Военная диктатура Чили

См. Также: 1973 Чилийский переворот д'Этат и правительство Хунта Чили (1973)

Республика Чили Республика Чили
1973–1990
Флаг Герб
Девиз: по разуму или силе ("По разуму или силой")
Гимн:   национальный гимн Чили ("Национальный гимн Чили") Duration: 2 minutes and 11 seconds.2:11
Chilean territory in dark green; claimed but uncontrolled territory in light green
Capital	Santiago
Common languages	Spanish
Government	Unitary presidential republic under an authoritarian military dictatorship
President
• 1974–1990	Augusto Pinochet
President of the Junta
• 1973–1981	Augusto Pinochet
• 1981–1990	José Toribio Merino
Legislature	Government Junta
Historical era	Cold War
• Coup d'etát	11 September 1973
• Constitution	11 March 1981
• Plebiscite	5 October 1988
• Transition to democracy	11 March 1990
Area
• Total	756,096.3 km2 (291,930.4 sq mi) (37th)
Population
• 1973	10,095,485
• 1980	11,178,817
• 1990	13,187,821
HDI (1980)	0.640 medium
Currency	Chilean escudo (1973–75) Chilean peso (1975–90)
ISO 3166 code	CL
Preceded by Succeeded by Presidential Republic (1925–1973) Chilean transition to democracy

Авторитарная демократически военная диктатура управляла Чили в течение семнадцати лет, с 11 сентября 1973 года по 11 марта 1990 года. Диктатура была создана после того, как избранное социалистическое правительство Сальвадора Альенде была свергнута в результате переворота, поддержанного Соединенными Штатами 11 сентября 1973 года. В течение этого времени страной управляла военная хунта , возглавляемая генералом Аугуано Пиночетом . Военные использовали разбивку демократии и экономического кризиса, который произошел во время президентства Альенде, чтобы оправдать захват власти. Диктатура представила свою миссию как «национальную реконструкцию». Переворот был результатом многочисленных сил, включая давление со стороны консервативных групп, определенных политических партий, профсоюзных ударов и других внутренних волнений, а также международных факторов.

The regime was characterized by the systematic suppression of political parties and the persecution of dissidents to an extent unprecedented in the history of Chile. Overall, the regime left over 3,000 dead or missing, tortured tens of thousands of prisoners, and drove an estimated 200,000 Chileans into exile. Влияние диктатуры на чилийскую политическую и экономическую жизнь продолжает ощущаться. Через два года после его восхождения неолиберальные экономические реформы были проведены в резком контрасте с левой политикой Альенде. Правительство было консультировано Chicago Boys , команда экономистов свободного рынка, образовавшихся в Соединенных Штатах. Позже, в 1980 году, режим заменил Конституцию 1925 года новой конституцией на спорном референдуме . Это установило серию положений, которые в конечном итоге приведут к чилийскому национальному плебисциту 1988 года 5 октября того же года.

In that plebiscite, 55% of voters rejected the proposal of extending Pinochet's presidency for another eight years. Consequently, democratic presidential and parliamentary elections were held the following year. The military dictatorship ended in 1990 with the election of Christian Democrat candidate Patricio Aylwin. However, the military remained out of civilian control for several years after the junta itself had lost power.

Rise to power

Main article: 1973 Chilean coup d'état

See also: Chile truckers' strike

There has been a large amount of debate over the extent of US government involvement in destabilising the Allende government. Recently declassified documents show evidence of communication between the Chilean military and United States officials, suggesting covert US involvement in assisting the military's rise to power. Some key figures in the Nixon administration, such as Henry Kissinger, used the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to mount a major destabilization campaign. As the CIA revealed in 2000, "In the 1960s and the early 1970s, as part of the US Government policy to try to influence events in Chile, the CIA undertook specific covert action projects in Chile ... to discredit Marxist-leaning political leaders, especially Dr. Salvador Allende, and to strengthen and encourage their civilian and military opponents to prevent them from assuming power". The CIA worked with right-wing Chilean politicians, military personnel, and journalists to undermine socialism in Chile. One reason for this was financial, as many US businesses had investments in Chile, and Allende's socialist policies included the nationalization of Chile's major industries. Another reason was the propagandized fear of the spread of communism, which was particularly important in the context of the Cold War. The rationale was that US feared that Allende would promote the spreading of Soviet influence in their 'backyard'. As early as 1963, the U.S. via the CIA and U.S. multinationals such as ITT intervened in Chilean politics using a variety of tactics and millions of dollars to interfere with elections, ultimately helping plan the coup against Allende.

On 15 April 1973, workers from the El Teniente mining camp had ceased working, demanding higher wages. The strike lasted 76 days and cost the government severely in lost revenues. One of the strikers, Luis Bravo Morales, was shot dead in Rancagua city. On June 29, the Blindados No. 2 tank regiment under the command of Colonel Roberto Souper, attacked La Moneda, Chile's presidential palace. Instigated by the neo-fascist organization Fatherland and Liberty, the armoured cavalry soldiers hoped other units would be inspired to join them. Instead, armed units led by generals Carlos Prats and Augusto Pinochet quickly put down the coup attempt. In late July, 40,000 truckers, squeezed by price controls and rising costs, tied up transportation in a nationwide strike that lasted 37 days, costing the government US$6 million a day. Two weeks before the coup, public dissatisfaction with rising prices and food shortages led to protests like the one at the Plaza de la Constitución which had been dispersed with tear gas. Allende also clashed with Chile's largest circulation newspaper, the CIA-funded El Mercurio. The newspaper was investigated for tax evasion and its director arrested and interviewed. The Allende government found it impossible to control inflation, which grew to more than 300 percent by September, further dividing Chileans over the Allende government and its policies.

Upper- and middle-class right-wing women also played a role in the opposition against the Allende government. They co-ordinated two prominent opposition groups called El Poder Feminino ("female power"), and Solidaridad, Orden y Libertad ("solidarity, order, and freedom"). The women carried out the ‘March of the Empty Pots and Pans’ in December 1971.

On August 22, 1973, the Chamber of Deputies passed, by a vote of 81 to 47, a resolution calling for President Allende to respect the constitution. The measure failed to obtain the two-thirds majority in the Senate constitutionally required to convict the president of abuse of power, but the resolution still represented a challenge to Allende's legitimacy. The military viewed themselves as guarantors of the constitution and elements within the armed forces considered that Allende had lost legitimacy as Chile's leader. As a result, reacting to demand for intervention from opponents of the government, the military began planning for a military coup which would ultimately take place on September 11, 1973. Contrary to popular belief, Pinochet was not the mastermind behind the coup. It was, in fact, naval officers who first decided that military intervention was necessary to remove President Allende from power. Army generals were unsure of Pinochet's allegiances, as he had given no prior indication of disloyalty to Allende, and thus was only informed of these plans on the evening of 8 September, just three days before the coup took place. On 11 September 1973, the military launched a coup, with troops surrounding La Moneda Palace. Allende died that day of suspected suicide.

The military installed themselves in power as a Military Government Junta, composed of the heads of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Carabineros (police). Once the Junta was in power, General Augusto Pinochet soon consolidated his control over the government. Since he was the commander-in-chief of the oldest branch of the military forces (the Army), he was made the titular head of the junta, and soon after President of Chile. Once the junta had taken over, the United States immediately recognized the new regime and helped it consolidate power.

