Кгалема Мотлант

Его Превосходительство Кгалема Мотлант
Motlanthe в июне 2009 года
3 -й президент Южной Африки
В офисе 25 сентября 2008 г. - 9 мая 2009 г.
Deputy	Baleka Mbete
Preceded by	Thabo Mbeki Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri (acting)
Succeeded by	Jacob Zuma
6th Deputy President of South Africa
In office 9 May 2009 – 26 May 2014
President	Jacob Zuma
Preceded by	Baleka Mbete
Succeeded by	Cyril Ramaphosa
8th Deputy President of the African National Congress
In office 18 December 2007 – 18 December 2012
President	Jacob Zuma
Preceded by	Jacob Zuma
Succeeded by	Cyril Ramaphosa
14th Secretary-General of the African National Congress
In office 20 December 1997 – 18 December 2007
President	Thabo Mbeki
Preceded by	Cyril Ramaphosa Cheryl Carolus (acting)
Succeeded by	Gwede Mantashe
Member of the National Assembly
In office 6 May 2009 – 7 May 2014
In office 6 May 2008 – 25 September 2008
Constituency	National list
show Additional offices 1991‍–‍present Chairperson of the African National Congress Electoral Committee Incumbent Assumed office 15 February 2021 Preceded by Position established Minister in the Presidency In office July 2008 – September 2008 Serving with Essop Pahad President Thabo Mbeki Preceded by Position established Succeeded by Position abolished 2nd Secretary-General of the National Union of Mineworkers In office June 1991 – 1998 President James Motlatsi Preceded by Cyril Ramaphosa Succeeded by Gwede Mantashe
Personal details
Born	Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe (1949-07-19) 19 July 1949 Boksburg, South Africa
Political party	African National Congress
Spouses	Mapula Mokate ​ ​ (m. 1975; div. 2014)​ Gugu Mtshali ​ (m. 2014)​
Children	Kgomotso Kagiso Ntabiseng (step-daughter)
Occupation	Politician trade unionist military veteran activist
Nicknames	Mkhuluwa The Wizard
Military service
Allegiance	African National Congress
Branch/service	uMkhonto weSizwe
Years of service	1977–1987

Кгалема Петрус Мотлант ( Sotho: [kxɔ.le.mɔ.mɑ mʊ . Родился 19 июля 1949 года) - политик из Южной Африки, который занимал должность 3 -го президента Южной Африки с 25 сентября 2008 года по 9 мая 2009 года после отставки Табо Мбеки . После этого он был заместителем президента при Джейкобе Зуме с 9 мая 2009 года по 26 мая 2014 года.

Воспитанный в Соуэто в бывшем Трансваале после того, как его семья была насильственно удалена из Александры , Мотлант был завербован в Умхонто, мы Сизве , вооруженное крыло Африканского национального конгресса (АНК), после того, как он закончил среднюю школу. В период с 1977 по 1987 год он был заключен в тюрьму на острове Роббен в соответствии с Законом о терроризме за его активизм против апартеида . После освобождения он присоединился к влиятельному Национальному союзу шахтеров , где он был генеральным секретарем в период с 1992 по 1998 год. После окончания апартеида он поднялся от профсоюзного движения к национальному руководству правящего АНК, служа секретарем АНК. Генерал с конца 1997 года по конец 2007 года. Он был избран заместителем президента АНК, на сланце, выровненном с Зумой, на конференции ANC 2007 года Polokwane Conference . В середине 2008 года он был приведен к присяге в качестве члена парламента и в качестве второго министра Мбеки на пост президента -своей первой работы в правительстве.

Only weeks later, on 25 September 2008, Parliament elected him national president after Mbeki resigned at the ANC's request. Motlanthe was widely understood to be a compromise candidate and to be leading a caretaker administration until the 2009 national election. During his seven and a half months as president, he appeared to prioritise stability and continuity with the policies of the previous administration. However, on his first day in office, he replaced Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang with Barbara Hogan, effecting a break with Mbeki's HIV/AIDS policy, which had been criticised as ineffective and driven by denialism. He also made controversial changes at the National Prosecuting Authority, dismissing the National Director of Public Prosecutions, Vusi Pikoli, and assenting to legislation which disbanded the Scorpions, an elite anti-corruption unit.

Zuma was elected president in May 2009, and Motlanthe was appointed his deputy. In December 2012, under pressure from Zuma's opponents, he contested the ANC presidential elections at the party's Mangaung conference. Zuma, the incumbent, won in a landslide. Motlanthe declined to seek re-election to the ANC National Executive Committee, and had already declined a nomination for re-election as ANC deputy president. Having thus vacated the party leadership, he resigned from government and from Parliament in May 2014, at the end of his term as national deputy president.

Variously and at various times perceived as an ally of each of the other living presidents – Mbeki, Zuma, and his trade union colleague Cyril Ramaphosa – Motlanthe was reputed to be "a highly skilled political operator" by the time he became president. However, he has always kept a low public and political profile. He is seen as holding broad respect in the ANC, and is frequently characterised as one of its preeminent "left-leaning intellectual[s]."

Early life and career

Motlanthe was born on 19 July 1949 to a family in Alexandra, a township outside Johannesburg in the former Transvaal (now Gauteng). He is named for his maternal grandfather, Kgalema Madingoane, who was a councillor in Benoni and later a community leader in the newly established township of Daveyton. His father, Louis Mathakoe Motlanthe (d. 1989), worked as a cleaner at St John's College and later for Anglo American, and his mother, Masefako Sophia Madingoane (d. 2014), was a domestic worker and then a machinist in a clothing factory. He has two younger brothers, Tlatlane Ernest and Lekota Sydney.

He attended Pholosho Primary School, an Anglican missionary school in Alexandra, until his family was forcibly removed to Meadowlands, Soweto. In 1964, the Anglican church awarded him a bursary to study in Swaziland, but the Bantu Affairs Department of the apartheid government denied him permission to leave the country. He therefore attended Orlando High School in Soweto, and he played soccer as a teenager.

