Сребеника Резня

Сребеника Резня
Сребеника Геноцид
Сребеника Резня ; Сребеника Геноцид
Часть боснийской войны и боснийский геноцид
	Некоторые из надгробиев для почти 7000 человек идентифицировали жертв, похороненные на Мемориале и кладбище Сребеники-Поточари для жертв геноцида 1995 года .
	Сребеница Сребеница (Босния и Герцеговина)
Родное имя	Геноцид в Srebrenica / геноцид в Srebrenica
Расположение	Сребрена , Босния и Герцеговина
Координаты	44 ° 06′N 19 ° 18′E / 44,100 ° N 19 300 ° E
Дата	11 июля 1995 г. -31 июля 1995 г .; 29 лет назад
Цель	Босняк мужчины и мальчики
Тип атаки	Геноцид , массовое убийство , этническая очистка , геноцидное изнасилование
Летальные исходы	8,372
Преступники	Армия Республики Српска ; Скорпионы военизированной группы ;
Мотив	Антино Босняк настроения, сербский Ирредентизм , Исламофобия , Сербианизация

Мемориальный камень геноцида Srebrenica в Потокари

Похороны 610 идентифицировали босняков в 2005 году

Похороны 465 идентифицировали босняков в 2007 году

Похороны 775 идентифицировали босняков в 2010 году

Мемориал Сребеники-Поточари и кладбище для жертв геноцида.

Резня в Сребенике , ^{[ А ]} также известен как геноцид Srebrenica , ^{[ B ]}^{[ 8 ]} было геноцида в июле 1995 года убийством ^{[ 9 ]} более 8000 ^{[ 10 ]} Босняк -мусульманские мужчины и мальчики в городе Сребреница и его окрестностях во время боснийской войны . ^{[ 11 ]} В основном это было совершено подразделениями боснийской сербской армии Республики Српска при Ratko Mladić Serb , хотя участвовали также участвовали в скорпионах . ^{[ 6 ]}^{[ 12 ]} Резня была первым юридически признанным геноцидом в Европе с конца Второй мировой войны . ^{[ 13 ]}

Перед резней Организация Объединенных Наций (ООН) объявила осажденного анклава Сребеницы « безопасной зоной » под ее защитой. Защита ООН, контингент 370 ^{[ 14 ]} Слегка вооруженные голландские солдаты не смогли сдержать захват города и последующую резню. ^{[ 15 ]}^{[ 16 ]}^{[ 17 ]}^{[ 18 ]} Список людей, пропавших без вести или убитых во время резни, содержит 8 372 имени. ^{[ 2 ]} По состоянию на июль 2012 года ^[update], 6838 жертв геноцида были идентифицированы с помощью ДНК -анализа частей тела, извлеченных из массовых могил; ^{[ 19 ]} По состоянию на июль 2021 г. ^[update]6671 тело было похоронены в Мемориальном центре Поточари , а еще 236 были похоронены в другом месте. ^{[ 20 ]}

Некоторые сербы утверждают, что резня была возмездием по жертвам гражданского населения, нанесенным сербам солдатами Босняка из Сребеницы под командованием Назер Орич . ^{[ 21 ]}^{[ 22 ]} Эти претензии «Месть» были отвергнуты и осуждены Международным преступным трибуналом бывшей Югославии (ICTY) и ООН как недобросовестных попыток оправдать геноцид.

В 2004 году, в единогласном решении по делу прокурора против Крстича , апелляционная палата ИКти управляла резней жителей мужского пола анклава, представляла собой геноцид, преступление в соответствии с международным правом. ^{[ 23 ]} Постановление также было поддержано Международным судом в 2007 году. ^{[ 24 ]} Было обнаружено, что насильственный перевод и злоупотребление от 25 000 до 30 000 мусульманских женщин, детей и пожилых людей Босняка, которые сопровождались убийствами и разделением мужчин. ^{[ 25 ]}^{[ 26 ]} В 2002 году, после отчета о резне, правительство Нидерландов подало в отставку, сославшись на его неспособность предотвратить резню. В 2013, 2014 и 2019 годах голландский штат был признан ответственным его Верховным судом и окружным судом Гаага, за то, что они не предотвратили более 300 смертей. ^{[ 27 ]}^{[ 28 ]}^{[ 29 ]}^{[ 30 ]} В 2013 году президент Сербия Томислав Николич извинился за «преступление» Сребеницы, но отказался называть его геноцидом. ^{[ 31 ]}