Dictatorship's crimes against humanity

Suppression of political activity

Book burning in Chile following the 1973 coup that installed the Pinochet regime

On September 13, the junta dissolved the Congress and outlawed or suspended all political activities in addition to suspending the 1925 constitution. All political activity was declared "in recess". The Government Junta immediately banned the socialist, Marxist and other leftist parties that had constituted former President Allende's Popular Unity coalition and began a systemic campaign of imprisonment, torture, harassment and/or murder against the perceived opposition. Eduardo Frei, Allende's predecessor as president, initially supported the coup along with his Christian Democratic colleagues. However, they later assumed the role of a loyal opposition to the military rulers. During 1976–77, this repression even reached independent and Christian Democrat labour leaders who had supported the coup, several were exiled. Christian Democrats like Radomiro Tomic were jailed or forced into exile. Retired military personnel were named rectors of universities and they carried out vast purges of suspected left-wing sympathisers. With such strong repression, the Catholic church became the only public voice allowed within Chile. By 1974, the Commission of Peace had established a large network to provide information to numerous organisations regarding human rights abuses in Chile. As a result of this, Manuel Contreras, Director of DINA, threatened Cardinal Silva Henriquez that his safety could be at risk if the Church continued to interfere which in turn resulted in death threats and intimidation from agents of the regime.

A key provision of the new constitution of 1980 aimed at eliminating leftist factions, “outlawed the propagation of doctrines that attack the family or put forward a concept of society based on the class struggle”. Pinochet maintained strict command over the armed forces and could depend on them to help him censor the media, arrest opposition leaders and repress demonstrations. This was accompanied by a complete shutting down of civil society with curfews, prohibition of public assembly, press blackouts, draconian censorship and university purges.

Human rights violations

Main article: Human rights violations in Pinochet's Chile

Women of the Association of Families of the Detained-Disappeared demonstrate in front of La Moneda Palace during the Pinochet military regime.

The military rule was characterized by systematic suppression of all political dissidence. Scholars later described this as a "politicide" (or "political genocide"). Steve J. Stern spoke of a politicide to describe "a systematic project to destroy an entire way of doing and understanding politics and governance".

Estimates of figures for victims of state violence vary. Rudolph Rummel cited early figures of up to 30,000 people killed. However, these high estimates have not held to later scrutiny.

In 1996, human rights activists announced they had presented another 899 cases of people who had disappeared or been killed during the dictatorship, taking the total of known victims to 3,197, of whom 2,095 were reported killed and 1,102 missing. Following the return to democracy with the Concertacion government, the Rettig Commission, a multipartisan effort by the Aylwin administration to discover the truth about the human-rights violations, listed a number of torture and detention centers (such as Colonia Dignidad, the ship Esmeralda or Víctor Jara Stadium), and found that at least 3,200 people were killed or disappeared by the regime. Later, the 2004 Valech Report confirmed the figure of 3,200 deaths but reduced the estimated number of disappearances. It tells of some 28,000 arrests in which the majority of those detained were incarcerated and in a great many cases tortured. In 2011, the Chilean government officially recognized 36,948 survivors of torture and political imprisonment, as well as 3,095 people killed or disappeared at the hands of the military government.

The worst violence occurred within the first three months of the coup, with the number of suspected leftists killed or "disappeared" (desaparecidos) reaching several thousand. In the days immediately following the coup, the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs informed Henry Kissinger that the National Stadium was being used to hold 5,000 prisoners. Between the day of the coup and November 1973, as many as 40,000 political prisoners were held there and as late as 1975, the CIA was still reporting that up to 3,811 were imprisoned there. 1,850 of them were killed, another 1,300 are still missing to this day. Some of the most famous cases of desaparecidos are Charles Horman, a U.S. citizen who was killed during the coup itself, Chilean songwriter Víctor Jara, and the October 1973 Caravan of Death (Caravana de la Muerte) wherein at least 70 people were killed.

Leftist guerrilla groups and their sympathizers were also hit hard during the military regime. The MIR commander, Andrés Pascal Allende, has stated that the Marxist guerrillas lost 1,500–2,000 fighters that were either killed or had simply disappeared. Among the people that were killed or had disappeared during the military regime were at least 663 MIR guerrillas. The Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front stated that 49 FPMR guerrillas were killed, and hundreds tortured.

DINA's torture center at José Domingo Cañas 1367

According to the Latin American Institute on Mental Health and Human Rights, 200,000 people were affected by "extreme trauma"; this figure includes individuals executed, tortured, forcibly exiled, or having their immediate relatives put under detention. 316 women have reported to having been subjected to rape by soldiers and agents of the dictatorship, however the number is believed to be much larger due to the preference of many women to avoid talking about this. Twenty pregnant women have declared to have suffered abortion due to torture. In the words of Alejandra Matus detained women were doubly punished, first for being "leftists" and second for not conforming to their ideal of women usually being called "perra" (lit. "bitch").

Some funeral urns of political activists executed by the Chilean military dictatorship, from 1973 to 1990, in the cemetery of Santiago

In addition to the violence experienced within Chile, many people fled from the regime, while others have been forcibly exiled, with some 30,000 Chileans being deported from the country. particularly to Argentina, however, Operation Condor, which linked South American dictatorships together against political opponents, meant that even these exiles could be subject to violence. Some 20,000–40,000 Chilean exiles were holders of passports stamped with the letter "L" (which stood for lista nacional), identifying them as persona non grata and had to seek permission before entering the country. According to a study in Latin American Perspectives, at least 200,000 Chileans (about 2% of Chile's 1973 population) were forced into exile. Additionally, hundreds of thousands left the country in the wake of the economic crises that followed the military coup during the 1970s and 1980s. In 2003, an article published by the International Committee of the Fourth International claimed that "Of a population of barely 11 million, more than 4,000 were executed or 'disappeared', hundreds of thousands were detained and tortured, and almost a million fled the country".

There were also internal exiles who due to a lack of resources could not escape abroad. In the 1980s a few left-wing sympathisers hid in Puerto Gala and Puerto Gaviota, Patagonian fishing communities with a reputation of lawlessness. There they were joined by delinquents who feared torture or death by the authorities.

Several scholars including Paul Zwier, Peter Winn and human rights organizations have characterized the dictatorship as a police state exhibiting "repression of public liberties, the elimination of political exchange, limiting freedom of speech, abolishing the right to strike, freezing wages".

Fake combats

Starting in the late 1970s the regime began to use a tactic of faking combats, usually known by its Spanish name: "falsos enfrentamientos". This meant that dissidents who were murdered outright had their deaths reported in media as if they had occurred in a mutual exchange of gunfire. This was done with support of journalists who "reported" the supposed events; in some cases, the fake combats were also staged. The faked combat tactic ameliorated criticism of the regime implicitly putting culpability on the victim. It is thought that the killing of the MIR leader Miguel Enríquez in 1974 could be an early case of a faked combat. The faked combats reinforced the dictatorship narrative on the existence of an "internal war" which it used to justify its existence. A particular fake combat event, lasting from September 8 to 9 1983, occurred when forces of the CNI lobbed grenades into a house, detonating the structure and killing the two men and a woman who were in the building. The agents would later state, with help from the Chilean press, that the people in the house had fired on them previously from their cars and had escaped to the house. The official story became that the three suspects had caused the explosion themselves by trying to burn and destroy incriminating evidence. Such actions had the effect of justifying the existence of heavily armed forces in Chile and the dictatorship's conduct against such "violent" offenders.

