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Не один меньше

(Перенаправлено из Niunamenos (Аргентина) )
Перуанский марш #Nuanmenos 13 августа 2016 года см. Nuanmenmenos (Перу )

Не один меньше
Формация 2015
Тип Социальное движение
Расположение
  • Аргентина
Веб -сайт niunamenos.org.ar

Не меньше ( Испанский: [ni ˈuna ˈmenos] ; Испанский для «не одна [женщина] меньше»)-это латиноамериканская четвертая волна [ 1 ] [ 2 ] массовый [ 3 ] Феминистское движение , которое началось в Аргентине и распространилось по нескольким латиноамериканским странам, что проводит кампанию против гендерного насилия . Эта массовая мобилизация поступает в качестве ответа на различные системные проблемы, которые размножаются насилием в отношении женщин. На своем официальном веб -сайте Ni Una Menos определяет себя как «коллективный крик против в махистах ». насилия [ 4 ] Кампания была начата коллективом аргентинских женщин -художников, журналистов и ученых, и превратилась в «континентальный альянс феминистских сил». [ 5 ] Социальные сети были важным фактором в распространении движения Ni Una Menos в другие страны и регионы. Движение регулярно проводит протесты против женщин , но также затрагивает такие темы, как гендерные роли , сексуальные домогательства , разрыв в оплате труда , сексуальная объективация , законность абортов , права секс -работников и права трансгендеров .

The collective takes its name from a 1995 phrase by Mexican poet and activist Susana Chávez, "Ni una muerta más" (Spanish for "Not one more [woman] dead"), in protest to the female homicides in Ciudad Juárez. Chávez herself was assassinated in 2011, moment in which the phrase became a "symbol of struggle".[6][7]

Context for movement origin

[edit]

Latin America has incredibly high rates of femicide, or feminicide; at least 12 women suffer from gender-based violence daily. Additionally, 14 out of the 25 countries with the highest rates of gender-based violence can be found in Latin America.[8] The primary age group that is a victim of this sort of violence are young women aged 15–29.[9] Gender-based violence can be described as diverse tactics to keep women in a subordinate position in society.[10] The actual conditions and methods to exert violence can vary greatly. For example, they can range from murder in a civil war environment to being slapped in an otherwise peaceful home. Furthermore, defining victims of feminicide is slightly distinct from female victims of homicide. For a case to be classified as femicide, victims are killed because of their gender.[11] Nevertheless, this statistic may be higher and more nuanced because collecting accurate data is difficult. This pattern creates more barriers to institutionalizing practices that may protect women from gender-based violence.[8]

A factor that influences the prevalence of gender-based violence in Latin America is gender inequality. In Latin America, women are often more socially and economically disadvantaged compared to women in North America and Western Europe.[12] This may perpetuate dynamics where women are more likely to remain in relationships where they are experiencing abuse or violence.

Furthermore, many feminists point to institutional violence as a factor that proliferates more gender-based violence and femicide. They cite impunity for men within legal institutions as a mechanism that impedes women from achieving justice.[13] They argue that the legal system is built so that women face barriers or are improperly protected from violence. Researchers have concluded that the level of impunity in a country is an accurate predictor of higher rates of femicide.[13]

On the other hand, toxic masculinity, or machismo, is very prevalent in Latin America. These concepts refer to the notion that men are stronger than women and must assert control in order to protect them. However, they often incorporate an aggressive and exaggerated assertion of masculinity that can translate into a propensity for gender-based discrimination and gender-based violence.[11]

Lastly, gender-based violence is more common in areas that are more prone to cartel and gang violence. Violence against the female body is used as a tool to assert control and dominance.[14] Furthermore, as cartels expand they begin to delve into practices beyond drugs, including sexual exploitation and trafficking.[15] Moreover, it reiterates ideas of machismo and consequent female submissiveness. These patterns are prevalent in Latin America due to the amount of drug and cartel violence. In Central America, around 600,000 people are internally displaced due to gang violence.[14] On the other hand, levels of violence across the region have been increasing in the past couple of years.[16]

Across Latin America

[edit]

Argentina

[edit]
Ni Una Menos protest in Argentina in 2018. The green handkerchiefs are typically used to signal support for abortion legalization[17]