В 2005 году тогда генеральный секретарь ООН Кофи Аннан назвал резню «ужасным преступлением-худшим на европейской земле со времен Второй мировой войны», ^{[ 32 ]} а в мае 2024 года ООН назначил 11 июля ежегодным Международным днем размышлений и поминовения геноцида 1995 года в Сребенике . ^{[ 33 ]}^{[ 34 ]}

Фон

Конфликт в Восточной Боснии и Герцеговине

Мультитническая социалистическая Республика Босния и Герцеговина была в основном населенной мусульманскими босняками (44%), православными сербами (31%) и католическими хорватами (17%). Поскольку бывшая Югославия начала распадаться, регион объявил национальный суверенитет в 1991 году и провел референдум о независимости в феврале 1992 года. Результат, который предпочитал независимость, противостоял политическим представителям боснийцев, которые бойкотировали референдум. Республика Босния и Герцеговина были официально признаны Европейским сообществом в апреле 1992 года и ООН в мае 1992 года. ^{[ 35 ]}^{[ 36 ]}

После заявления о независимости боснийские сербские силы, поддерживаемые сербским правительством и Слободана Милошевича Югославской народной армии (JNA), атаковали Боснию и Герцеговину, чтобы обеспечить и объединить территорию под контролем серб и создавать этническую гомогену Республика Српска . ^{[ 37 ]} В борьбе за территориальный контроль нежирб-популяции из районов под сербским контролем, особенно популяция Босняка в Восточной Боснии, недалеко от сербских границ, подвергались этническому очищению. ^{[ 38 ]}

Этническая чистка

Srebrenica и окружающий центральный регион Подринье имели огромное стратегическое значение для руководства боснийского серба. Это был мост, чтобы отключить части предполагаемого этнического состояния Республики Српска . ^{[ 39 ]} Захват Сребеницы и устранение ее мусульманского населения также подорвало бы жизнеспособность боснийского мусульманского государства. ^{[ 39 ]}

В 1991 году 73% населения в Сребенике были боснийскими мусульманами и 25% боснийских сербов. ^{[ 40 ]} Напряженность между мусульманами и сербами усилилась в начале 1990 -х годов, поскольку местному населению серб было предоставлено оружие и военная техника, распределенная военизированными группами серб, югославской армией («JNA») и Сербской Демократической партией («SDS») Полем ^{[ 40 ]}^: 35

К апреле 1992 года Сребеника стала изолированной сербскими силами. 17 апреля боснийскому мусульманскому населению было дано 24-часовое ультиматум, чтобы сдать все оружие и покинуть город. Сребрена была кратко захвачена боснийскими сербами и приняла боснийские мусульмане 8 мая 1992 года. Тем не менее боснийские мусульмане остались в окружении сербских сил и отрезали из отдаленных районов. Судебное решение NASER ORIć описало ситуацию: ^{[ 40 ]}^: 47

В период с апреля 1992 года по март 1993 года ... Сребрена и деревни в этом районе, принадлежащих Боснейке, постоянно подвергались военным нападениям серб, включая артиллерийские атаки, снайперский огонь ... случайные бомбардировки с самолетов. Каждый натиск последовал за аналогичной схемой. Сербские солдаты и военизированные формирования окружали боснийскую мусульманскую деревню ... призвали население сдать свое оружие, а затем начались с неизбирательного обстрела и стрельбы ... затем они вошли в деревню ... изгнали или убили население, которое не предложило значительного Сопротивление и уничтожило их дома ... Сребрена была подвергнута неизбирательному обстрелу из всех направлений ежедневно. Поточари, в частности, был ежедневной целью ... потому что это была чувствительная точка в линии обороны вокруг Сребеницы. Другие боснийские мусульманские поселения были также обычно атакованы. Все это привело к большому количеству беженцев и жертв.