Politics and power within the dictatorship

Pinochet–Leigh conflict

During the 1970s, junta members Gustavo Leigh and Augusto Pinochet clashed on several occasions, dating back from the beginning of the 1973 Chilean coup d'état. Leigh criticized Pinochet for having joined the coup very late and then subsequently pretending to keep all power for himself. In December 1974, Leigh opposed the proposal to name Pinochet president of Chile. Leigh recalls from that moment that, "Pinochet was furious: he hit the board, broke the glass, injured his hand a little and bled. Then, Merino and Mendoza told me I should sign, because if not the junta would split. I signed." Leigh's primary concern was Pinochet's consolidation of the legislative and executive branches of government under the new government, in particular, Pinochet's decision to enact a plebiscite without formally alerting the other junta members. Leigh, although a fervent supporter of the regime and hater of Marxist ideology, had already taken steps to separate the executive and legislative branches. Pinochet was said to have been angered by Leigh's continued founding of a structure to divide the executive and legislative branches, eventually leading to Pinochet consolidating his power and Leigh being removed from the regime. Leigh tried to fight his dismissal from the military and government junta but on July 24, 1978, his office was blocked by paratroopers. In accordance with legal rights established by the junta government, its members could not be dismissed without evidence of impairment, hence Pinochet and his ally junta members had declared Leigh to be unfit. Airforce General Fernando Matthei replaced Leigh as junta member.

Another dictatorship member critical of Pinochet, Arturo Yovane, was removed from his post as minister of mining in 1974 and appointed ambassador at the new Chilean embassy in Tehran.

Civilian collaborators

Over time the dictatorship incorporated civilians into the government. Many of the Chicago boys joined the government, and Pinochet was largely sympathetic to them. This sympathy, scholar Peter Winn explains, was indebted to the fact that the Chicago boys were technocrats and thus fitted Pinochet's self-image of being "above politics". Pinochet was impressed by their assertiveness as well as by their links to the financial world of the United States.

Another group of civilians that collaborated extensively with the regime were the Gremialists, whose movement started in 1966 in the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile. The founder of the Gremialist movement, lawyer Jaime Guzmán, never assumed any official position in the military dictatorship but he remained one of the closest collaborators with Pinochet, playing an important ideological role. He participated in the design of important speeches of Pinochet and provided frequent political and doctrinal advice and consultancy. Guzmán declared to have a "negative opinion" of National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) director Manuel Contreras. According to him this lead him into various "inconviniencies and difficulties". From its side DINA identified Guzmán as an intelligent and manipulative actor in a secret 1976 memorandum. The same document posits Guzmán manipulated Pinochet and sought ultimately to displace him from power, to lead himself a government in collaboration with Jorge Alessandri. DINA spied on Guzmán and kept watch on his everyday activities. According to Oscar Contardo Guzmán was identified as gay within a portfolio held by the DINA.

According to scholar Carlos Huneeus, the Gremialists and the Chicago Boys shared a long-term power strategy and were linked to each other in many ways. In Chile it has been very hard for the outside world to fully understand the role that everyday civilians played in keeping Pinochet's government afloat, partly because there has been scant research into the topic and partly because those who did help the regime from 1973 to 1990 have been unwilling to explore their own part. One of the exemptions is a Univision interview with Osvaldo Romo Mena, a civilian torturer in 1995 recounting his actions. Osvaldo Romo died while incarcerated for the murder of three political opponents. For the most part, civilian collaborators with Pinochet have not broken the code of silence held by the military of the 1970s to 1990s.

Constitution of 1980

Main article: 1980 Chilean constitutional referendum

Establishing a new constitution was a core issue for the dictatorship since it provided a mean of legitimization. For this purpose the junta selected notable civilians willing to join the draft commission. Dissidents to the dictatorship were not represented in the commission.

Chile's new constitution was approved in a national plebiscite held on September 11, 1980. The constitution was approved by 67% of voters under a process which has been described as "highly irregular and undemocratic", and was neither free nor fair. Critics of the 1980 Constitution argue that the constitution was created not to build a democracy, but to consolidate power within the central government while limiting the amount of sovereignty allowed to the people with little political presence. The constitution came into force on March 11, 1981.

Removal of César Mendoza

In 1985, due to the Caso Degollados scandal ("case of the slit throats"), General César Mendoza resigned and was replaced by General Rodolfo Stange.

Youth policy

See also: Acto de Chacarillas

One of the first measures of the dictatorship was to set up a Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud (SNJ, National Youth Office). This was done on October 28, 1973, even before the Declaration of Principles of the junta made in March 1974. This was a way of mobilizing sympathetic elements of the civil society in support for the dictatorship. SNJ was created by advice of Jaime Guzmán, being an example of the dictatorship adopting a Gremialist thought. Some right-wing student union leaders like Andrés Allamand were skeptical to these attempts as they were moulded from above and gathered disparate figures such as Miguel Kast, Antonio Vodanovic and Jaime Guzmán. Allamand and other young right-wingers also resented the dominance of the gremialist in SNJ, considering it a closed gremialist club.

From 1975 to 1980 the SNJ arranged a series of ritualized rallies in Cerro Chacarillas reminiscent of Francoist Spain. The policy towards the sympathetic youth contrasted with the murder, surveillance and forced disappearances the dissident youth faced from the regime. Most of the documents of the SNJ were reportedly destroyed by the dictatorship in 1988.

Women during the dictatorship

In 1962 under the presidency of Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva, the women's section expanded pre-existing neighbourhood 'mothers' centres' (which initially helped women to purchase their own sewing machines) to help garner support for their social reforms amongst the poorer sections. By the end of the 1960s, there were 8,000 centres involving 400,000 members. Under Allende they were reorganised under the rubric National Confederation of Mothers' Centres (Confederación Nacional de Centros de Madres, COCEMA) and leadership of his wife, Hortensia Bussi, to encourage community initiatives and implement their policies directed at women.

Opposition

Peaceful protest against Pinochet, 1985

Attacks on military personnel

Further information: Armed resistance in Chile (1973–1990)

One of the first armed groups to oppose the dictatorship was the MIR, Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria. Immediately after the coup MIR-aligned elements in Neltume, southern Chile, unsuccessfully assaulted the local Carabineros station. Subsequently, MIR conducted several operations against the Pinochet government until the late 1980s. MIR assassinated the head of the Army Intelligence school, Lieutenant Roger Vergara, with machine gun fire in the late 1970s. The MIR also executed an attack on the base of the Chilean Secret Police (Central Nacional de Informaciones, CNI), as well as several attempts on the lives of carabineros officials and a judge of the Supreme Court in Chile. Throughout the beginning years of the dictatorship the MIR was low-profile, but in August 1981 the MIR successfully killed the military leader of Santiago, General Carol Urzua Ibanez. Attacks on Chilean military official increased in the early 1980s, with the MIR killing several security forces personnel on a variety of occasions through extensive use of planted bombs in police stations or machine gun use.

Representing a major shift in attitudes, the CPCh founded the FPMR on 14 December 1983, to engage in a violent armed struggle against the junta. Most notably the organisation attempted to assassinate Pinochet on the 7 September 1986 under 'Operation XX Century' but were unsuccessful. The group also assassinated the author of the 1980 Constitution, Jaime Guzmán on 1 April 1991. They continued to operate throughout the 1990s, being designated as a terrorist organisation the U.S. Department of State and MI6, until supposedly ceasing to operate in 1999.

Church opposition to human rights violations

Further information: Vicariate of Solidarity

The Catholic Church, which at first expressed its gratitude to the armed forces for saving the country from the horrors of a "Marxist dictatorship" became, under the leadership of Cardinal Raúl Silva Henríquez, the most outspoken critic of the regime's social and economic policies.

