Национальная либеральная партия (Германия)

Национальная либеральная партия Национальная либеральная партия
Исторические лидеры	Вильгельм Верпфенниг Эдуард Ласкер Генрих фон Тричке Йоханнес фон Микель Франц фон Роггенбах Карл Браун Рудольф Гнейст Людвиг Бамбергер
Основан	12 февраля 1867 года ( 12 февраля 1867 г. )
Растворяется	15 декабря 1918 года ( 15 декабря 1918 г. )
Расколоть от	Немецкая партия прогресса
Succeeded by	German People's Party
Ideology	National liberalism
Political position	Centre to centre-right
Colours	Pea green
Politics of Germany Political parties Elections

Национальная либеральная партия ( немецкая : Nationalliberale Partei , NLP ) была либеральной партией северо -немецкой конфедерации и немецкой империи , которая процветала в период с 1867 по 1918 год.

Во время прусского национальные объединения Германии либералы стали доминирующей партией в Рейхстаге . Поддерживая общие идеалы либерализма и национализма, в партии было два крыла, которые отражали противоречивые заявления о его гегелевском и идеалистическом наследии: одно подчеркивало власть государства через национальный » , а другой подчеркнул гражданские свободы Рештаата . Хотя это расщепление впоследствии оказалось фатальным для его единства, национальным либералам удалось остаться ключевой партией в течение десятилетий после объединения, сотрудничая с прогрессивными и свободными консерваторами по различным вопросам.

Происхождение

Leading politicians of the National Liberal Party from left to right: Wilhelm Wehrenpfennig, Eduard Lasker, Heinrich von Treitschke and Johannes von Miquel; bottom row from left to right: Franz von Roggenbach, Karl Braun, Rudolf Gneist and Ludwig Bamberger (woodcut c. 1878)

Первая национальная либеральная парламентская группа возникла среди правых заместителей либеральной Германии Партии прогресса в Прусской палате представителей во время конституционного конфликта, вызванного президентом министра Отто фон Бисмарком : в 1862 году он опроверг либеральную оппозицию в парламенте, используя SO SO. -Побал Lückentheorie («Теория разрыва»), чтобы оправдать процесс с налогами на военные реформы прусской армии , сопровождаемой его военной « Кровь и железо речью ». В последующие годы он стремился примириться со своими противниками, укрепляя прусскую гегемонию, которая завершилась в семи недель войны 1866 года.

Upon the victory over the Austrian forces at the Battle of Königgrätz on 3 July, many of the liberals finally put aside their differences due to their support for Bismarck's highly successful foreign policy. Seizing the opportunity, he introduced a bill that subsequently formalized his circumvention of parliamentary budgetary rights.

At voting time on 3 September, the political division of the liberals was confirmed when 19 National Liberal deputies opted for his Indemnity Law. While the Liberals who opposed the bill argued that Bismarck was asking them to compromise on constitutional government, the bill’s supporters believed opposition was fruitless because Bismarck had the firm support of King Wilhelm I (under the constitution, the minister-president was responsible to the king, not parliament). They believed that if they accepted the Indemnity Law, they would be in a better position to press for greater freedom. This, the first National Liberal faction in the Prussian parliament was formed on 17 November around Eduard Lasker and Hans Victor von Unruh.

The National Liberal Party was founded in the course of the North German federal election held on 12 February 1867. They gathered support from the Prussian annexed territories of Hanover and Hesse-Nassau as well as from the other states of the Confederation, emerging as the largest faction in the North German Reichstag. An inaugural declaration was adopted on 12 June. The first party chairman was Rudolf von Bennigsen.

The party strongly advocated the interests of the Grand Burgher (German: Großbürger) dynasties and business magnates as well as nationalist-minded Protestant circles of the educated bourgeoisie (Bildungsbürgertum). The key points of the party manifesto focused on national unification and Bismarck's policies, which resulted in the emergence of a German nation state as a constitutional monarchy and highly industrialized country.

Dominance in the 1870s

The National Liberals' period of great dominance was between 1871 and 1879, when they were Bismarck's chief allies in the Reichstag where they were avid supporters of the anti-Catholic Kulturkampf measures and the Anti-Socialist Laws. In the first all-German federal election held on 3 March 1871, the party reached 30.1% of the votes, becoming the strongest group in the Reichstag parliament with 119 seats. The Reichstag faction remained the political centre of power as the party never attained a large number of members. Chairman of National Liberal Party was Rudolf von Bennigsen.

The stabilization of the new state was in a large degree only feasible because of National Liberals' support as de facto ruling party and their guidance of Bismarck's domestic policies, especially in regards to national economics and the legal foundations of the German Empire. Weights and measurements were standardized, a common German market and a national bank, the Reichsbank, created and the numerous regional currencies replaced with the Goldmark. The liberal economic policies, although temporarily unpopular in the recession of the 1870s, laid the groundworks for the economic boom the German nation experienced at the turn of the 19th century.

Decline

In 1879, Bismarck's alliance with the National Liberals broke over his abandonment of free trade by the adoption of a tariff. In the economic crisis following the Panic of 1873, several lobbying associations exerted pressure on Bismarck who increasingly favoured a more protectionist approach. However, these policies violated the liberal principles of both the National Liberals and the more left-leaning liberal German Progress Party. The shift was so important that it has been characterized as Bismarck's conservative turn. This meant an enduring shift of the Chancellor to the right, which changed the political climate of the fledgling nation and soured relations between Bismarck and a number of leading German liberals.