He has said that the Anglican church was an important influence on his early development, especially the Community of the Resurrection sect to which Archbishop Trevor Huddleston belonged and which, during his childhood, was visible for its community work in the townships. As a child, he was an altar boy and considered becoming a priest. In later years, he was influenced by Black Consciousness.

Early political career

After Matric (which in South Africa means completing final year of high school), Motlanthe got a job, which he held until his arrest, supervising township liquor stores in the commercial unit of the Johannesburg City Council.

During this period, in the 1970s, he was recruited into the underground of UMkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC), which had been banned in South Africa since 1960. His MK unit was initially concerned with recruitment but was later instructed to form a sabotage unit and to help smuggle MK cadres in and out of the country's borders. It was during this period that he first met Jacob Zuma, also an underground MK operative.

Imprisonment

In April 1976, Motlanthe was arrested and detained for several months at John Vorster Square police station. He was found guilty under the Terrorism Act on charges relating to his MK activities – specifically, for having been trained to commit sabotage, for having received explosives for that purpose, and for promoting the ANC – and was sentenced to prison.

Motlanthe was imprisoned on Robben Island for almost ten years, between August 1977 and April 1987. ANC stalwart Andrew Mlangeni, who was on Robben Island with Motlanthe, later said that he was instrumental in welcoming and providing political education to young prisoners, who arrived on the island in large numbers in the decade after the 1976 Soweto uprising.

Five years after his release, Motlanthe spoke about the solidarity forged in prison, and described the period as "enriching":

...we were a community of people who ranged from the totally illiterate to people who could very easily have been professors at universities. We shared basically everything, every problem even of a personal nature we discussed with others and a solution would be found. The years out there were the most productive years in one's life, we were able to read, we read all the material that came our way, took an interest in the lives of people even in the remotest corners of this world. To me those years gave meaning to life.

Trade union career

The very first meeting we had, I was struck by his analytical capabilities and powers and by his disciplined approach to everything. Here was someone who had great dignity and humility.

— Ramaphosa recalls meeting Motlanthe in 1987

In June 1987, shortly after his release from prison, Motlanthe became an education officer at the influential National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), which was then led by Cyril Ramaphosa. He had been familiar with the mining industry since his childhood – his father and both his brothers had worked for mining giant Anglo American – and his mother had been involved in the trade union movement before her retirement in the 1980s. At the NUM, Motlanthe furthered his interest, born on Robben Island, in political education. He joined the NUM weeks before the largest strike in its history, and Ramaphosa later said that he had "joined us at just the right time."

While at the NUM, he remained a member of the ANC, and also of the South African Communist Party (SACP). He was chairperson of the ANC's PWV (now Gauteng) region for a brief period, between early 1990, when the ANC was unbanned, and September 1991, when he stepped down to concentrate on his NUM work. Shortly afterwards, Ramaphosa left the NUM to become secretary general of the ANC. In January 1992, with Ramaphosa's endorsement, Motlanthe was elected by the NUM central committee to replace him as acting general secretary.

Rise to the presidency

ANC headquarters Luthuli House, where Motlanthe worked from 1997 to 2007.

ANC secretary general

At the ANC's 50th National Conference in December 1997, Motlanthe was elected unopposed as ANC secretary general, reportedly with the support of senior ANC leaders including Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela. According to senior NUM and SACP official Frans Baleni, Mandela (affectionately known as Madiba) advocated for Motlanthe's appointment as follows:

Madiba ended up telling us a story of a young man from a rural village who was looking for a wife. He travelled from one village to another but he could not find one. However, when he arrived back home he saw that he had a neighbour who matched all the criteria he had in mind. In that way, Mandela told us that that the secretary general the ANC needed was right here and in the same way that the man was looking for a wife the ANC was looking for a bride.

His appointment was evidently popular with the rank-and-file: according to Richard Calland, when it was announced, he was carried to the stage on the shoulders of supporters, and "it took another 15 minutes for him to reach the stage, struggle songs filling the air."

After the conference, Motlanthe resigned from the NUM and from the Central Committee of the SACP. Re-elected unopposed at the ANC's 51st National Conference, he was ANC secretary general for ten years, between 1997 and 2007, the entirety of Thabo Mbeki's tenure as ANC president. While some said his "excellent" organisational skills were renowned, critics within the ANC said he was an inefficient administrator. However, there was a momentous increase in ANC membership during his tenure, from under 386,000 members in 1997 to more than 620,000 in 2007. He was also associated with implementing the early phases of the ANC's cadre deployment and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies.

According to Mbeki's biographer Mark Gevisser, for much of this period Motlanthe was viewed as an "Mbeki acolyte" – or, in another phrase, as "dominated by Mbeki."

Their alliance apparently began in the mid-1990s when Mbeki was deputy president and Motlanthe was invited to attend the so-called "Under the Tree" meetings at Mbeki's home. He had been identified as one of the key leftist leaders who was dissatisfied with the new Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) policy, and he later told Gevisser that, at the meetings, Mbeki had indeed managed to sway his position on GEAR.

Criticism of BEE

In October 2004, in a speech to the Black Management Forum, Motlanthe delivered what was perceived as "an attack" on BEE, a cornerstone of the ANC's economic and transformation policy. In an early show of support for "broad-based" BEE, he called out fronting, proposed a "frank and open" assessment of why BEE's effects had been limited, and suggested that BEE should drive economic growth instead of hindering it.

Most controversially, Motlanthe argued that BEE should be restructured to limit the benefits (the number of deals or their total value) incurred by individuals from BEE transactions. Once an individual had been enriched by BEE, he said, he or she should no longer be considered historically disadvantaged in the sense of being eligible for BEE benefits. In his words, the government might "limit one person to one empowerment." His rationale was that the narrow base of BEE beneficiaries limited the success of the current policy, which he said had been characterised by transfer of wealth instead of genuine economic transformation. This was particularly controversial because many of the individuals who comprised that narrow base of BEE beneficiaries were ANC stalwarts or donors.