The Catholic Church was symbolically and institutionally powerful within Chile. Domestically, it was the second most powerful institution, behind Pinochet's government. While the Church remained politically neutral, its opposition to the regime came in the form of human rights advocacy and through the social movements that it gave a platform to. It achieved this through the establishment of the Cooperative Committee for Peace in Chile (COPACHI) and Vicariate of Solidarity. COPACHI was founded by Cardinal Raul Silve Henriquez, Archbishop of Santiago, as an immediate response to the repression of the Pinochet regime. It was apolitical in a spirit of collaboration rather than conflict with the government. Pinochet developed suspicion of COPACHI, leading to its dissolution in late 1975. In response Silva founded the Vicariate in its place. Historian Hugo Fruhling's work highlights the multifaceted nature of Vicaria. Through developments and education programs in the shantytown area of Santiago, the Vicaria had mobilised around 44,000 people to join campaigns by 1979. The Church published a newsletter called Solidarity published in Chile and abroad and supplied the public with information through radio stations. Vicaria pursued a legal strategy of defending human rights, not a political strategy to re-democratise Chile.

Jornadas de Protesta Nacional

Protesters in O'Higgins Park, Santiago, on May 1, 1984

The Days of National Protest (Jornadas de Protesta Nacional) were days of civil demonstrations that periodically took place in Chile in the 1980s against the military junta. They were characterized by street demonstrations in the downtown avenues of the city in the mornings, strikes during the day, and barricades and clashes in the periphery of the city throughout the night. The protests were faced with increased government repression from 1984, with the biggest and last protest summoned in July 1986. The protests changed the mentality of many Chileans, strengthening opposition organizations and movements in the 1988 plebiscite.

Economy and free market reforms

Estadio Nacional de Chile as a concentration camp after the coup

Main article: Economic history of Chile § 1975-81

After the military took over the government in 1973, a period of dramatic economic changes began. The Chilean economy was still faltering in the months following the coup. As the military junta itself was not particularly skilled in remedying the persistent economic difficulties, it appointed a group of Chilean economists who had been educated in the United States at the University of Chicago. Given financial and ideological support from Pinochet, the U.S., and international financial institutions, the Chicago Boys advocated laissez-faire, free-market, neoliberal, and fiscally conservative policies, in stark contrast to the extensive nationalization and centrally planned economic programs supported by Allende. Chile was drastically transformed from an economy isolated from the rest of the world, with strong government intervention, into a liberalized, world-integrated economy, where market forces were left free to guide most of the economy's decisions.

From an economic point of view, the era can be divided into two periods. The first, from 1975 to 1982, corresponds to the period when most of the reforms were implemented. The period ended with the international debt crisis and the collapse of the Chilean economy. At that point, unemployment was extremely high, above 20 percent, and a large proportion of the banking sector had become bankrupt. The following period was characterized by new reforms and economic recovery. Some economists argue that the recovery was due to an about-face turnaround of Pinochet's free market policy, since he nationalized many of the same industries that were nationalized under Allende and fired the Chicago Boys from their government posts.

1975–81

Chile's main industry, copper mining, remained in government hands, with the 1980 Constitution declaring them "inalienable", but new mineral deposits were open to private investment. Capitalist involvement was increased, the Chilean pension system and healthcare were privatized, and Superior Education was also placed in private hands. One of the junta's economic moves was fixing the exchange rate in the early 1980s, leading to a boom in imports and a collapse of domestic industrial production; this together with a world recession caused a serious economic crisis in 1982, where GDP plummeted by 14%, and unemployment reached 33%. At the same time, a series of massive protests were organized, trying to cause the fall of the regime, which were efficiently repressed.

1982–83

Main article: Crisis of 1982

In 1982-1983 Chile witnessed a severe economic crisis with a surge in unemployment and a meltdown of the financial sector. 16 out of 50 financial institutions faced bankruptcy. In 1982 the two biggest banks were nationalized to prevent an even worse credit crunch. In 1983 another five banks were nationalized and two banks had to be put under government supervision. The central bank took over foreign debts. Critics ridiculed the economic policy of the Chicago Boys as "Chicago way to socialism".

1984–90

After the economic crisis, Hernán Büchi became Minister of Finance from 1985 to 1989, introducing a return to a free market economic policy. He allowed the peso to float and reinstated restrictions on the movement of capital in and out of the country. He deleted some bank regulations and simplified and reduced the corporate tax. Chile went ahead with privatizations, including public utilities and the re-privatization of companies that had briefly returned to government control during the 1982–83 crisis. From 1984 to 1990, Chile's gross domestic product grew by an annual average of 5.9%, the fastest on the continent. Chile developed a good export economy, including the export of fruits and vegetables to the northern hemisphere when they were out of season, and commanded high export prices.

Evaluation

Chilean (orange) and average Latin American (blue) rates of growth of GDP (1971–2007)

Initially the economic reforms were internationally praised. Milton Friedman wrote in his Newsweek column on 25 January 1982 about the Miracle of Chile. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher credited Pinochet with bringing about a thriving, free-enterprise economy, while at the same time downplaying the junta's human rights record, condemning an "organised international Left who are bent on revenge".

With the economic crises of 1982 the "monetarist experiment" was regarded by critics a failure.

The pragmatic economic policy after the crises of 1982 is appreciated for bringing constant economic growth. It is questionable whether the radical reforms of the Chicago Boys contributed to post-1983 growth. According to Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, economist and consultant of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, the 1982 crises as well as the success of the pragmatic economic policy after 1982 proves that the 1975–1981 radical economic policy of the Chicago Boys actually harmed the Chilean economy.

Social consequences

The economic policies espoused by the Chicago Boys and implemented by the junta initially caused several economic indicators to decline for Chile's lower classes. Between 1970 and 1989, there were large cuts to incomes and social services. Wages decreased by 8%. Family allowances in 1989 were 28% of what they had been in 1970 and the budgets for education, health and housing had dropped by over 20% on average. The massive increases in military spending and cuts in funding to public services coincided with falling wages and steady rises in unemployment, which averaged 26% during the worldwide economic slump of 1982–85 and eventually peaked at 30%.

In 1990, the LOCE act on education initiated the dismantlement of public education. According to Communist Party of Chile member and economist Manuel Riesco Larraín:

Overall, the impact of neoliberal policies has reduced the total proportion of students in both public and private institutions in relation to the entire population, from 30 per cent in 1974 down to 25 per cent in 1990, and up only to 27 per cent today. If falling birth rates have made it possible today to attain full coverage at primary and secondary levels, the country has fallen seriously behind at tertiary level, where coverage, although now growing, is still only 32 per cent of the age group. The figure was twice as much in neighbouring Argentina and Uruguay, and even higher in developed countries—South Korea attaining a record 98 per cent coverage. Significantly, tertiary education for the upper-income fifth of the Chilean population, many of whom study in the new private universities, also reaches above 70 per cent.

The junta relied on the middle class, the oligarchy, domestic business, foreign corporations, and foreign loans to maintain itself. Under Pinochet, funding of military and internal defence spending rose 120% from 1974 to 1979. Due to the reduction in public spending, tens of thousands of employees were fired from other state-sector jobs. The oligarchy recovered most of its lost industrial and agricultural holdings, for the junta sold to private buyers most of the industries expropriated by Allende's Popular Unity government.

Financial conglomerates became major beneficiaries of the liberalized economy and the flood of foreign bank loans. Large foreign banks reinstated the credit cycle, as the Junta saw that the basic state obligations, such as resuming payment of principal and interest installments, were honored. International lending organizations such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the Inter-American Development Bank lent vast sums anew. Many foreign multinational corporations such as International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT), Dow Chemical, and Firestone, all expropriated by Allende, returned to Chile.