В период с апреля по июнь 1992 года боснийские сербские силы, при поддержке JNA, уничтожили 296 преимущественно Боснейских деревень вокруг Сребеницы, насильственно искореные 70 000 босников из своих домов и систематически убили по меньшей мере 3166 босниаков, включая женщин, детей и пожилых людей. ^{[ 41 ]} В соседнем Братунаке босняки были либо убиты, либо вынуждены бежать в Сребенику, что привело к 1156 смертельным случаям. ^{[ 42 ]} Thousnds of Bosniaks были убиты в FOCA , Zvornik , Cerka и Snovo . ^{[ 43 ]}

1992-3: борьба за Сребенику

В течение оставшейся части 1992 года наступления боснианскими правительственными силами из Сребеницы увеличили этот район под их контролем, и к янвату 1993 года они связались с Босниак-Хельдом Жепа на юге и Серской на западе. Анклав Сребеницы достиг своего пикового размера 900 квадратных километров (350 квадратных миль), хотя он никогда не был связан с основной областью боснийской управляемой земли на западе и оставался, «уязвимый остров среди территории, контролируемой серб». ^{[ 44 ]} Армия Республики Босния и Герцеговина (Арбих) под руководством Назера Орич использовала Сребрена в качестве постановки, чтобы напасть на соседние сербские деревни, нанесенные на многие жертвы. ^{[ 45 ]}^{[ 46 ]} военизированной сербской деревней Кравика В 1993 году Арбих был атакован , что привело к жертвам гражданского населения. Сопротивление Сербской осаде Сребеницы Арбихом, под Оричем, рассматривалось как катализатор резни.

Сербы начали преследовать боснийков в 1992 году. Сербская пропаганда считала сопротивление Боснийак атакам сербами как земля для мести. По словам французского генерала Филиппа Морильона , командующего Силами защиты ООН (непрофор), в показаниях в ICTY в 2004 году:

Судья Робинсон: Тогда вы говорите, что то, что произошло в 1995 году, было прямой реакцией на то, что Naser Oric сделал с сербами два года назад?
Свидетель: [интерпретация] Да. Да, ваша честь. Я убежден в этом. Это не означает просить или уменьшить ответственность людей, совершивших это преступление, но я убежден в этом, да. ^{[ 47 ]}

В течение следующих нескольких месяцев сербские военные захватили деревни Конжевича Поля и Серски, разорвав связь между Сребеникой и Жепой, и уменьшив анклав Сребеники до 150 квадратных километров. Жители отдаленных районов Босняка сходились на Сребенице, и ее население растет до 50 000 до 60 000, примерно в десять раз превышало довоенное население. ^{[ 48 ]} Генерал Морильон посетил Сребренику в марте 1993 года. Город был переполнен, а условия осады преобладали. Там почти не было водопроводной воды, так как продвигающиеся сербские силы разрушили водоснабжения; Люди полагались на самодельные генераторы для электричества. Еда, лекарства и другие предметы первой необходимости были скудными. Условия сделали Сребенику медленным лагерем смерти. ^{[ 48 ]} Морильон сказал паническим жителям на общественном собрании, что город находится под защитой ООН, и он никогда не отказался от них. В течение марта и апреля 1993 года было эвакуировано несколько тысяч боснийков под эгидой Верховного комиссара ООН по беженцам (УВКБ ООН). Эвакуации были против боснийского правительства в Сараево , что способствовало этническому очищению территории Босняка.

Власти серба оставались намерением захватить анклав. 13 апреля 1993 года сербы сообщили представителям УВКБ ООН, что они нападут на город в течение 2 дней, если только босняки не сдались и не согласятся эвакуироваться. ^{[ 49 ]}

Голод

Благодаря неспособности демилитаризации и нехваткой входа в поставки, Орич консолидировал свою силу и контролировал черный рынок. Люди Орича начали накопить еду, топливо, сигареты и растрату денег, отправленные агентствами по оказанию помощи для поддержки мусульманских сирот. ^{[ 50 ]} Основные потребности были недоступны для многих в Сребенице из -за действий Орича. Чиновники ООН начали терять терпение с Арбихом в Сребенице и считали их «лидерами преступных бандов, сутенерных и чернокожими». ^{[ 51 ]}

Бывший серб -солдат подразделения « Красные береты » описал тактику, используемую для голода и убийства осажденного населения:

Это было почти как игра, охота на кошку и мыши. Но, конечно, мы значительно превосходили численности мусульман, поэтому во всех случаях мы были охотниками, и они были добычей. Нам нужно было сдаться, но как заставить кого -то сдаться в такой войне? Вы голодаете их до смерти. Так что очень быстро мы поняли, что на самом деле не было оружие, которое ввещается в Сребенику, о котором мы должны беспокоиться, но еда. Они действительно голодали там, поэтому они посылали людей, чтобы украсть крупный рогатый скот или собирать урожай, и наша работа заключалась в том, чтобы найти и убить их ... никаких заключенных. Ну, да, если мы думали, что у них есть полезная информация, мы могли бы сохранить их в живых, пока мы не вытащим ее из них, но в конце Передай им [чтобы убить], чтобы они были счастливы. ^{[ 52 ]}