Hoax email scandal

Towards the end of Motlanthe's time as secretary general, the so-called hoax email scandal broke. The scandal revolved around a cache of emails that were released to journalists in 2005, shortly after Mbeki had fired Zuma as national deputy president. The emails ostensibly showed a group of ANC politicians and government officials discussing how to discredit Zuma, who was Mbeki's major political rival, and Motlanthe himself. An investigation by the intelligence inspector-general confirmed that the emails were fake, but Motlanthe reportedly rejected this conclusion and, in a meeting of the ANC National Executive Committee, demanded that the ANC conduct an internal investigation. From early 2006, there were rumours, denied by the ANC, that the saga had "damaged personal relations and destroyed trust" between Motlanthe and Mbeki. The Mail & Guardian said that it had also hurt Motlanthe's "image of being 'above the fray.'"

[T]he question that we must answer is where is the ANC?… When elected leaders at the highest level openly engage in factionalist activity, where is the movement that aims to unite the people of South Africa for the complete liberation of the country from all forms of discrimination and national oppression? When money changes hands in the battle for personal power and aggrandizement, where is the movement that is built around a membership that joins without motives of material advantage and personal gain?… When lists favoured by a chosen grouping are rammed down the throats of branches, without the benefit of political discussion, where is the ANC?

— Motlanthe's report to the Polokwane conference, 17 December 2007

ANC deputy president

Further information: 52nd National Conference of the African National Congress

On 18 December 2007, the ANC's 52nd National Conference, held in Polokwane, elected Motlanthe deputy president of the ANC. He beat Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma comfortably, receiving 61.9% of the vote. His last act as secretary general was to deliver a memorable organisational report to the conference, criticising various wings of the party and especially the outgoing National Executive Committee, which he said had failed to resolve problems relating to factionalism and branch-level fraud.

The conference also saw incumbent ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma elected to the ANC presidency, deposing Mbeki in the culmination of a bitter leadership contest. There is debate about the extent of Motlanthe's role in Zuma's success. Motlanthe later condemned the practice of voting for candidates on slates, saying that he had held "as far back as Polokwane" that it was harmful to internal democracy in the party. Nevertheless, it is understood that Motlanthe ran on the Zuma-aligned slate of candidates, with Dlamini-Zuma as Mbeki's preferred candidate, though he was also at the top of the pro-Mbeki camp's list of recommended candidates for the National Executive Committee. Political analyst Susan Booysen claims that Zuma and Motlanthe had fallen out over Mbeki's handling of the Oilgate scandal and hoax email scandal, and suggests that Motlanthe used his detailed knowledge of the ANC's branches to help engineer Zuma's campaign – to the extent that he "co-directed" the mobilisation against Mbeki. Similarly, Alec Russell of the English Financial Times reported that Motlanthe had fallen out with Mbeki and was aligned to Zuma in the Zuma-Mbeki rivalry. Chris McGreal of the English Guardian said that he "played a leading role in ousting Mbeki and installing Zuma."

On the other hand, local journalist Ranjeni Munusamy claims that Motlanthe did not take a clear position in favour of either candidate until the conference itself, and that, as secretary general, he was focused on "trying to hold things together" and "had to rise above the camp warfare." He was certainly involved in attempting to maintain discipline during the conference – on the first day, he confiscated partisan placards from some delegates and took the stage to restore order when the session devolved into shouting from Zuma supporters. Ebrahim Harvey later said that his "open, frank and courageous report and interventions increased [his] stature in the party," and Gevisser agrees that he was "the hero of Polokwane."

Cabinet minister

In the aftermath of the Polokwane conference, Mbeki remained national president, although he was likely to be replaced at the expiry of his term by Zuma, who was expected to be the ANC's presidential candidate in the 2009 national election. Motlanthe, on good terms with both factions, was viewed as a key figure in easing the transition between Mbeki and Zuma, and sources said that he had been lined up to take over Zuma's post if the latter was convicted on the corruption charges pending against him.

In March 2008, the newly elected ANC national executive asked Mbeki to appoint Motlanthe to his cabinet. At that point, Motlanthe was effectively unemployed, having vacated the full-time position of secretary general; and the appointment was intended to facilitate the transfer of power from Mbeki's administration to Zuma and also to Motlanthe himself, who had never served in government before but who was expected to become national deputy president in 2009. Both Mbeki and Motlanthe were initially opposed to this proposal, with Motlanthe later explaining that he had thought his appointment to cabinet would have been "setting a wrong precedent, which says that once you have been elected at conference into a leadership position you have the right to be accommodated in the government."

Nevertheless, he was sworn in as a Member of Parliament on 20 May 2008, filling a casual vacancy, and on 18 July was sworn in as a member of cabinet. He was appointed the second Minister in the Presidency (Essop Pahad was the first), as well as Leader of Government Business. He later joked that he had been told that the appointment was apt because he was interested in business – the Leader of Government Business does not actually deal with business in the sense of enterprise, but rather coordinates between Parliament and cabinet. By the time of his appointment, and thereafter, Motlanthe was viewed as Zuma's "right-hand man."

Election to the presidency

Main article: 2008 South African presidential election

Ultimately, Motlanthe served as a minister for just over two months. On 20 September 2008, Mbeki announced his resignation from the presidency. He had been "recalled" by the ANC national executive following allegations that the criminal corruption charges against Zuma were the result of political interference by Mbeki. As a party-political body, the National Executive Committee did not technically have the authority to remove Mbeki from government office, but it could have instructed the ANC-controlled Parliament to remove him. In the same way, it could ensure the ascension of its presidential successor of choice, who would be indirectly elected by Parliament. On 22 September, while the resignation was still being formalised, Zuma said that the ANC would not confirm its choice until after the vote, but hinted to the press that it was Motlanthe, saying, "I am convinced, if given that responsibility, he would be equal to the task." However, Baleka Mbete, the incumbent Speaker of the National Assembly and an ally of Zuma, was also viewed as a possible candidate.

On 25 September 2008, Parliament elected Motlanthe President of South Africa by secret ballot. Having been nominated by ANC MP Ben Turok, he received 269 votes, against 50 votes for the opposition candidate, Joe Seremane of the Democratic Alliance (DA), with 41 ballots spoilt. He was sworn in the same day.