Foreign relations

Further information: Foreign relations of Chile

Having risen to power on an anti-Marxist agenda, Pinochet found common cause with the military dictatorships of Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and later, Argentina. The six countries eventually formulated a plan known as Operation Condor, in which the security forces of participating states would target active left-wing militants, guerrilla fighters, and their alleged sympathizers in the allied countries. Pinochet's government received tacit approval and material support from the United States. The exact nature and extent of this support is disputed. (See U.S. role in 1973 Coup, U.S. intervention in Chile and Operation Condor for more details.) It is known, however, that the American Secretary of State at the time, Henry Kissinger, practiced a policy of supporting coups in nations which the United States viewed as leaning toward Communism.

The new junta quickly broke diplomatic relations with Cuba and North Korea, which had been established under the Allende government. Shortly after the junta came to power, several communist countries, including the Soviet Union, North Vietnam, East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia, severed diplomatic relations with Chile however, Romania and the People's Republic of China both continued to maintain diplomatic relations with Chile. Pinochet nurtured the relationship with China. The government broke diplomatic relations with Cambodia in January 1974 and with South Vietnam in March 1974. Pinochet attended the funeral of General Francisco Franco, dictator of Spain from 1936 to 1975, in late 1975.

In 1980, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos had invited the entire Junta (consisting at this point of Pinochet, Merino, Matthei, and Mendoza) to visit the country as part of a planned tour of Southeast Asia in an attempt to help improve their image and bolster military and economic relations with the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, and Hong Kong. Due to intense U.S. pressure at the last minute (while Pinochet's plane was halfway en route over the Pacific), Marcos cancelled the visit and denied Pinochet landing rights in the country. Pinochet and the junta were further caught off guard and humiliated when they were forced to land in Fiji to refuel for the planned return to Santiago, only to be met with airport staff who refused to assist the plane in any way (the Fijian military was called in instead), invasive and prolonged customs searches, exorbitant fuel and aviation service charges, and hundreds of angry protesters who pelted his plane with eggs and tomatoes. The usually stoic and calm Pinochet became enraged, firing his Foreign Minister Hernán Cubillos, several diplomats, and expelling the Philippine Ambassador. Relations between the two countries were restored only in 1986 when Corazon Aquino assumed the presidency of the Philippines after Marcos was ousted in a non-violent revolution, the People Power Revolution.

Argentina

President of Argentina Juan Perón condemned the 1973 coup as a "fatality for the continent" stating that Pinochet represented interests "well known" to him. He praised Allende for his "valiant attitude" and took note of the role of the United States in instigating the coup by recalling his familiarity with coup-making processes. On 14 May 1974 Perón received Pinochet at the Morón Airbase. Pinochet was heading to meet Alfredo Stroessner in Paraguay so the encounter at Argentina was technically a stopover. Pinochet and Perón are both reported to have felt uncomfortable during the meeting. Perón expressed his wishes to settle the Beagle conflict and Pinochet his concerns about Chilean exiles in Argentina near the frontier with Chile. Perón would have conceded on moving these exiles from the frontiers to eastern Argentina, but he warned "Perón takes his time, but accomplishes" (Perón tarda, pero cumple). Perón justified his meeting with Pinochet stating that it was important to keep good relations with Chile under all circumstances and with whoever might be in government. Perón died in July 1974 and was succeeded by his wife, Isabel Perón, who was overthrown in 1976 by the Argentine military who installed themselves as a new dictatorship in Argentina.

Chile was on the brink of being invaded by Argentina, as the Argentina junta initiated Operation Soberanía on 22 December 1978 because of the strategic Picton, Lennox and Nueva islands at the southern tip of South America on the Beagle Channel. A full-scale war was prevented only by the calling off of the operation by Argentina for military and political reasons. But the relations remained tense as Argentina invaded the Falklands (Operation Rosario). Chile along with Colombia, were the only countries in South America to criticize the use of force by Argentina in its war with the UK over the Falkland Islands. Chile actually helped the United Kingdom during the war. The two countries (Chile and Argentina) finally agreed to papal mediation over the Beagle Channel that finally ended in the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina (Tratado de Paz y Amistad). Chilean sovereignty over the islands and Argentinian east of the surrounding sea is now undisputed.

United States

Further information: United States intervention in Chile

Orlando Letelier, a former Chilean minister, was assassinated in Washington, D.C. in 1976.

Pinochet meeting with U.S. President Jimmy Carter in Washington, D.C., September 6, 1977

The U.S. government had been interfering in Chilean politics since 1961, and it spent millions trying to prevent Allende from coming to power, and subsequently undermined his presidency through financing opposition. Declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) documents reveal U.S. knowledge and alleged involvement in the coup. They provided material support to the military regime after the coup, although criticizing it in public. A document released by the CIA in 2000, titled "CIA Activities in Chile", revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta during and after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or U.S. military, even though some were known to be involved in human rights abuses. The U.S. continued to give the junta substantial economic support between the years 1973–79, despite concerns from more liberal Congressmen, as seen from the results of the Church Committee. U.S. public stance did condemn the human rights violations, however declassified documents reveal such violations were not an obstacle for members of the Nixon and Ford administrations. Henry Kissinger visited Santiago in 1976 for the annual conference of the Organisation of American States. During his visit he privately met with Pinochet and reassured the leader of internal support from the U.S. administration. The U.S. went beyond verbal condemnation in 1976, after the murder of Orlando Letelier in Washington D.C., when it placed an embargo on arms sales to Chile that remained in effect until the restoration of democracy in 1989. This more aggressive stance coincided with the election of Jimmy Carter who shifted the focus of U.S. foreign policy towards human rights.

The U.S. arms embargo served to kickstart the Chilean weapons industry, with the military aviation company ENAER standing out as the military manufacturer that developed the most following the embargo. On the contrary, the naval manufacturer ASMAR was the least impacted by the embargo.

United Kingdom

Britain's initial reaction to the overthrowing of Allende was one of caution. The Conservative government recognised the legitimacy of the new government but didn't offer any other declarations of support.

Under the Labour government of 1974–1979, while Britain regularly condemned the junta at the United Nations for its human rights abuses, bilateral relations between the two were not affected to the same degree. Britain formally withdrew its Santiago ambassador in 1974, however reinstated the position in 1980 under the Margaret Thatcher government.

Чили была нейтральной во время войны в Фолкленде , но ее радар на большие расстояния в Вестингаусе развернут на Пунта-Аренас, на юге Чили, дало британской целевой группе раннее предупреждение о воздушных атак аргентинцев, которые позволили британским кораблям и войскам в зоне военных действий принять защитные действия. Полем Margaret Thatcher said that the day the radar was taken out of service for overdue maintenance was the day Argentinian fighter-bombers bombed the troopships Sir Galahad and Sir Tristram, leaving approximately 50 dead and 150 wounded. According to Chilean Junta and former Air Force commander Fernando Matthei, Chilean support included military intelligence gathering, radar surveillance, British aircraft operating with Chilean colours and the safe return of British special forces, among other things. В апреле и мае 1982 года эскадрилья бомбардировщиков истребителей -охотников за Хоукером RAF Hawker отправилась в Чили, прибыв 22 мая и позволив Чилийскому ВВС реформировать № 9 «Лас -Пантерс -Неграс». Дальнейшая партия трех пограничных наблюдений и перевозки судоходства Канберры уехала в Чили в октябре. Некоторые авторы предполагают, что Аргентина могла бы выиграть войну, если бы ей разрешили использовать Горные бригады Вита и Виит, которые оставались охраняющими горную цепь Анд. Впоследствии Пиночет посещала Маргарет Тэтчер на чай не раз. Спорные отношения Пиночета с Тэтчером побудили лейбористов премьер -министра Тони Блэра Тэтчер издеваться над консерваторами как «партия Пиночета» в 1999 году.