The Ni Una Menos movement was born in Argentina. The protest was organized after the murder of 14-year-old Chiara Paez, found buried underneath her boyfriend's house on May 11, 2015, because she wanted to keep the baby and he did not, so he beat her to death when she was a few weeks pregnant.[18] They were able to mobilize 200,000 people in Buenos Aires alone.[19] The movement was iterated as opposition to femicide and violence against women, but did not discuss more controversial topics originally.[20] The name Ni Una Menos can be roughly translated to "Not One [Woman] Less." This refers to not wanting any more women to die as a result of gender-based violence. The movement became nationally recognized with the use of the hashtag #NiUnaMenos on social media, title under which massive demonstrations were held on June 3, 2015, having the Palace of the Argentine National Congress as a main meeting point.[20] Since the first #NiUnaMenos in 2015, demonstrations take place every year in Argentina on June 3. Furthermore, the movement has continued to expand to other countries and regions due to its strong digital presence.[21] The transnational spread through the use of social media after the movement's birth in Argentina has allowed for different places to adapt to their local needs while maintaining a sense of solidarity.

On October 19, 2016 the Ni una menos collective organized a first-ever women mass strike in Argentina, in response to the murder of 16-year-old Lucía Pérez, who was raped and impaled in the coastal city of Mar del Plata.[22][23] It consisted of a one-hour pause from work and study early in the afternoon, with protesters dressed in mourning for what was known as Miércoles negro (Spanish for "Black Wednesday"). These protests became region-wide and gave the movement a greater international momentum, with street demonstrations also taking place in Chile, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico and Spain.[24][25]

As a direct result of Ni Una Menos protests, the Registry of Femicides and the Centre for the Registration, Systematisation, and Monitoring of Feminicides were created to keep a better record of gender-based violence. The government also established the Ministry for Women, Gender, and Diversity.[26] Moreover, Ni Una Menos protests in Argentina are credited as a catalyst for the legalization of first-trimester elective abortion on December 30, 2020.[27] The movement drifted from their original mission to combat violence against women and adopted abortion rights as a key issue in the movement. The vastness of the protests caused abortion to become a salient topic in the Argentine legislature and caused more people to support its legalization.[28]

Peru

[edit]
Ni Una Menos protest in Peru.

In Peru, over 30% of women report suffering physical violence at the hands of a spouse in their lifetime.[29] Further, in a 2006 World Health Organization survey, they found that Peru had the highest rates of violence in the region with 61% reporting violence experiencing violence at the hands of an intimate partner.[30] The NiUnaMenos (Peru) movement was sparked in July 2016 when Adriano Pozo Arias, a known abuser, was released from jail. A video captures him attacking his girlfriend, Cindy Arlette Contreras Bautista. He was convicted and sent to jail but only served a one-year sentence. Another case that impulsed Peruvians into action was when Ronny Garcia beat Lady Guillen.[31] The resulting protest on August 13, 2016 has been recognized as the largest protest in Peruvian history with hundreds of thousands of people in attendance in Lima.[32] People were mobilized and the march's logistics were planned over Facebook as tensions and frustrations about high levels of feminicide and the lack of a strong state response to this issue increased.[31] There have been subsequent Ni Una Menos marches in Peru on 2017[33] and 2018.[34]

In Peru, there has been considerable backlash against the adoption of abortion rights as an issue Ni Una Menos is championing for. Cardinal Juan Luis Cipriani, a prominent religious leader condemned the legalization of abortion in cases of child rape and the expansion of sex education courses in schools.[35] He has even organized counterprotests to proliferate his opposing, more conservative beliefs.

Mexico

[edit]

Historically, Mexico has been a country with one the highest femicide rates in Latin America. From the years 2015-2021, Mexico had a 135% increase of femicide, going from 427 victims to a little above 1,000 victims.[36] In Mexico, the Ni Una Menos movement has been observed to be prevalent and active. While there have been many street demonstrations following the Ni Una Menos movement in Mexico, there was a bigger nationwide strike and Ni Una Menos protest on March 9, 2020. This protest consisted of women only staying home, meaning women didn’t go to school, work, or any public place. This nationwide strike was carried out due to the lack of government involvement and cooperation to address and handle femicide, domestic violence, and other issues. Albeit, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Ni Una Menos demonstrations or organizing were deterred, and femicide cases during the pandemic continued to increase.[36] However, recently, a few efforts have been seen by the Mexican government to address some of these concerns. For example, there is a prosecutor’s office that is dedicated to gender crimes, including femicides.[36] Nevertheless, femicide is still an ongoing issue and a tragic reality for many women in Mexico, and other countries across Latin America.[36]