Presidency (2008–2009)

Motlanthe with Indian President Pratibha Patil in New Delhi, 15 October 2008.

Inauguration

Backbenchers at the parliamentary session which elected Motlanthe sang pro-Zuma songs, but it was reported that his appointment had broad support within the ANC and in the business community, and even among opposition parties. In Parliament, opposition politician Pieter Mulder of the Freedom Front Plus alluded to the possibility that Motlanthe might come to challenge Zuma's dominance:

To Mr Zuma I want to tell a story. Two Afrikaners in the olden days were on their way with a wagon and eight oxen. That evening they unharnessed the oxen and went to sleep in the bush next to the road. At midnight they heard lions roaring around the camp. Quickly and anxiously they harnessed the oxen and dashed away. When the sun came up that morning they saw that in their haste they had harnessed seven oxen and one of the lions. The two looked at each other and said: 'it was easy to hastily harness the lion in the dark, but how do we now unharness it again?'
The ANC harnessed Mr Motlanthe as a lion today in the dark and current crisis and we wish him well with that. Does the ANC also know how to unharness a lion, should it be necessary?

Mine is not the desire to deviate from what is working. It is not for me to reinvent policy. Nor do I intend to reshape either cabinet or the public service. In a turbulent global economy, we will remain true to the policies that have kept South Africa steady, and that have ensured sustained growth.

— Inaugural address, 25 September 2008

In a speech after his inauguration, Motlanthe assured Parliament that there would be continuity with the policies of Mbeki's administration. This was despite the fact that Mbeki's economic policies were unpopular with the left-wing pro-Zuma coalition, who thought them neoliberal. Motlanthe also announced his cabinet, having largely retained the composition of Mbeki's cabinet, and even having re-appointed several ministers, including respected finance minister Trevor Manuel, who had resigned after Mbeki's recall. Mbete was appointed deputy president. The rand strengthened, after Mbeki's announcement had caused a steep fall in its value. In Gevisser's view, Motlanthe "handled the transition deftly... projecting an image of calm confidence and continuity."

He was president for seven and a half months, between 25 September 2008 and 9 May 2009. He gave his first and only State of the Nation address on 6 February 2009, and in his speech he, "as expected, refrained from announcing any new plans," given that an election was scheduled for later that year.

HIV/AIDS policy

In the opinion of commentators, the most significant change made by Motlanthe to Mbeki's cabinet in September 2008 was the removal of Manto Tshabalala-Msimang from the health ministry. Tshabalala-Msimang's HIV/AIDS policy, especially her advocacy of herbal remedies, had been highly controversial and widely condemned, and Motlanthe replaced her with Barbara Hogan, who said in November, "The era of denialism is over completely in South Africa." Hogan's appointment, and later her performance in the position, were lauded by scientists: she prioritised the HIV/AIDS crisis and the roll-out of free antiretroviral drugs.

Motlanthe with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Brazilian President Lula da Silva at the third IBSA Dialogue Forum in October 2008. IBSA was an initiative of the Mbeki government.

Before this, Motlanthe's stance on HIV/AIDS had been more ambiguous. On some accounts, while secretary general he supported, or at least defended, Mbeki's widely discredited HIV/AIDS policy, and also while secretary general he had spearheaded the ANC's attacks on the Medicines Control Council when it refused to allow the testing of Virodene on human subjects in 1998, accusing the council of being swayed by corporate pharmaceutical interests. In later years, however, including as deputy president, Motlanthe continued to advocate science-driven HIV/AIDS policy.

Zimbabwe

Ahead of the 2005 Zimbabwean parliamentary election, Motlanthe had delivered what was considered the ANC's "first public criticism" of Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF regime in Zimbabwe. However, he was ANC secretary general at the time, and was almost certainly speaking on behalf of the ANC national executive. In general, he was viewed as sympathetic to Mbeki's controversial and non-confrontational "quiet diplomacy" approach to the regime, at least insofar as he appeared to share Mbeki's view that democratic change in Zimbabwe should not be externally imposed.

Once inaugurated as president, Motlanthe asked Mbeki to remain in his role as mediator between ZANU-PF and Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change, and his government "[threw] its weight behind" the resulting Zimbabwean power-sharing agreement. Motlanthe, accompanied by Mbeki, met several times with Mugabe and Tsvangirai to try to convince them to implement the agreement and form a government. He retained Mbeki's stance that Mugabe had to be installed at the head of any power-sharing arrangement, but there were occasions on which he was critical of the ZANU-PF government. His administration provided financial and diplomatic support to the Zimbabwean unity government when it was ultimately formed in February 2009.

Corruption and law enforcement

Motlanthe with American President George Bush at the White House ahead of an economic summit, 14 November 2008.

Disbanding of the Scorpions

Main article: Scorpions § Disbanding

In January 2009, Motlanthe signed into law two bills which disbanded the Scorpions, the elite anti-corruption unit of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). The 2007 Polokwane conference had resolved to disband the unit, and the issue had been part of Zuma's campaign platform ahead of the conference. In fact, there were reports that Motlanthe exasperated the ANC national executive by delaying before signing the legislation – it passed in the National Assembly in October 2008, but Motlanthe's office sought to review its constitutionality. His assent to the legislation was viewed by some as the result of political pressure from inside the ANC. During the same period, there were also rumours that the ANC was pressuring him to sign a controversial amendment to the Broadcasting Act, which governed the state broadcaster, the SABC.

The decision to dissolve the Scorpions was hotly contested, and opposition parties accused the ANC of making the move in order to subvert investigations into corrupt ANC politicians. Controversially, the Hawks, the unit which replaced the Scorpions, subsequently shut down the Scorpions' investigation into the 1999 Arms Deal, a R30-billion defence procurement package from which several senior ANC politicians, including Zuma, were accused of unlawfully profiting.

In 2011, the Constitutional Court ruled that the legislation disbanding the Scorpions had been unconstitutional, but Motlanthe has defended the decision as recently as August 2020.