Франция

Дополнительная информация: операция Condor

Хотя Франция получила много чилийских политических беженцев, она также тайно сотрудничала с Пиночетом. Французский журналист Мари-Моник Робин показал, как Валери Гискарда Д'Эстаинг правительство тайно сотрудничало с Хунтой Виделы в Аргентине и режимом Пиночета в Чили.

Зеленые депутаты Ноэль Мамер , Мартин Биллард и Ив Кохет 10 сентября 2003 года запросили парламентскую комиссию о «роли Франции в поддержке военных режимов в Латинской Америке с 1973 по 1984 год» перед Комиссией по иностранным делам Национального собрания, Под руководством Эдуарда Балладура . Помимо Le Monde , газеты молчали об этом запросе. Тем не менее, заместитель Роланд Блум , отвечающий за комиссию, отказался услышать Мари-Моник Робин и опубликован в декабре 2003 года, что отчет о 12 страницах, квалифицированный Робином как имум недобросовестности. Он утверждал, что не было подписано никакого соглашения, несмотря на соглашение, найденное Робином в Quai D'Orsay .

Когда в феврале 2004 года министр иностранных дел Доминик де Вильпин отправился в Чили, он утверждал, что не произошло сотрудничества между Францией и военными режимами.

Перу

По сообщениям, одна из главных целей Хуана Веласко Альварадо заключалась в том, чтобы военно вернуть земли, потерянные Перу в Чили в войне Тихого океана . По оценкам, с 1970 по 1975 год Перу потратил до 2 миллиардов долларов США (примерно 20 миллиардов долларов США в оценке 2010 года) на советское вооружение. Согласно различным источникам правительства Веласко, купившись от 600 до 1200 T -55 боевых танков , APCS , от 60 до 90 Sukhoi 22 даже рассматривались о покупке британского Centaur основных легкого флота носителя Warplanes, 500 000 штурмовых винтовок и .

Огромное количество оружия, приобретенного Перу, вызвало встречу бывшего государственного секретаря США Генри Киссинджером и Пиночетом в 1976 году. Военный план Веласко состоял в том, чтобы запустить массивное море, воздух и земельный вторжение против Чили. В 1999 году Пиночет утверждал, что если Перу напал на Чили в течение 1973 или даже 1978 года, перуанские силы могли бы проникнуть в глубокий юг на территорию чилийской территории, возможно, военные, принимающие чилийский город Копиапо, расположенный на полпути в Сантьяго . Чилийские вооруженные силы рассматривали возможность начать профилактическую войну , чтобы защитить себя. Несмотря на то, что генерал -авиации Пиночета генерал Фернандо Маттеи выступил против профилактической войны и ответил, что «я могу гарантировать, что перуанцы уничтожат чилийские ВВС в первые пять минут войны». Некоторые аналитики считают, что страх нападения чилийских и американских чиновников как в значительной степени неоправданные, но логичные для них, чтобы испытать, учитывая, что диктатура Пиночета пришла к власти с переворотом против демократического избранного президента Сальвадора Альенде . Согласно источникам, предполагаемая схема вторжения можно рассматривать с точки зрения правительства Чили как план какой -либо левой контратаки. Признавая, что перуанские планы были ревизионистским ученом Калеви Дж. Холсти, утверждая, что более важные проблемы стояли за «идеологической несовместимостью» между режимами Веласко Альварадо и Пиночета, и что Перу будет обеспокоен геополитическими взглядами в Чили в военно -морской эгемонии в Юго -восточная часть Тихого океана.

Чилийцы должны остановиться с чушью или завтра, я буду завтракать в Сантьяго.

—Juan Velasco Alvarado

Испания

Францист Испания наслаждалась теплыми отношениями с Чили, в то время как Альенде была у власти. Пиночет восхищался и находился под влиянием Франсиско Франко , но преемники Франко испытывали холодное отношение к Пиночету, поскольку они не хотели быть с ним связаны. Когда Пиночет отправился на похороны Франциско Франко в 1975 году, президент Франции Валери Гискард д'Астеринг оказал давление на правительство Испании отказаться от Пиночета в короне Хуана Карлоса I из Испании, сообщив испанским властям, что Гискард не будет там. Если Пиночет присутствовал. Хуан Карлос, я лично позвонил Пиночету, чтобы сообщить ему, что он не приветствовал в его короне.

В то время как в Испании Пиночет, как сообщается, встретился со Стефано Делле Чиаи , чтобы спланировать убийство Карлоса Альтамирано , генерального секретаря Социалистической партии Чили .

Иностранная помощь

Предыдущая капля иностранной помощи в течение лет Альенде была немедленно изменена после восхождения Пиночета; Чили получила 322,8 млн. Долл. США в виде кредитов и кредитов в течение года после переворота. выразили обеспокоенность после убийства Орландо Летелье 1976 году в Вашингтоне. Существовало значительное международное осуждение в области прав человека военного режима, вопрос, который в Соединенные Штаты )

Кубинское участие

См. Также: Вооруженное сопротивление в Чили (1973–1990)

После чилийского военного переворота в 1973 году Фидель Кастро пообещал далеко идущей помощи чилийских революционеров. Первоначально кубинская поддержка сопротивления состояла из тайного распределения средств в Чили, кампании по правам человека в ООН, чтобы изолировать чилийскую диктатуру и усилия по подорве двусторонние отношения США. В конечном итоге политика Кубы изменилась на вооружение и обучение повстанцев. После того, как их обучение было завершено, Куба помогла партизанам вернуться в Чили, предоставив ложные паспорта и ложные идентификационные документы. Официальная газета Кубы, Гранма , хвасталась в феврале 1981 года, что «Чилийское сопротивление» успешно провели более 100 «вооруженных действий» на протяжении всего Чили в 1980 году. К 1980 концу База для будущих партизанских операций в Нелтуме , горных лесных регионах на юге Чили . В массовой операции, возглавляемой пара-командами чилийской армии, силы безопасности с участием около 2000 военнослужащих были вынуждены развернуть в горах Нелме с июня по ноябрь 1981 года, где они уничтожили две основания miR, захватив большие кеши боеприпасов и убив ряд Mir Commandos. В 1986 году чилийские силы безопасности обнаружили 80 тонн боеприпасов, в том числе более трех тысяч винтовок М-16 и более двух миллионов раундов боеприпасов, в крошечной рыбацкой гавани Кэрризала Бахо , контрабандой на берег у кубинских рыбацких трасс. Полем Операция была контролирована кубинской военно -морской разведкой, а также участвовала в Советском Союзе. Кубинский спецназ также проинструктировал партизан FPMR, которые засадили в засаду автоколонну Аугусто Пиночета 8 сентября 1986 года, убив пять телохранителей и ранив 10.

Культурная жизнь

Чаранго , музыкальный инструмент, запрещенный диктатурой

Смотрите также: Book Burnings в Чили

Под влиянием Антонио Грамси работы над культурной гегемонией , предлагая, чтобы правящий класс мог сохранить власть, контролируя культурные учреждения, Пиночет зажимал культурное дискуссию. Это привело к чилийской культурной жизни в то, что социолог Соледад Бьянчи назвал «культурным отключением». Правительство подвергало цензуре несасоматических людей, занимая контроль над средствами массовой информации.