Puerto Rico

[edit]

In 2018, Puerto Rico reported high rates of femicide, with an estimated femicide per week on average. In 2020, Puerto Rico reported 60 femicide cases. Moreover, Puerto Rico declared a state of emergency against gender-based violence and femicide in January 2021.[37] Despite declaring a state of emergency against gender-based violence, femicide rates continued. Within the same year, the news of the killings of two femicide cases in Puerto Rico was widespread and as a result, they received a lot of national attention and a big turnout for the Ni Una Menos demonstration on May 2, 2021.[38] These cases were the cases of Andrea Ruiz Costas and Keishla Rodríguez Ortiz. Andrea Ruiz Costas was killed by her abusive ex-boyfriend in April 2021, after the court rejected the protection order she filed against him. Days later, on May 1, the body of Keishla Rodríguez Ortiz was found in the San Jose Lagoon, located next to the San Juan’s Teodoro Moscoso Bridge, where the demonstration took place. Keishla was pregnant when her famous boxer boyfriend, Felix Verdejo, killed her.[38] As a result, activists and other Puerto Rican civilians took to the San Juan Teodoro Moscoso Bridge to protest against femicide and to call for justice for these victims. Hundreds of people showed up to the demonstration and shut down the bridge, stopping traffic and usage of the bridge. Protestors had signs with “Ni Una Menos” written on them and cars that blocked the lanes with the same phrase written on them. These protestors advocated for and preached the slogan, aligning themselves with the movement, as they were calling for an end to gender-based violence and femicide.[38]

The Impact of the Ni Una Menos Movement Within Other Movements

[edit]

The Green Tide

[edit]

While the Ni Una Menos movement is broader and extensive, this movement has inspired and has been incorporated or infused within other movements. This is seen in the Green Tide movement. The Green Tide movement refers to the movement in Latin America that fights for reproductive justice such as the legalization of abortion, which is heavily promoted through the usage of green bandanas or green scarves. The green bandanas were originally a symbol that represented the right to legalized abortions used by the National Campaign for Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion. This campaign is a campaign from Argentina that presented a bill in 2003, calling for the legalization of abortion, however, they had no luck in passing it.[39] While the symbol and representation behind the green scarf were first started by the National Campaign for Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion, the Ni Una Menos movement is what popularized it and spread the symbol across Latin America. Many Ni Una Menos protests and demonstrations in Latin America are accompanied by green bandanas/ scarves. Along with these green pañuelos or bandanas, were many chants, such as the chant “Las ricas abortan, las pobres mueren”, meaning the rich women abort, while the poor women die, highlighting the injustices and disproportionate inequalities that affect poor women due to the inaccessibility to a legal abortion.[39] Although the Ni Una Menos movement’s prime objective is to fight against femicide and domestic abuse, general women’s rights such as the right to an abortion were heavily integrated into the movement. With many Ni Una Menos protests accompanied by the green scarves and the green movement, on December 30, 2020, abortion of up to 14 weeks of pregnancy was legalized in Argentina, the heart and origin of the movement.[39] The presence of the Green Tide due to the Ni Una Menos movement was seen in many Latin American countries, such as Mexico, and as a result, curated law changes in favor of the movement's ideals. In September 2021, the Mexican Supreme Court declared that abortions would no longer be criminalized. Furthermore, every year on September 28, International Safe Abortion Day, and March 8, International Women’s Day, cities across Latin America become visually green, as they are filled with green pañuelos and green bandana demonstrations, showing the impact of the green tide that was preached by the Ni Una Menos movement.[39]

Justicia para Nuestras Hijas

[edit]

Another movement that incorporates Ni Una Menos values is the organization, Justicia para Nuestras Hijas, or Justice for Our Daughters. Justicia para Nuestras Hijas is an activist group that advocates for the rights and justice of femicide victims in Chihuahua, Mexico. This group is made up of family members and activists who seek justice for their daughters and want an end to femicide in Mexico. Due to the lack of proper investigation and government negligence, this organization conducts its own investigations to acquire justice for femicide victims or missing women.[40] When there are public demonstrations or protests on the streets by this group, they carry a pink cross as their symbol. On this pink cross is the phrase “Ni Una Menos”. This group carries on the message and incorporates the values of the Ni Unas Menos movement as the movement fights against femicide.[40]