Когда в марте 1993 года британский журналист Тони Биртли посетил Сребренику, он снял кадры гражданских лиц, голодающих. ^{[ 53 ]} Гаагский трибунал в случае Орича пришел к выводу:

Боснийские сербские силы, контролирующие дороги доступа, не позволяли международной гуманитарной помощи, что самое главное, еда и медицина - добраться до Сребеницы. Как следствие, существовала постоянная и серьезная нехватка пищи, вызывающая голод до пика зимой 1992/1993 года. Многочисленные люди погибли или находились в чрезвычайно истощенном состоянии из -за недоедания. Однако боснийскому мусульманским бойцам и их семьям были предоставлены продовольственные рационы из существующих хранилищ. Наиболее обездоленной группой среди боснийских мусульман была группа беженцев, которые обычно жили на улицах и без укрытия, при температуре замерзания. Только в ноябре и декабре 1992 года два конвоя ООН с гуманитарной помощью достигли анклава, и это, несмотря на обструкцию боснского серба ». ^{[ 54 ]}

1993-95: Srebrenica "безопасная зона"

Совет Безопасности ООН объявляет Сребенику «безопасной зоной»

16 апреля 1993 года Совет Безопасности Организации Объединенных Наций принял резолюцию 819 , которая требовала «всех сторон ... относиться к Сребенике и ее окрестностям как безопасную область , которая должна быть свободна от любого вооруженного атаки или ... враждебного акта». ^{[ 55 ]} 18 апреля в Сребеница прибыла первая группа непрофильных войск. Непрофильные развернули канадские войска, чтобы защитить его как один из пяти недавно установленных «безопасных зон» ООН. ^{[ 48 ]} Присутствие Неумпорита предотвратило тотальное нападение, хотя стычки и растворы продолжались. ^{[ 48 ]}

8 мая 1993 года было достигнуто соглашение о демилитаризации Сребеницы. Согласно сообщению ООН, «Генерал [Сефер] Халилович и генерал Младич согласились на меры, охватывающие весь анклав Сребеники и ... Жепа. ... Боснякские силы ... передадут свое оружие, боеприпасы и шахты , после чего серб «тяжелое оружие и подразделения, которые представляют угрозу для демилитаризованных зон ... будут отозваны». В отличие от более раннего соглашения, в нем конкретно указано, что Srebrenica должна считаться «демилитаризованной зоной», как упоминалось в ... Женевских конвенциях ». ^{[ 56 ]} Обе стороны нарушили соглашение, хотя два года относительной стабильности последовали за установлением анклава. ^{[ 57 ]} Подполковник Том Карреманс ( командир из голландского коса ) показал, что его персонал не смог вернуться в анклав сербскими силами, и что оборудование и боеприпасы были предотвращены. ^{[ 58 ]} Босняки в Сребенике жаловались на атаки со стороны сербских солдат, в то время как сербам, по-видимому, боснийские силы использовали «безопасную зону», в качестве удобной базы для запуска противодействий, и непревзойденное не было, чтобы предотвратить ее. ^{[ 58 ]}^: 24 Генерал Сефер Халилович признал, что вертолеты Арбих летали в нарушение зоны без лета, и он отправил 8 вертолетов с боеприпасами для 28-й дивизии. ^{[ 58 ]}^: 24

корпусов VRS Drina От 1000 до 2000 солдат из бригад были развернуты вокруг анклава, оснащенные танками, бронированными транспортными средствами, артиллерией и минометами . 28 -я горная дивизия армии Республики Босния и Герцеговина (Арбих) в анклаве не была ни хорошо организована, ни оборудована, и не имела твердой командной структуры и системы связи. Некоторые из его солдат несли старые охотничьи винтовки или не было оружием, немногие имели надлежащую форму.

