017/S002246341300009X. ISSN 0022-4634. JSTOR 43863030. S2CID 162651203.
  8. ^ a b Churchman 2016, p. 24.
  9. ^ Reid & Tran 2006, p. 5.
  10. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 24-25.
  11. ^ a b Churchman 2016, p. 27.
  12. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 27-29.
  13. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 26.
  14. ^ Schafer 1967, p. 53.
  15. ^ Taylor 1983, p. 149.
  16. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 26-27.
  17. ^ Reid, Anthony; Tran, Nhung Tuyet (2006). Viet Nam: Borderless Histories. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-316-44504-4.
  18. ^ Marr, David G. (2013). Vietnam: State, War, and Revolution (1945–1946). Philip E. Lilienthal book. Vol. 6 of From Indochina to Vietnam: Revolution and War in a Global Perspective (illustrated ed.). University of California Press. p. 123. ISBN 978-0520274150. ISSN 2691-0403.
  19. ^ Tran, Nhung Tuyet; Reid, Anthony, eds. (2006). Viet Nam: Borderless Histories. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 9780299217730.
  20. ^ Pelley, Patricia M. (2002). Postcolonial Vietnam: New Histories of the National Past. Duke University Press. p. 241. ISBN 978-0-822-32966-4.
  21. ^ Choi Byung Wook (2004). Southern Vietnam Under the Reign of Minh Mạng (1820–1841): Central Policies and Local Response. SEAP Publications. pp. 34–. ISBN 978-0-87727-138-3.
  22. ^ A. Dirk Moses (1 January 2008). Empire, Colony, Genocide: Conquest, Occupation, and Subaltern Resistance in World History. Berghahn Books. pp. 209–. ISBN 978-1-84545-452-4.
  23. ^ "Vietnam-Champa Relations and the Malay-Islam Regional Network in the 17th–19th Centuries". 17 June 2004. Retrieved 19 November 2017.[dead link]
  24. ^ Woodside, Alexander (1971). Vietnam and the Chinese Model: A Comparative Study of Vietnamese and Chinese Government in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century. Harvard Univ Asia Center. pp. 8–. ISBN 978-0-674-93721-5.
  25. ^ "The Yin And Yang Of Vietnamese Nationalism: Phan Chau Trinh And Phan Boi Chau's Thoughts On Vietnam's Independence". The Vietnamese Magazine. 2021-10-12. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  26. ^ Luong, Hy Van (2015-01-01), "Vietnamese Revolution, The", in Wright, James D. (ed.), International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), Oxford: Elsevier, pp. 95–99, ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5, retrieved 2023-09-29
  27. ^ Goscha, Christopher (2004-01-01). "'The Modern Barbarian': Nguyen Van Vinh and the Complexity Of Colonial Modernity in Vietnam". European Journal of East Asian Studies. 3 (1): 135–169. doi:10.1163/1570061033004758. ISSN 1568-0584.
  28. ^ Singh, Sudhir Kumar (2009). "Ho Chi Minh and Vietnam's Struggle for Freedom". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 70: 795–801. ISSN 2249-1937. JSTOR 44147726.
  29. ^ Moise 1988, pp. 6–22.
  30. ^ "COULD WE HAVE AVOIDED VIETNAM". The New York Times. 1981-01-11. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  31. ^ "U.S. Ignored Ho Chi Minh Pleas For Aid, Monitor Article Says". The New York Times. 1971-06-30. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  32. ^ "Milestones: 1953–1960 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  33. ^ Becker, Elizabeth (2021-06-09). "The Secrets and Lies of the Vietnam War, Exposed in One Epic Document". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  34. ^ "BBC - History - Historic Figures: Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969)". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 2023-09-30.
  35. ^ Young, Stephen B. (2018-03-10). "Opinion | Who Were the Real Nationalists in Vietnam?". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  36. ^ "Vietnamese Government Protests Release of Australian Commemorative Coin". thediplomat.com. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  37. ^ Nguyen, Quoc Tan Trung (2023-03-09). "Backlash against K-pop star Hanni shows Vietnam still struggles with the legacy of the war". The Conversation. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  38. ^ "Vietnamese Consumers Resist China as Officials Try to Get Along". VOA. 2017-08-25. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  39. ^ London, King's College. "Trade war between superpowers provides unexpected boost for Vietnam". phys.org. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  40. ^ "U.S. upgrades Vietnam ties as Biden blasts China for 'changing rules'". Nikkei Asia. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  41. ^ kmenke (2023-08-23). "In U.S.-China Trade War, Bystander Countries Increase Exports". UCLA Anderson Review. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  42. ^ Khanna, Ayesha (2014-06-01). "Will nationalism undo Asia's economic success?". Parag Khanna. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  43. ^ Schoenherr, Jordan Richard (2023-07-06). "What Vietnam's ban of the Barbie movie tells us about China's politics of persuasion". The Conversation. Retrieved 2023-10-08.

Bibliography

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  • Guillemot, François (2012) [2009]. "Penser le nationalisme révolutionnaire au Việt Nam : Identités politiques et itinéraires singuliers à la recherche d'une hypothétique « Troisième voie »". Moussons (13–14) (online ed.): 174–184. doi:10.4000/moussons.1043.
  • Miller, Edward (2017). "Paths to Power". In Ward, Geoffrey C.; Burns, Ken (eds.). The Vietnam War: An Intimate History. Knopf. pp. 44–49.
  • Moise, Edwin E. (1988). "Nationalism and Communism in Vietnam". Journal of Third World Studies. 5 (2). University Press of Florida: 6–22. JSTOR 45193059.
  • Vu, Tuong (2007). "Vietnamese Political Studies and Debates on Vietnamese Nationalism". Journal of Vietnamese Studies. 2 (2): 175–230. doi:10.1525/vs.2007.2.2.175.
  • Vu, Tuong (2014). "The Party v. the People: Anti-China Nationalism in Contemporary Vietnam". Journal of Vietnamese Studies. 9 (4): 33–66. doi:10.1525/vs.2014.9.4.33.

Further reading

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Dissertations
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