The National Liberals lost their status as the dominant party in 1880, when the left-wing represented by the Liberal Union split off and merged with the Progress Party into the German Free-minded Party by 1884. The remaining partisans approached to the Conservatives, later the strongest supporters of Alfred von Tirpitz's various Fleet Acts starting in 1898, which pushed Great Britain into an arms race with Germany until World War I. In the federal election of 1887, a right-wing cartel of National Liberals, Conservatives and Free Conservatives once again ensured a parliamentary majority for Bismarck until his resignation in 1890.

As for the Kulturkampf, Bismarck deserted the liberals, came to terms with a new less confrontational Pope and started working politically with the Catholic Centre Party. Historian Hajo Holborn examines the contradictions between the Kulturkampf and liberal values:

[O]nly those laws that separated state and church could be defended from a liberal point of view. Full state control over schools was a liberal ideal. It was also logical to introduce the obligatory civil marriage law and entrust civil agencies with the keeping of vital statistics. [...] But all the other measures constituted shocking violations of liberal principles. German liberalism showed no loyalty to the ideas of lawful procedure or of political and cultural freedom which had formerly been its lifeblood. With few exceptions the German liberals were hypnotized by the national state, which they wished to imbue with a uniform pattern of culture. They were unable to recognize that the Kulturkampf was bound to undermine the belief in the Rechtsstaat (government by law) and to divide the German people profoundly.

David Blackbourn says the liberal attacks on the Catholic Church "left a political legacy that was the opposite of what liberals wanted. It made them beholden to Bismarck; and helped consolidate political Catholicism in Germany".

Allies of big business

In 1905, Ernst Bassermann became chairman of National Liberal Party. He followed chairman Johannes von Miquel. The National Liberals came to be closely associated with the interests of big business, maintaining strong relations with mighty industrialist advocacy groups as well as with imperialist and nationalist associations like the Pan-German League. Increasingly threatened by the growing strength of the Social Democrats, the party gradually became more conservative, although it was generally split between a more liberal wing that sought to strengthen ties with the dissident liberals to their left and a right-wing that came to support more protectionist policies and close relations with the Conservatives and the imperial government.

World War I

During World War I, most of the National Liberals, including such leaders of their left wing as Gustav Stresemann, avidly supported the expansionist goals of the imperial government, although they also called for reform at home. Following the war, the party broke up. Stresemann led the main body of the party, including most of its moderate and conservative elements, into the conservative liberal German People's Party. Its left wing merged with the left-liberal Progressive People's Party to form the German Democratic Party. The far-right wing of the National Liberals joined the German National People's Party.

Election results

Reichstag

Date	Votes			Seats		Position	Size
	No.	%	± pp	No.	±
February 1867	753,758	20.19	New	78 / 149	New		New
August 1867	414,043	18.02	2.17	80 / 149	2		1st
1868 Zollparlament	Unknown	Unknown	Unknown	104 / 192	24		1st
1871	1,125,942	28.97	Unknown	117 / 192	13		1st
1874	1,394,250	26.86	2.11	147 / 397	30		1st
1877	1,440,266	26.67	0.19	127 / 397	20	Support	1st
1878	1,291,161	22.41	4.26	97 / 397	30	Opposition	1st
1881	617,752	12.12	10.29	45 / 397	52	Support	5th
1884	987,355	17.44	5.32	50 / 397	5	Opposition	4th
1887	1,651,288	21.90	4.46	98 / 397	48	Opposition	1st
1890	1,130,842	15.64	6.26	38 / 397	60	Opposition	4th
1893	943,410	12.29	3.35	51 / 397	13	Opposition	3rd
1898	997,147	12.86	0.57	48 / 397	3	Opposition	4th
1903	1,301,473	13.71	0.85	50 / 397	2	Opposition	4th
1907	1,666,705	14.80	1.09	56 / 397	6	Opposition	3rd
1912	1,651,115	13.53	1.27	45 / 397	11	Opposition	3rd

See also

• Contributions to liberal theory
• Либеральная демократия
• Либерализм
• Либерализм в Германии
• Либерализм по всему миру
• Список либеральных партий

Ссылки и дальнейшее чтение

• Андерсон, Маргарет Лавиния. «Избиратель, Junker, Landrat, священник: старые власти и новая франшиза в Империал Германии», American Historical Review (1993) 98#5 с. 1448–1474 в JSTOR .
• Андерсон, Маргарет Лавиния. Практика демократии: выборы и политическая культура в Имперской Германии (2000).
• Дорпален, Андреас. «Император Фредерик III и немецкое либеральное движение», American Historical Review (1948) 54#1 с. 1–31 в JSTOR .
• Гросс, Майкл Б. «Культуркампф и объединение: немецкий либерализм и война против иезуитов». Центральная европейская история 30#4 (1997): 545-566. в JSTOR .
• Кригер, Леонард. Немецкая идея свободы: история политической традиции (1957).
• Морк, Гордон Р. «Бисмарк и« капитуляция »немецкого либерализма», журнал современной истории (1971) 43#1 с. 59–75 в JSTOR .
• О'Бойл, Ленор. «Либеральное политическое руководство в Германии, 1867-1884». Журнал современной истории (1956): 338-352. в JSTOR .
• Шихан, Джеймс Дж. «Политическое руководство в немецком рейхстаге, 1871-1918». Американский исторический обзор (1968): 511-528. в JSTOR .
• фон Страндманн, Хартмут Погге. «Внутреннее происхождение колониальной экспансии Германии при Бисмарке». Прошлое и настоящее (1969): 140-159. в JSTOR .
• Суваль, Стэнли. Избирательная политика в Вильгельмине Германия (1985) онлайн .
• Уайт, Дэн С. Партия разлома: национальный либерализм в Гессен и Рейх, 1867-1918 (издательство Гарвардского университета, 1976).