Diversity

[edit]

The Ni Una Menos has been a welcoming movement that has created a safe space for people of many different intersectionalities. The movement's diversity encourages younger generations to join the movement regardless of their backgrounds and identities. The movement's diversity also plays into part in why it has been successful and why it has been so widespread across Latin America. The inclusion and welcoming of Black, indigenous, trans, and queer women has allowed the movement to gain a lot of support and followers. The movement is not limited to one identity or one certain woman but instead accounts for many women and the many intersectionalities that encompass Latin America.[41][42] While other movements such as the #MeToo movement are critiqued by feminist scholars, such as Angela Davis, for the lack of inclusion and taking into account structural issues such as race, the Ni Una Menos movement acknowledges structural issues such as race and gender in society.[42] By using intersectional feminism, the Ni Una Menos movement is able to address issues affecting women with a broader perspective and can connect issues such as femicide to other gender and racial issues prevalent in society.[42]

The Queer Community

[edit]

While it is not exactly clear where the Ni Una Menos collective stands with queer rights, queer issues, and other related issues, the Ni Una Menos is known to be an intersectional and welcoming movement where the LGBTQ+ community is embraced and active in Ni Una Menos demonstrations, aligning themselves with an LGBTQ+ rights agenda.[35][43] For example, in 2018, the Ni Una Menos movement organized a global stance against patriarchy that was called the “Orgasmarathon”. This event was an international and global orgasm that intended to include and preach for the necessities and aspirations of feminists and the LGBTQ+ community.[43] This event was spread on social media to reach international participation, where women from wherever they were located, were encouraged to engage in self-pleasure and be a part of what was explained to be a “sexual revolution” by the Ni Una Menos collective, whilst embracing different sexualities and identities within the broader Ni Una Menos movement. This event occurred on the same day as the 2018 International Women’s Strike, on March 8 at midnight.[43]

Beyond Latin America

[edit]

United States

[edit]
#MeToo sign at the 2018 Women's March in New York

The Ni Una Menos movement expressed itself as the large scale #MeToo Movement in the United States. Their missions are somewhat different since MeToo focuses on calling out perpetrators of sexual assault and harassment in positions of power, while Ni Una Menos pays more attention to femicide specifically. They share themes of improving the situation of violence against women and secured much of their support from social media. Moreover, #MeToo has collaborated with Ni Una Menos as they did for the International Women's Strike in 2017.[44][45] They have also pointed to Ni Una Menos as an inspiration to their activism. The #MeToo Movement began in 2017, a couple of years after the first protest in Argentina and the movement had begun to spread throughout the rest of South America and the Caribbean. It was a reaction to Harvey Weinstein's continued inappropriate sexual behavior.[46] Several actresses, including Alyssa Milano, took to social media to denounce Weinstein. They also encouraged other women to share experiences within the same industry with other perpetrators. This initiative expanded to other industries and people in power within them. The purpose of the movement was for women to find solidarity, support, and a safe space to share their stories of sexual assault and harassment.[47] The phrase "Me Too" was originally coined by Tarana Burke in 2007 to encourage survivors to speak out. However, it became more mainstream once it reached social media in 2017.[48]  

Criticism and Backlash

[edit]

The basis of the Ni Una Menos movement is that women face disproportionate violence due to their gender. Some critics counter this assertion with the fact that in aggregate men face more violence than women.[49] Some respond to this by reframing feminicide as an effect of a patriarchal society that has negative consequences for everybody that lives within it. Meanwhile, others simply reject the movement.

Milagro Sala, a figure in Argentine social and political spheres.

On the other hand, Ni Una Menos strategically establishes itself as a movement against gender based violence. While many members of the movement champion for other aspects of women's liberation, such as abortion rights and LGBTQ+ rights, the movement has not adopted an official position for either of these.[35] However, there still are strong indicators that the rise of the Ni Una Menos movement facilitated the abortion legalization process in Argentina.[28] Conservative and religious sectors across Latin America have opposed the overlap between people that support the Ni Una Menos movement and these other rights.