Dismissal of Vusi Pikoli

On 8 December 2008, Motlanthe fired the head of the NPA, the National Director of Public Prosecutions Vusi Pikoli. Pikoli had been suspended by Mbeki in September 2007, ostensibly because of a breakdown in Pikoli's relationship with Justice Minister Brigitte Mabandla, but allegedly – according to Pikoli – for political reasons, in an attempt to shield police commissioner Jackie Selebi from prosecution on corruption charges. Motlanthe's decision to fire Pikoli was contrary to the recommendations of a commission of inquiry into Pikoli's fitness for office, established by Mbeki and chaired by Frene Ginwala, which had concluded that Pikoli should be reinstated. Pikoli challenged his dismissal in court, but Motlanthe continued to defend his decision, and Pikoli settled out of court with Zuma's government in November 2009.

Pikoli's removal was highly controversial. Although Motlanthe denied that he had been acting on the ANC's instructions, critics have suggested otherwise, claiming that Pikoli had been fired in order to "punish [his] insubordination to the ANC" or in order to facilitate the dropping of corruption charges against Zuma. A Financial Mail editorial said that Pikoli's dismissal was evidence that as president Motlanthe was "dancing to the tune" of Zuma and was "a crucial cog in the shin' wam project," and political analyst William Gumede agreed that it marked Motlanthe "as a party man, answerable to his constituency rather than public opinion."

Motlanthe at the World Economic Forum in Davos, 30 January 2009.

Arms Deal inquiry

In December 2008, when new allegations emerged of corruption in the 1999 Arms Deal, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and former state president F. W. de Klerk wrote to Motlanthe requesting he establish an independent commission of inquiry. Their call was supported by several politicians and civil society groups. Motlanthe declined and, adhering to "the party line," said that criminal investigations, which he promised were ongoing, were the correct tool for probing the deal.

Succession

From the time of his appointment, Motlanthe was perceived as a "caretaker president." This was not based on the legal status of his administration or election, but on the understanding that Zuma, not Motlanthe, would be the ANC's presidential candidate in the 2009 elections. Towards the end of Motlanthe's presidency, there were rumours that Zuma's allies had grown concerned about Motlanthe's heightened profile as president and were suspicious that he might attempt to challenge Zuma. However, in January 2009, Motlanthe reiterated his and the ANC's support for Zuma, and said that Zuma would stand as the ANC's presidential candidate even if his corruption charges were reinstated.

Deputy president (2009–2014)

As deputy president, Motlanthe filled various official duties, including as chairperson of the national Energy Advisory Council, the National AIDS Council, the Human Resource Development Council, and, until mid-2013, the National Nuclear Energy Coordination Committee. He also chaired the inter-ministerial committee on the 2010 Soccer World Cup, which was held in South Africa. In January 2011, there were unconfirmed media reports that former president Mandela was seriously ill, causing public panic. In a press conference which received international attention, Motlanthe reassured the public and admitted that the government's communication had been poor. The Daily Maverick complimented his handling of the situation. However, some suspected that Motlanthe was increasingly "frozen out" of important official business by Zuma, especially after he challenged Zuma for the ANC presidency in 2012.

Recently appointed Deputy President Motlanthe at the World Economic Forum in Cape Town, 12 June 2009.

Media and secrecy bill

While president, Motlanthe had been praised for sending the Film and Publications Amendment Bill – which included pre-publication censorship provisions – back to Parliament, citing concerns about its constitutionality. As deputy president, he became involved in public discourse around further controversial government proposals which would affect press freedom and access to information. In September 2010, the ANC's National General Council resolved that Parliament should begin the process of setting up a state-regulated media appeals tribunal; the next month, following a summit with the South African National Editors' Forum, Motlanthe announced a reversal of this position, and said that the media would be given a chance to review its own self-regulatory mechanisms first. He was perceived as having "stronger democratic tendencies" than others in the cabinet on freedom of expression issues.

In 2011, public attention turned to the Protection of State Information Bill, which would extend the state's power to regulate access to classified state information and which was fervently opposed by the media, civil society groups, opposition parties, and the ANC's ally the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). A key issue of contention was the inclusion of a public interest defence exemptions clause. In September 2011, there were reports that the ANC was divided over the bill, with dissenters led by the party-political committee, chaired by Motlanthe. In November 2011, Motlanthe told the press that there could be "a meeting point" between the government and the bill's opponents over the public interest clause. He acknowledged as valid the press's argument that any public interest defence would have to be tested by the courts, and also promised that the bill would not be "rammed through" through Parliament by the ANC. Right2Know, a respected non-profit, declared, "We don't trust Motlanthe on this one." Indeed, the ANC parliamentary caucus proceeded to process the bill, and the draft was adopted by the National Assembly two weeks after Motlanthe's comments. When asked about it in Parliament, he continued to advocate further negotiations about the bill's contents.

Expulsion of Julius Malema

Julius Malema, the president of the ANC Youth League and previously among Zuma's most vocal supporters, was expelled from the ANC in February 2012 for insubordination. By then, elements of the Youth League had begun to call for Motlanthe to succeed Zuma, and Motlanthe appeared at political rallies with Malema even after he was expelled. Motlanthe had himself been critical of Malema's conduct in the past. Indeed, they had had a major public spat in 2008, when Motlanthe criticised Malema for saying that he was willing to "kill for Zuma" and criticised the broader Youth League for its verbal attacks on the judiciary. However, while deputy president, he had been involved with attempting to mediate with malcontent Youth League leaders. In October 2012, the Sowetan reported that, in a meeting with the SACP and unions at which Zuma was also present, Motlanthe had expressed disagreement with how Zuma had handled the conflict with Malema, arguing that the ANC should have met with the Youth League to discuss their grievances. Earlier that month, an authorised biography of Motlanthe had been published in which he made the same argument. The saga was seen as having damaged his relationship with Zuma.

Motlanthe with President Patil in Pretoria, 2 May 2012.