Музыкальная сцена

Военная диктатура стремилась изолировать чилийских слушателей от внешнего мира, переключив радиочастоты на средние длины волн. Это вместе с закрытием радиостанций, симпатизированных бывшей администрации Альенде, повлияло на музыку в Чили. Музыкальный каталог был подвергнут цензуре с помощью Distas Negras (Blacklists), но мало что известно о том, как они были составлены и обновлены. Бывшая процветающая сцена Nueva Canción пострадала от изгнания или тюремного заключения многих групп и отдельных лиц. Ключевой музыкант, Виктор Джара , был замучен и убит элементами военных. По словам Эдуардо Карраско из Квилапаюна в первую неделю после переворота, военные организовали встречу с народными музыкантами, где они объявили, что традиционные инструменты Чаранго и Куэна были запрещены. Комендантский час, навязанный диктатурой, вынудил оставшуюся сцену Nueva Canción, теперь переименованную как Canto Nuevo , в «полукрандированные пеньи , в то время как альтернативные канавки, распространенные в юношеских экземплярах ». Нехватка записей и цензура, наложенная на часть музыкального каталога, сделали Эммерж « культура кассеты » среди пострадавшей аудитории. Распространение пиратских кассет было включено магнитофоном, И в некоторых случаях это занятие стало рекламой, о чем свидетельствует пиратский бренд кассета Cumbre y Cuatro . Музыка Сильвио Родригеса стала впервые известной в Чили таким образом. Помимо кассет, некоторые энтузиасты музыки смогли предоставить себя редкими или подавленными записями с помощью родственников в изгнании за границей.

Диктатура контролировала Международный фестиваль песен в Винья -дель -Мар и использовала его содействие сочувствующим художникам, в частности, те, которые были частью Acto de Chacarillas в 1977 году. В первые годы диктатуры Пиночет был обычным гостем на фестивале. Советник Пиночета Хайме Гусман также был замечен на фестивале. Ведущий фестиваля Антонио Воданович публично похвалил диктатора и его жену Люсию Хириарт в одном случае от имени «Чилийская молодежь». Сторонники диктатуры присвоили песню Libre of Nino Bravo , и эта песня была исполнена Edmundo Arrocet в первом издании Post-Coup, в то время как Пиночет присутствовал в общественности. Начиная с 1980 года, когда фестиваль начал транслироваться на международном уровне, режим использовал его для продвижения благоприятного изображения Чили за границей. Для этого в 1980 году фестиваль потратил большой бюджет на привлечение популярного иностранного художника, включая Мигеля Босе , Хулио Иглесиаса и Камило Сесто . Конкурс народной музыки Международного фестиваля песен в Винья -дель -Мар становился все более политизированным в течение годов Альенде и был отстранен от времени организаторами с момента переворота до 1980 года.

Элементы военной неверной мексиканской музыки , которая широко распространена в сельской местности юго-центрального Чили. Есть свидетельства о военных, называющих мексиканскую музыку «коммунистом». Военные не любят мексиканскую музыку, могут быть связаны с тесными связями администрации Альенде с Мексикой , « мексиканским революционным дискурсом » и общим низким престижем мексиканской музыки в Чили . Диктатура, однако, не подавляла мексиканскую музыку в целом, но отличила различные пряди, некоторые из которых были фактически продвинуты.

Cueca и мексиканская музыка сосуществовала с аналогичными уровнями популярности в чилийской сельской местности в 1970 -х годах. Будучи отчетливо чилийским, Cueca был выбран военной диктатурой в качестве музыки, которая должна быть продвинута. Cueca был назван национальным танцем Чили из -за его существенного присутствия на протяжении всей истории страны и объявлен как таковой благодаря публичному указу в официальном журнале (Diario Oficial) 6 ноября 1979 года. Диктатура жанра является жанром. Одобрение диктатуры жанра означало, что, по словам Сантаны, что богатый арендодатель Хуасо стал иконой Кука, а не сельским рабочим.

В 1980 -х годах вторжение аргентинских рок -групп в Чили. К ним относятся Чарли Гарсия , Enanitos Verdes , Git и Soda Stereo .

Современная чилийская рок -группа Los Prisioneros пожаловалась на легкость, с которой аргентинская газированная стереода появлялась на чилийском телевидении или в чилийских журналах, и легкостью они могли получить музыкальное оборудование для концертов в Чили. Стерео газированной газированной содовой фестиваль «Стерео» был приглашен на Международный фестиваль песен в Винья -дель -Мар, в то время как в Лос -Фениосе были проигнорированы Ensite популярный статус. Эта ситуация была связана с тем, что Los Prisioneros подвергался цензуре средствами массовой информации под влиянием военной диктатуры. Маргинализация Los Prisioneros в средствах массовой информации была еще более усугублена их призывом проголосовать против диктатуры на плебисцит 1988 года .

Чтобы Чили снова стала землей поэтов, а не землей убийц!

- Солнце и дождь

Театр и литература

Экспериментальные театральные группы из Университета де Чили и Папского католического университета Чили были ограничены военным режимом для выполнения только театральной классики. Некоторые известные группы, такие как Grupo ictus, терпели, в то время как новые образования, такие как Grupo Aleph, были подавлены. Эта последняя группа заставила своих членов заключить в тюрьму и вынужден в изгнание после окончания пародии на чилийский переворот 1973 года . В 1980 -х годах появилось движение театрального театра.

Диктатура способствовала фигуре Нобелевского лауреата Габриэлы Мистраль , которая была представлена ​​в качестве символа «суммирования власти» и «социального порядка».

Плебисцит и возвращение к демократии

Основная статья: Чилийская возвращение к демократии

1988 Плебисцит

После утверждения Конституции 1980 года плебисцит был назначен на 5 октября 1988 года , чтобы проголосовать за новый восьмилетний президентский срок для Пиночета.

Конституция, которая вступила в силу 11 марта 1981 года, установила «переходный период», в течение которого Пиночет будет продолжать осуществлять исполнительную власть и законодательную власть хунты в течение следующих восьми лет. До завершения этого периода кандидат на пост президента должен был быть предложен главными командирами вооруженных сил и главный генерал Карабинеро в течение следующего периода восьми лет. Затем кандидат должен был быть ратифицирован зарегистрированными избирателями в национальном плебисците. 30 августа 1988 года Пиночет был объявлен кандидатом.

Конституционный суд Чили постановил, что плебисцит должен осуществляться в соответствии с указанием статьи 64 в Конституции. Это включало в себя слот для программирования на телевидении ( избиратель Франджи ), в течение которого все позиции, в данном случае, два, Sí (да) и нет , будут иметь два свободных слота равного и непрерывного времени телевизора, одновременно транслируемые всеми телеканалами, с Нет политической рекламы за пределами этих мест. Выделение было запланировано в два непревзойденных временных интервала: один до полуденных новостей, а другой перед ночными новостями, с 22:45 до 23:15 каждую ночь (вечерние новости были с 20:30 до 21:30 и прайм -тайм с 21:30 до 22:30). Кампания «Оппозиция « Никакая » , возглавляемая Рикардо Лагосом , произвела красочные, оптимистичные программы, которые сказали чилийскому народу проголосовать против продления президентского срока. Лагос в телевизионном интервью направил свой указательный палец на камеру и напрямую призвал Пиночет, чтобы объяснить всех «исчез». Кампания Sí не выступала за преимущества расширения, но вместо этого была негативной, утверждая, что голосование «нет» было эквивалентно голосованию за возвращение в хаос правительства UP.

Пиночет проиграл референдум 1988 года, где 56% голосов отклонили продление президентского срока, против 44% за « Sí », и, следуя конституционным положениям, он оставался президентом еще на один год. Президентские выборы состоялись в декабре 1989 года, в то же время, что и выборы в Конгрессе, которые должны были состояться. Пиночет покинул президентство 11 марта 1990 года и передал власть своему политическому оппоненту Патрисио Айлвин , новому избранному президенту. Из-за тех же переходных положений Конституции Пиночет оставался главнокомандующим армии до марта 1998 года.