The movement has been criticized by some journalists, especially since 2017, for some of its demands, such as the freedom of Milagro Sala in Argentina.[50]

See also

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References

[edit]
  1. ^ Young, Linda (11 December 2017). "A Women's Strike Organizer on Feminism for the 99 Percent". Broadly. Vice Media. Archived from the original on 7 May 2018. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
  2. ^ Branigan, Claire; Palmeiro, Cecilia (8 March 2018). "Women Strike in Latin America and Beyond". North American Congress on Latin America. Archived from the original on 26 December 2021. Retrieved 4 October 2021.
  3. ^ Palmer, Rose (15 December 2017). "Ni Una Menos: An Uprising of Women in Argentina". Culture Trip. Archived from the original on 26 December 2021. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
  4. ^ "Qué es Ni una menos" (in Spanish). Ni una menos. Archived from the original on 20 May 2018. Retrieved 21 April 2017.
  5. ^ Gago, Verónica; Santomaso, Agustina (7 March 2017). "Argentina's Life-or-Death Women's Movement". Jacobin. Bhaskar Sunkara. Archived from the original on 21 March 2019. Retrieved 25 April 2017.
  6. ^ "#NiUnaMenos: ¿Quién fue la autora de la consigna que une a miles contra la violencia de género?" (in Spanish). Minutouno.com. 3 June 2015. Archived from the original on 11 September 2017. Retrieved 26 March 2018.
  7. ^ Subirana Abanto, Katherine (4 March 2018). "El tiempo de la acción". El Comercio (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 27 March 2018. Retrieved 26 March 2018.
  8. ^ Jump up to: a b "Exploring the Data: The Prevalence of Gender-based Violence in Latin America | Wilson Center". gbv.wilsoncenter.org. Archived from the original on 19 April 2023. Retrieved 27 February 2023.
  9. ^ Caribbean, Economic Commission for Latin America and the (24 November 2022). "ECLAC: At Least 4,473 Women Were Victims of Femicide in Latin America and the Caribbean in 2021". www.cepal.org (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 23 March 2023. Retrieved 27 February 2023.
  10. ^ Wilson, Tamar Diana (2014). "Introduction: Violence against Women in Latin America". Latin American Perspectives. 41 (1): 3–18. doi:10.1177/0094582X13492143. ISSN 0094-582X. JSTOR 24573973. Archived from the original on 16 February 2023. Retrieved 1 May 2023.
  11. ^ Jump up to: a b "Machismo, Femicides, and Child's Play: Gender Violence in Mexico". Harvard International Review. 19 May 2020. Archived from the original on 29 January 2023. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  12. ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 February 2023. Retrieved 24 April 2023.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  13. ^ Jump up to: a b Saccomano, Celeste (2017). "El feminicidio en América Latina: ¿vacío legal o déficit del Estado de derecho? / Feminicide in Latin America: legal vacuum or deficit in the rule of law?". Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals (117): 51–78. doi:10.24241/rcai.2017.117.3.51 (inactive 22 June 2024). ISSN 1133-6595. JSTOR 26388133.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of June 2024 (link)
  14. ^ Jump up to: a b "Violence Against Women by Cartels and Gangs in El Salvador, Honduras - Weaponisation of Female Bodi". The Security Distillery. 12 February 2021. Archived from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  15. ^ Mohor W., Daniela (4 June 2022). "As drug cartels expand their reach across Latin America, Chile takes a hit". CNN. Archived from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  16. ^ "Rising violence in the last year can intensify humanitarian crises in Latin America: IRC | International Rescue Committee (IRC)". www.rescue.org. Archived from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  17. ^ "Why we continue to march towards legal abortion in Argentina". Amnesty International. 8 August 2019. Archived from the original on 1 May 2023. Retrieved 1 May 2023.