2012 presidential campaign

Further information: 53rd National Conference of the African National Congress

Ahead of the ANC's 53rd National Conference, there were rumours that the so-called "Anyone but Zuma" (ABZ) camp planned to nominate a candidate to challenge Zuma for the ANC presidency (and effectively therefore for the national presidency, since the ANC was overwhelmingly likely to win the 2014 general elections). In the run-up to the conference, it was apparent that Motlanthe and Zuma's relationship had deteriorated, and Motlanthe argued against a key Zuma-endorsed policy proposal at an ANC policy conference in June, implying that it was nonsensical and laced with "smatterings of Marxist jargon." By then, he was viewed as a possible challenger to Zuma's incumbency. In October 2012, he told the Financial Times that the ANC required "renewal," but evaded questions about his own willingness to stand for the party presidency, saying that the decision was up to the party branches, which are responsible for proposing nominees for the top leadership positions. Indeed, Motlanthe was a staunch adherent to ANC norms which disapproved of overt campaigning for party-political leadership positions.

It was about ensuring that the ANC continues to have faith in the process of elections as an instrument which is meant to strengthen the organisation. Once you do away with elections in an organisation and you arrange leadership, how else are you going to say the country elections are important?

— Motlanthe explains his reasons for challenging Zuma, July 2013

By early December, he was the "overwhelming choice" among Zuma's opponents to challenge the incumbent, and, although the branch nominations favoured Zuma overall, Motlanthe was formally nominated by the provincial branches of Gauteng, Limpopo, and the Western Cape, and by the Youth League. Motlanthe told journalists that he was "agonising" over his nomination. On 12 December, days before the conference, it was reported that he had agreed to accept the nominations and challenge Zuma. He appeared to be a reluctant candidate. The ANC's influential Tripartite Alliance partners, the SACP and COSATU, supported Zuma's presidency but wanted Motlanthe to remain deputy president. However, when the conference began in Mangaung in December, Motlanthe unexpectedly declined the nomination to stand for re-election as deputy president, meaning that he would be removed from the "Top Six" leadership if he did not win the presidency. Ramaphosa, who had retired from politics over a decade earlier, was announced as the Zuma-endorsed candidate for the deputy presidency – a move viewed as a strategic attempt to "outsmart and punish" Motlanthe, whose constituency was presumed to resemble Ramaphosa's, given their shared union backgrounds and polished reputations.

On 18 December, Zuma won the leadership election by a landslide, with Motlanthe receiving just under 25% of the vote. In a famous photo by Greg Marinovich taken just after the announcement of the result, Motlanthe held up two fingers in the sign for "victory." Later in the conference, he declined a nomination to serve on the National Executive Committee, an early signal of his retreat from politics. According to ANC tradition, Ramaphosa, the newly elected ANC deputy president, would replace him as national deputy president after the 2014 elections. Despite speculation that Motlanthe might resign or be recalled before the elections, he served the rest of his term as deputy president.

Retirement

On 12 March 2014, shortly before the 2014 general election, Motlanthe announced his resignation from government and from Parliament. During his last parliamentary session, he received a standing ovation from other MPs, and Mlangeni told Motlanthe and the rest of the National Assembly that Walter Sisulu had "always wanted" him to become president. Motlanthe made an emotional farewell speech to the house, describing the ANC as his "extended family" and reflecting on the importance of "a multi-vocal society." He said:

...for me right now this is a moment laden with mixed emotions... Being asked to serve one's country at any point in history is always an honour. However, the truth is our nation is replete with luminous talent. Not only that, at some point serving leadership must give way, so that new blood, fired up with life-changing ideas, can take society to a higher level of development. Necessarily, the time comes when all 'leaders', as H. G. Wells advises, 'should lead as far as they can and then vanish. Their ashes should not choke the fire they have lit.' I would not let my ashes choke the verdant future that is beginning to assume some discernible outlines on the horizon... I am happy to have played the small part history has assigned me.

Recently I read an article where one comrade said the alliance is dead. People are exposing themselves… they are politically bankrupt. They left on their own because they thought it was nice out there. It is cold out there. Some of them were general secretaries but today they are criticising the ANC. They kept quiet while they were still in the ANC, they only got wisdom after they had left. If they say the ANC is weak, they must have weakened it.

, наверсти Зума отвечает -

Criticism of the ANC

Since his retirement, Motlanthe has frequently been critical of the ANC's condition, and he became an outspoken opponent of President Zuma during the latter's second term of office, when allegations emerged of widespread political corruption in Zuma's administration. As early as 2015, Motlanthe was perceived as tacitly deprecating Zuma's leadership in the press. In an interview with the Business Day, he made various comments critical of the ANC leadership, including that he had decided not to seek re-election for the ANC national executive at the 2012 Mangaung conference because:

My sense [at the time] was that I cannot serve in an organisation that does not respect its own constitution... I was clear that if I continued serving in that leadership it would be a constant battle just to get them to operate on the basis of the constitution.

В интервью в марте 2016 года, хотя и не используя имя Зумы, Мотлант рассказал о «разрыве с честностью» в АНК и критиковал лидеров, которые не смогли получить ответственность и уйти в отставку с должности, когда он был оправдан. В январе 2017 года он явно позвонил Зуме и другим лучшим лидерам партии, чтобы уйти в отставку. Два месяца спустя, представляя восхваление на похоронах Ахмеда Катрада , его друга и приверженного АНК, Мотлант получил овации, когда он процитировал из письма, отправленного в Зуму Катрадой в 2016 году, в котором Катрада попросил Зуму уйти от вниз от Президентство. Мотлант отметил, что Зума никогда не отвечал на письмо и сказал: «В такой день мы не должны снимать слова. Мы должны сказать, как оно есть». В апреле 2017 года, повторив свой призыв к Зуме уйти в отставку, он сказал о президентстве Зумы, что депутаты »усвоили бы их урок« в преддверии следующих президентских выборов и теперь будут знать, что »всегда важно избрать кого -то, кто честен и целостности, а не неисправного человека ».

Предполагается, что он связан с Рамафосой, который сейчас является национальным президентом и президентом АНК, Хотя в 2019 году он сказал The Sunday Times , что состояние АНК ухудшилось с момента выборов Рамафосы в качестве президента АНК.