1989 г. всеобщие выборы

Начиная с выборов 1989 года военные официально покинули политическую сферу в Чили. Пиночет не поддерживал ни одного кандидата публично. Бывший министр экономики Пиночета Эрнан Бючи баллотировался на пост президента в качестве кандидата двух правых партий RN и UDI . У него мало политического опыта и был относительно молодым и приписывал хорошие экономические показатели Чили во второй половине 1980 -х годов. Правые партии столкнулись с несколькими проблемами на выборах: между RN и UDI произошла значительная борьба, Бючи лишь очень неохотно принял баллотироваться на пост президента, и правые политики изо всех сил пытались определить свою позицию в отношении режима Пиночета. В дополнение к этому правому популистскому популису Франсиско Хавьер Эррзуриз Талавера бежала независимо для президента и дал несколько выборов обещаний, которые Бючи не мог соответствовать.

в левой коалиции Concertación была более объединенной и последовательной. Его кандидат Патрисио Айлвин , христианский демократ , вел себя так, как будто он выиграл и отказался от вторых телевизионных дебатов с Бючи. Бючи ​​напал на Айлвина на замечание, которое он сделал относительно того, что уровень инфляции в 20% был не так уж и вообще обвинил Айлвина в заключении секретных соглашений с Коммунистической партией Чили , партии, которая не была частью Концертчено. Эйлвин говорил с властью о необходимости прояснения нарушений прав человека, но не противостоял диктатуре для этого; Напротив, Бючи, будучи бывшим министром режима, не имел никакого доверия при работе с нарушениями права человека.

Бючи ​​и Эррзуриз проиграли Патрисио Айлвину на выборах. Избирательная система означала, что в значительной степени правое состатино-пиношет было чрезмерно представлено в парламенте таким образом, чтобы оно могло блокировать любую реформу для Конституции. Эта чрезмерная представлена ​​имела решающее значение для UDI в получении мест в парламенте и обеспечении его политического будущего. Дальне левые и крайне правые выступили плохо на выборах.

Результаты президентских выборов

Кандидат	Партия/коалиция	Голоса	%
Патрисио Айлвин	PDC / CPD	3,850,571	55.17
Эрнан Бючи	Независимый / D & P.	2,052,116	29.40
Франциско Хавьер Эррзуриз	Независимый	1,077,172	15.43
Действительные голоса		6,979,859	100.00
Нулевые голоса		103,631	1.45
Пустые голоса		75,237	1.05
Общее количество голосов		7,158,727	100.00
Зарегистрированные избиратели/явка		7,557,537	94.72
Источник: Трисель через Servel

Наследие

Мемориал людям, которые были исчезли во время режима Пиночета

После восстановления чилийской демократии и последовательных администраций, которые последовали за Пиночетом, чилийская экономика все чаще процветала. Безработица составляет 7% по состоянию на 2007 год, а бедность - 18,2% за один и тот же год, оба относительно низкие для региона. Тем не менее, в 2019 году правительство Чили столкнулось с общественным вниманием к своей экономической политике. В частности, для долгосрочных последствий неолиберальной политики Пиночета. Массовые протесты вспыхнули по всему Сантьяго из -за роста цен на билет Metro. Для многих чилийцев это подчеркивало непропорциональное распределение богатства среди чили.

«Чилийские вариации» рассматривались как потенциальная модель для наций, которые не достигли значительного экономического роста. Последним является Россия, для которой в 1991 году Дэвид Кристиан предупредил, что «диктаторское правительство, председательствующее в переходе на капитализм, кажется одним из наиболее правдоподобных сценариев, даже если это делает это за высокую стоимость нарушений прав человека».

Опрос, опубликованный Pollster Cerc, накануне 40 -летия празднования переворота, дал некоторое представление о том, как чилийцы воспринимали диктатуру. Согласно опросу, 55% чилийцев рассматривали 17 лет диктатуры как плохие или очень плохие, а 9% сказали, что они были хорошими или очень хорошими. В 2013 году газета Эль Меркурио спросила чилийцев, достаточно ли государство, чтобы компенсировать жертвам диктатуры за зверства, которые они пострадали; 30% сказали, что да, 36% сказали, что нет, а остальные были не определились. Чтобы сохранить воспоминания о жертвах и исчез заживо, по всему Чили были построены мемориальные места, как символ прошлого страны. Некоторые примечательные примеры включают Вилла Гримальди, Лондрес 38, Пейн Мемориал и Музей памяти и прав человека. Эти мемориалы были построены членами семьи жертв, правительством и бывшими заключенными диктатуры. Они стали популярными туристическими направлениями и предоставили визуальное повествование о зверствах диктатуры. Эти мемориалы помогли в процессе примирения Чили, однако в Чили все еще существуют споры о том, делают ли эти мемориалы достаточно, чтобы объединить страну.

Относительный экономический успех диктатуры Pinochet привел к некоторой политической поддержке бывшей диктатуры. В 1998 году тогдашний бразилиский конгрессмен и военный офицер в отставке Джейр Болсонаро похвалили Пиночета, заявив, что его режим «должен был убить больше людей».

Каждый год в годовщину протестов по переворотам можно увидеть по всей стране.

Обвинение и арест Пиночета произошли 10 октября 1998 года в Лондоне. Он вернулся в Чили в марте 2000 года, но ему не было предъявлено обвинение в преступлениях против него. В свой 91 -й день рождения 25 ноября 2006 года в публичном заявлении для сторонников Пиночет впервые заявил, что принял «политическую ответственность» за то, что произошло в Чили под его режимом, хотя он все еще защищал переворот 1973 года против Сальвадора Альенде. В заявлении, зачитанном его женой Люсией Хириарт, он сказал сегодня, ближе к концу моих дней, я хочу сказать, что я не питаю никого против кого -либо, что я люблю свою отеку, прежде всего. ... Я беру на себя политическую ответственность за все, что было сделано .

Смотрите также

• Отрицание военной диктатуры Чили

Библиография и дальнейшее чтение

• Bawden, Jr. (2016). Поколение Pinochet: чилийские военные в двадцатом веке , Tuscaloosa: Университет Алабама Пресс.
• Кристиан, Д. (1992). «Прессроика и мировая история», Австралийские славянические и восточно -европейские исследования , 6 (1), с. 1–28.
• Falcoff, M. (2003). «Куба: утром после», с. 26. AEI Press, 2003.
• Petras, J. & Vieux, S. (1990). «Чилийское« экономическое чудо »: эмпирическая критика», Критическая социология , 17, с. 57–72.
• Робертс, К.М. (1995). «От баррикад до избирательного бюллетеня: редемократизация и политическая перестройка в левых чилийских левых», «Политика и общество» , 23, с. 495–519.
• Schatan, J. (1990). «Обманкая природа социально-экономических показателей». Разработка , 3–4, с. 69–75.
• Sznajder, M. (1996). «Дилеммы экономической и политической модернизации в Чили: ягуар, который хочет быть пума», «Третий мир » , 17, с. 725–736.
• Вальдес, JG (1995). Экономисты Пиночета: Чикагская школа в Чили , Кембридж: издательство Кембриджского университета.
• Стив Андерсон Боргол бывшего президента Чили Фрей может быть привлечен к Сантьяго Таймс , 5 апреля 2005 г.

Внешние ссылки

• Литература и пытки в чили Пиночета
• Преступники военной диктатуры: Аугусто Пиночет