  18. ^ Pomeraniec, Hinde (8 June 2015). "How Argentina rose up against the murder of women". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 21 March 2019. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
  19. ^ Justice, Adam (4 June 2015). "Argentina: 200,000 rally against femicide and domestic violence in Buenos Aires". International Business Times UK. Archived from the original on 26 August 2018. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
  20. ^ Jump up to: a b Rabinovich, Andrés. "#NiUnaMenos" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 30 March 2023. Retrieved 4 May 2023. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  21. ^ Piatti-Crocker, Adriana (23 November 2021). "Diffusion of #NiUnaMenos in Latin America: Social Protests Amid a Pandemic". Journal of International Women's Studies. 22 (12): 7–24. ISSN 1539-8706. Archived from the original on 13 February 2023. Retrieved 20 February 2023.
  22. ^ "#NiUnaMenos: Not One Woman Less, Not One More Death!". NACLA. Archived from the original on 8 May 2023. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
  23. ^ "El "aberrante" empalamiento de una niña de 16 años indigna a Argentina". BBC News Mundo (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 5 March 2019. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
  24. ^ Gordon, Sarah (21 October 2016). "NiUnaMenos: How the brutal gang rape and murder of a schoolgirl united the furious women of Latin America". The Telegraph. ISSN 0307-1235. Archived from the original on 21 September 2018. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
  25. ^ Goñi, Uki (20 October 2016). "Argentina's women joined across South America in marches against violence". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 3 May 2019. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
  26. ^ "BOLETIN OFICIAL REPUBLICA ARGENTINA - LEY DE MINISTERIOS - Decreto 7/2019". www.boletinoficial.gob.ar. Archived from the original on 8 February 2024. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
  27. ^ Полити, Даниэль; Лондоньо, Эрнесто (30 декабря 2020 г.). «Аборт легализации Аргины, Майлзонеоне в консервативном регионе » New York Times ISSN   0362-4 Архивировано октября из оригинала 21 Получено 30 апреля
  28. ^ Jump up to: а беременный Даби, Мариела; Мозли, Мейсон В. (июнь 2022 г.). «Феминистская мобилизация и дебаты об абортах в Латинской Америке: уроки из Аргентины» . Политика и пол . 18 (2): 359–393. doi : 10.1017/s1743923x20000197 . ISSN   1743-923x . S2CID   233957209 . Архивировано из оригинала 30 апреля 2023 года . Получено 4 мая 2023 года .
  29. ^ «Гендерное насилие. Таблица 8.1 Perǘ: физическое насилие в отношении женщин, когда -то осуществляемое мужем или партнером, согласно географическому объему ». Национальный статистический институт (на испанском). 2015. Получено 13 августа 2016 года.
  30. ^ Уилсон, Тамар Диана (2014). «Введение: насилие в отношении женщин в Латинской Америке» . Латиноамериканские перспективы . 41 (1): 3–18. doi : 10.1177/0094582x13492143 . ISSN   0094-582X . JSTOR   24573973 . Архивировано из оригинала 16 февраля 2023 года . Получено 1 мая 2023 года .
  31. ^ Jump up to: а беременный Shock, Франклин Америко Каназа (4 января 2021 года). «Для наших мертвых . Puriq (на испанском). 3 (1): 11–25. Doi : 10.37073/puriq.3.1.107 . ISSN   2707-3602 . S2CID   234215823 . Арчндд из оригинала 6 мая 2023 года . Получено 4 мая 2023 года .
  32. ^ "La Lagar March" Diario Noo (на испанском). 14 августа,
  33. ^ Peru.com, News (26 ноября 2017 г.). «#Niunamenos: Это был марш в Лиме против насилия с женщинами | Новостями » . Peru.com (на испанском). Арчндд из оригинала 4 мая 2023 года . Получено 1 мая 2023 года .
  34. ^ Коллинс, Дэн (5 июня 2018 г.). «Ярость из -за реакции президента Перу на убийство женщины Сталкером» . Хранитель . ISSN   0261-3077 . Архивировано из оригинала 3 мая 2023 года . Получено 1 мая 2023 года .
  35. ^ Jump up to: а беременный в «Не менее консервативная реакция в взглядах/ и не сталкивается с консервативной реакцией » . Накла Арчндд из оригинала 10 июня 2023 года . Получено 27 февраля 2023 года .