АНК деятельность

Мотлант остается активным в АНК, и он провел кампанию от двери до двери за АНК в Соуэто в преддверии местных выборов 2016 года . После того, как он ушел в отставку, сообщалось, что он станет деканом новой политической школой АНК, Как впервые объявил Зума в конце конференции Мангаунг в 2012 году. Школа лидерства АНК или Тамбо в конечном итоге не была создана до 2019 года, но Мотлант действительно был назначен его председателем. АНК В апреле 2021 года Национальный рабочий комитет партии попросил его наблюдать за переговорами между конкурирующими фракциями в высокоразмерном отделении свободного государства . Он также возглавлял Внутренний комитет АНК в преддверии местных выборов 2021 года , наблюдая за выбором кандидатов на выборы партии. Под его руководством комитет решил исключить из конкуренции всех потенциальных кандидатов, обвиняемых в коррупции или неправомерных действиях.

Motlanthe в Вашингтоне, округ Колумбия , май 2017 года.

Фундамент

Фонд Kgalema Motlanthe был создан в 2018 году с заявлением о миссии , охватывающем социально -экономическое развитие, доступ к знаниям и образованию, а также права человека и социальную интеграцию в Южной Африке и в Африке в более широком смысле. Рамафоса произнес речь на запуске фонда в Квазулу-Натале .

Другие позиции

В 2017 году Мотлант возглавлял группу высокого уровня по оценке ключевого законодательства и ускорения фундаментальных изменений, правительственной комиссии, которая сделала значительные выводы о земельной реформе , что привело к Высокого суда в 2021 году в 2021 году в Пьетермарицбурге выводу против Ингонима -фонда . В марте 2018 года он возглавлял Африканского союза миссию на выборах на выборах 2018 года в Сьерра -Леоне. Позже в том же году президент Зимбабве Эммерсон Мнангагва назначил его председателем комиссии по расследованию беспорядков в Хараре , в течение которых государственные силы убили нескольких гражданских лиц.

Он был членом Глобальной комиссии по наркотической политике с марта 2019 года. В 2020 году он и бывший нигерийский президент Олусегун Обасанджо стал соавтором статьи, в которой они отрекомендовали себя от политики своих администраций, утверждая, что криминализация и запрет были иррациональными и неэффективными, и заявили: «Мы ошибались».

Он присоединился к совету директоров Avanhoe Mines в качестве неисполнительного директора в апреле 2018 года. Он также является попечителем Фонда Нельсона Манделы , и 23 января 2021 года фонд объявил, что его высшие руководители будут уйти в отставку в ожидании расследования неправомерных действий, и что Мотлант и два других попечителя будут привести к фонду тем временно.

Противоречия

Скандал с нефтью и нефтью

Основные статьи: нефтяная программа и нефть

Среди самых больших скандалов в АНК во время пребывания Мотланта в качестве генерального секретаря были две тесно связанные скандалы, вращающиеся вокруг отношений АНК с бизнесменом Сэнди Маджили и его компанией Imvume Holdings , получателем государственных контрактов на сумму 1,74 млрд. Руб. Во -первых, в 2004 году « Mail & Guardian» сообщили, что компании Маджали приобрели Иракскую нефть - некоторые из которых были позже проданы Южноафриканскому государству -В рамках ( ООН) программы нефтяной нефти , возможно, на основании якобы политического доступа Маджали, возможно, на основе якобы политического доступа Маджали, и в зависимости от выплаты « надбавок » (в этом контексте незаконные откаты) в иракский режим . Позже, в 2005 году, та же самая газета сообщила, что Imvume пожертвовал 11 миллионов рублей АНК вскоре после получения аванса в размере 15 миллионов рублей по государственному контракту. Наконец, уполномочив оба скандала, это показало доказательства того, что Imvume был «фактически передовым » для АНК. Мотлант был замечен как имея дело, чтобы ответить: в декабре 2000 года, и, возможно, в других случаях Мотлант принадлежал к делегации АНК, которая приехала в Багдад с Маджали, чтобы встретиться с иракскими чиновниками, предположительно, чтобы посвятить себя сделкам с нефтью. и он написал иракскому правительству, говоря, что Маджали имел «полное одобрение и благословение АНК». С 2004 года источники заявили, что Мотлант и Маджали были близкими партнерами, и к 2005 году Мотлант называли «покровителем АНК Маджали», когда Имвуме назвал Маджали своим «экономическим советником». Комитет Волкера также упомянул Motlanthe в качестве ключевого игрока в сделках с нефтью напрокат.

В 2006 году MBEKI назначил адвоката Майкла Донена для расследования возможных проступков, но комиссия так и не завершила свою работу. В фразе журналиста Стивена Гроота «обычная мудрость» стала, что Мотлант был «вовлечен» в сделки. В декабре 2011 года Зума опубликовал промежуточный отчет Комиссии Донена, которая была сосредоточена главным образом на обвинениях против Мотланта и других против Токио Сексвале . Отчет широко рассматривался как оправдательный Мотлант: Донен отверг взгляды Комитета Волкера и пришел к выводу, что намерения Мотланта были невиновны. Mail & Guardian несогласивались, утверждая, что Комиссия Донена не полностью и должным образом расследовала обвинения против Мотланта.

Кредит на земельный банк

В июле 2005 года, в то время как Мотлант был Генеральным секретарем, Sunday Times сообщила, что государственный земельный банк профинансировал сделку по расширению экономических прав и возможностей чернокожих, из-за которой Мотлант должен был получить прибыль. Банк предоставил 800 млн. Руб. - очень большой кредит, составляющий более 40% резервов банка - для инвестиционных акций Pamodzi для покупки 49% FoodCorp . У Motlanthe и Manne Dipico , советника Mbeki, была доля (в случае Мотланта 0,15%) в Памби Траст, которому принадлежало 8% Памодзи. Мотлант был бенефициаром, а не доверенным лицом Памби, и Памодзи сказал, что он не знал о сделке, пока она происходила; Более того, кредит, по -видимому, был организован корпорацией промышленного развития, а не непосредственно Памодзи. Тем не менее, кредит был спорным, и DA призвал общественного защитника расследовать. Расследование государственного защитника прояснило неправомерные поведения.