  36. ^ Jump up to: а беременный в дюймовый «Продолжающаяся борьба с женственным бедствием в Латинской Америке» . Обзор международных отношений . 25 мая 2023 года. Архивировано с оригинала 7 декабря 2023 года . Получено 29 ноября 2023 года .
  37. ^ Going, Кларисса (23 января 2023 г.). «Проблема гендерного насилия Пуэрто -Рико, в контексте» . Пасквины . Архивировано из оригинала 7 декабря 2023 года . Получено 6 декабря 2023 года .
  38. ^ Jump up to: а беременный в Джексон, Jhoni (3 мая 2021 г.). «Сотни людей выходят на улицы Пуэрто -Рико, чтобы протестовать против двух женщин» . Remezcla . Архивировано из оригинала 7 декабря 2023 года . Получено 6 декабря 2023 года .
  39. ^ Jump up to: а беременный в дюймовый Чедиак, Джойс. «Зеленый прилив Латинской Америки: Солидарность доступа к абортам рабочих женщин не знает границ - освободительные новости» . Освободительные новости . Архивировано из оригинала 7 декабря 2023 года . Получено 29 ноября 2023 года .
  40. ^ Jump up to: а беременный Бежарано, Синтия; Fregoso, Rosa-Linda (2010). Терроризирующие женщины: феминицид в Америке . Герцогский издательство Университета Герцога. ISBN  978-0-8223-9264-4 . {{cite book}}: Cs1 maint: несколько имен: список авторов ( ссылка )
  41. ^ Фридман, Элизабет Джей; Родригес Густа, Ана Лора (20 февраля 2023 г.). « Добро пожаловать в революцию»: пропаганда обновления поколений в Аргентине Ni Una Menos » . Качественная социология . 46 (2): 245–277. doi : 10.1007/s11133-023-09530-0 . ISSN   0162-0436 . PMC   9940077 . PMID   36846824 .
  42. ^ Jump up to: а беременный в Шагуффта Чима, Икра (2023). Shagufta Cheema, Iqra (ред.). "Другой #Metos" . Нью -Йорк: издательство Оксфордского университета. п. 86-C5P63. Doi : 10.1093/oso/9780197619872.001.0001 . ISBN  978-0-19-761987-2 Полем Получено 6 декабря 2023 года .
  43. ^ Jump up to: а беременный в Соса, Сесилия (24 марта 2021 года). «Траур, активизм и странные желания: не меньше, а Карри - дочери огня » . Латиноамериканские перспективы . 48 (2): 137–154. Doi : 10.1177/0094582x20988699 . HDL : 11336/166567 . ISSN   0094-582X .
  44. ^ Битли, Меган (9 марта 2017 г.). «Познакомьтесь с аргентинскими женщинами, стоящими за Ni Una Menos, феминистская коллектив Анджела Дэвис называет вдохновением» . Remezcla. REMEZCLA LLC. Архивировано из оригинала 26 апреля 2017 года . Получено 25 апреля 2017 года .
  45. ^ Алкофф, Линда Мартин ; Арруза, Чинсия; Бхаттачарья, Тти; Фрейзер, Нэнси ; Рансби, Барбара; Тейлор, Кейанга-Ямахтта; Odeh, Rasmea ; Дэвис, Анжела (6 февраля 2017 г.). «Женщины Америки: мы собираемся на забастовку. Присоединяйтесь к нам, чтобы Трамп увидел нашу власть» . TheGuardian.com . Архивировано из оригинала 5 мая 2019 года . Получено 25 апреля 2017 года .
  46. ^ Sarbanes, Джанет (2022), «о новых формах автономной политики в нашу эпоху и в новом режиме обучения» , «Письма на проект автономии» , «Пунктум книги», стр. 119–126, JStor   J.Ctv2mm2113.16 , архивировано из Оригинал 5 мая 2023 года , извлечен 2 мая 2023 г.
  47. ^ «Познакомьтесь с нами | Наше видение и теория изменений» . я тоже. Движение . Архивировано из оригинала 2 мая 2023 года . Получено 2 мая 2023 года .
  48. ^ Тамбе, Ашвини (2018). «Расчет с молчанием #MeToo» . Феминистские исследования . 44 (1): 197–203. doi : 10.15767/feministstudies.44.1.0197 . ISSN   0046-3663 . JSTOR   10.15767/FEMINISTSTUDIES.44.1.0197 . S2CID   150244127 . Архивировано из оригинала 2 мая 2023 года . Получено 4 мая 2023 года .
  49. ^ Арсе, Хосе Мануэль Валенсуэла (2020). «Ни один еще». Не один: предает ли борьба с феминицидом феминизм? Полем Исследовательские процессы и символическое насилие. Clacso стр. 77–96. Doi : 10.2307/j.ctv1gm02x8.7 . JSTOR   J.CTV1GM02X8.7 . S2CID   191853865 . Арчндд из оригинала 6 мая 2023 года . Получено 30 апреля 2023 года . {{cite book}}: |work= игнорируется ( помощь )
  50. ^ «Политизация Ni на один меньше: грубые дебаты во внутриотрасных. Посмотрите на видео » . Несчастный (на испанском). Infobae 5 JNE 2017. Арчндд из оригинала 12 октября . Получено 25 июня 2017 года .
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