Предполагаемая авиационная взятка

В марте 2012 года The Sunday Times напечатало утверждение, поддерживаемое Барри Оберхольцером , что в 2011 году партнер Motlanthe, Гугу Мтсхали, участвовал в получении взятки 104 миллионов рублей от авиационной компании 360 Aviation. Предполагается, что взятка была предназначена для получения государственной поддержки, которая способствовала Мотланте (тогдашнему заместителю президента), для предлагаемой сделки с иранским правительством. Мотлант отрицал утверждение и попросил общественного защитника расследовать; И он, и Мтхали были очищены от правонарушений. Косату аплодировал готовности Мотланта подвергать себя публичному контролю и подотчетности.

Личность и публичный имидж

Мотлант в июне 2009 года.

Мотлант известен тем, что он «свирепо частной». По словам бывшего министра по президенту Фрэнк Чикане , он не пригласил ни одной семьи или гостей на свою президентскую инаугурацию. Он также известен своим сдержанным, измеренным поведением, Хотя его друзья в АНК сообщают о том, что «он может быть великим Джокером» и что он часто обезвреживал плохое настроение среди своих когортов острова Роббен. Финансовая почта описывает его как Авенункуляр и «мягкий манеров, с почти врожденным президентом». В 2008 году журналистка Фиона Форде написала, используя свое прозвище «Мхулува» (английский: «Старший» или «старший брат»):

В рядах [АНК] мало что есть плохое слово, чтобы сказать о Мхулуве. Для них он-тихая, но сильная сила, которая источает спокойствие в момент паники-человек, чей хладнокровный взгляд видит его в течение многих тяжелых времен. Это голос разума ... он - интеллектуал, товарищ, чья дверь всегда открыта. Он обладает большим остроумием, которое он развязывает с сухим чувством юмора. Мхулува - также человек принципов ...

Многие комментаторы согласны с тем, что Мотлант, казалось, содержит небольшие личные амбиции для политического продвижения. В 2012 году он сказал журналистам, что он «не политик». В начале 2009 года, когда сам президент сам сказал журналисту Джону Карлуну : «Быть ​​президентом означает, что у вас нет собственной жизни. Мне это на самом деле не нравится. Я думаю, что вы должны быть безумными или очень, очень особенными». Действительно, в 2007 году он сказал, что предпочел бы наблюдать за Бафаной Бафана , национальной футбольной командой, становясь президентом. Его собственная парадигма хорошего лидерства, кажется, исключает личные амбиции: однажды он объяснил: «Для добровольного лидерства - это антитеза демократии, которая касается коллективных решений, а не индивидуальных амбиций»; С другой стороны, он сказал: «Если вы оказываетесь лидером, это должно быть случайно». Тем не менее, Буйсен утверждает, что у него, вероятно, была как способность, так и аппетит, чтобы выиграть еще один президентский срок. По словам Буйсена, это было связано с его соблюдением демократического централизма , традиционно связанного с АНК что он решил не отталкиваться против инструкций партии. В любом случае, благодать, с которой он отказался от власти в Зуме в 2009 году, заставила его казаться надежной фигурой.

Но товарищи, революция преднамерена. Революция никогда не случайно - революция преднамерена и методична. И поэтому важно, чтобы мы всегда проверяли, правильно ли мы организованы для продвижения революции.

- Motlanthe, демонстрируя характерную модерацию

С другой стороны, «самовыразительный» Мотлант Личность также была связана с определенной критикой его стиля лидерства. Критики говорят, что он был «неэффективным, нерешительным и не имел основы». или «Нерешительный в решающие времена, слишком мягкий». Точно так же, хотя его «невозмутимый» внешний вид и способность подниматься выше «лоскутных фракционных битв» иногда воспринимались как добродетель, Некоторые сторонники были разочарованы его отрядом и нежеланием «быть их героем», мотивированным тем, что они воспринимали как «его желание избежать грязного лома и сохранить его образ чистой». Свидетель . сказал в декабре 2012 года: «АНК и Южная Африка никогда не узнают, какой лидер Мотлант мог бы и был бы» Right2Know также раскритиковал расхождение между внешним обязательством Мотланта по компромиссу и умеренности, с одной стороны, и его продемонстрированной приверженностью лояльно внедрению партийной линии АНК . В нем говорилось, что он «усыпляет [публику] в ложное чувство безопасности», играя « хорошего полицейского » на «плохой полицейский» АНК.

Английский дипломат и политик Робин Ренвик заявил в 2012 году, что после Манделы Мотлант был самым уважаемым лидером в Южной Африке за рубежом, «считается лучшими достоинствами старой гвардии АНК». Мотлант считается, что он принял роль «старшего государственного деятеля» после выхода на пенсию, В 2018 году Sunday Times комментировал, что он был первым из бывших президентов Южной Африки, которые нашли «правильную роль» в общественной жизни, в его случае как «неохотный президент, смотритель, который вмешался, чтобы устойчивать корабль и грациозно отступил на меньшую должность, хранитель демократических ценностей и старшего государственного деятеля ».

Личная жизнь

В 1975 году Мотлант женился на Мапуле Мокате . Они были разделены до того, как он поднялся на президентство в 2008 году, и он подал на развод в 2011 году. Их развод был урегулирован в марте 2014 года, и он женился на своем давнем партнере, бизнесмене Гугу Мтсхали, в мае 2014 года в Хоутоне, Йоханнесбург . У него трое взрослых детей с Мокате - Кагисо, Нтабисенг и Кгомотсо - и является джазовым энтузиастом.

Смотрите также

• История африканского национального конгресса

Внешние ссылки

• Официальный профиль на президентском сайте
• Сайт фонда Kgalema Motlanthe
• Выдержка из Kgalema Motlanthe: Политическая биография (2012) Эбрагима Харви
• Кадры выборов Мотланта в качестве генерального секретаря АНК (1997) в Associated Press (см. 02:45)
• Кадры восхваления Мотланта на похоронах Ахмеда Катрады (2017) в SABC