ООН неспособность демилитаризировать

Миссия Совета Безопасности, возглавляемая Диего Аррией, прибыла 25 апреля 1993 года, и в своем отчете ООН осудила сербов за совершение «процесса медленного движения геноцида». ^{[ 59 ]} Миссия заявила, что «силы серб должны выйти на точки, из которых они не могут атаковать, преследовать или терроризировать город. Непрофильный должен быть в состоянии определить связанные параметры. Миссия верит, как и не достоверно, что фактическое 4,5 км (3 мили. ) на 0,5 км (530 ярдов) определяется, поскольку безопасная область должна быть значительно расширена ». Конкретные инструкции штаб -квартиры ООН в Нью -Йорке заявили, что не должен быть слишком усердным в поиске оружия Босняка, и сербы должны снять свое тяжелое оружие, прежде чем босняки разоружались, что сербы никогда не делали. ^{[ 59 ]}

Попытки демилитаризации арбиха и отмены силы VRS оказались бесполезными. Арбих спрятал большую часть своего тяжелого оружия, современного оборудования и боеприпасов в окружающем лесу и только передал заброшенное и старое оружие. ^{[ 60 ]} VRS отказалась выйти из линии фронта из -за интеллекта, которую они получили в отношении скрытого оружия Арбиха. ^{[ 60 ]}

В марте 1994 года дока не послал 600 голландских солдат («голландский»), чтобы заменить канадцев. К марту 1995 года сербские силы контролировали всю территорию, окружающую Сребренику, предотвращая даже доступ к дороге по снабжению. Гуманитарная помощь уменьшилась, и условия жизни быстро ухудшились. ^{[ 48 ]} Неудовлетворительное присутствие предотвращало всеобъемлющее нападение на безопасную область, хотя стычки и растворы продолжались. ^{[ 48 ]} Голландский дюйм предупредил достоверное командование о страшных условиях, но донфор отказался посылать гуманитарную помощь или военную поддержку. ^{[ 48 ]}

Организация допророчных и UNPF

В апреле 1995 года «Неудовлетворительный» стал именем, используемым для регионального командования Боснии и Герцеговины, давших давних сил Соединенных Наций (UNPF). ^{[ 61 ]} Отчет Srebrenica 2002 года: «Безопасные» участки »12 июня 1995 года. Новая команда была создана в соответствии с UNPF», ^{[ 61 ]} с «12 500 британскими, французскими и голландскими войсками, оснащенными танками и артиллерией высокого калибра, чтобы повысить эффективность и доверие к миротворческой операции». ^{[ 61 ]} В отчете говорится:

В цепочке командования допрофки голландский балл занимал четвертый уровень, а командиры сектора занимали третий уровень. Четвертый уровень в первую очередь имел оперативную задачу ... Ожидалось, что Dutchbat будет работать в качестве независимой единицы со своими собственными логистическими соглашениями. Голландскийбат в некоторой степени зависел от непрофильной организации для таких важных поставок, как топливо. В остальном он должен был получить свои припасы из Нидерландов. С организационной точки зрения, в батальоне было две линии жизни: допрофра и Королевская Армия Нидерландов. Голландец была назначена ответственность за безопасную зону Сребеники. Однако ни допрофор, ни Босния-Херцеговина уделяли особое внимание Сребенике. Сребрена была расположена в Восточной Боснии и Герцеговине, которая географически и психически удалена от Сараево и Загреба. Остальной мир была сосредоточена на борьбе за Сараево ... как безопасная область, Сребеница лишь иногда сумела привлечь внимание мировой прессы или Совета Безопасности ООН. Вот почему голландские войска там оставались второстепенными, в оперативных и логистических терминах так долго; и почему важность анклава в битве за доминирование между боснийскими сербами и боснийскими мусульманами не смогла быть признанными так долго. ^{[ 62 ]}

Ситуация ухудшается

К началу 1995 года меньше и меньше конвоя снабжения добрались до анклава. Ситуация в Сребенике и других анклавах ухудшилась в беззаконии как проституция среди молодых мусульманских девушек, кражи и чернокожих рынка, распространенных. ^{[ 63 ]} Уже скудные ресурсы сократились дальше, и даже силы ООН начали опасно набрать пищу, медицину, боеприпасы и топливо, в конечном итоге были вынуждены начать патрулирование пешком. Голландские солдаты, которые ушли в отпуске, не разрешалось вернуться, ^{[ 59 ]} И их номер упал с 600 до 400 человек. В марте и апреле голландские солдаты заметили создание сербских сил.

В марте 1995 года Радан Караджич , президент Республики Српска (RS), несмотря на давление со стороны международного сообщества, чтобы положить конец войне и усилия по переговорам о мире, выпустил директиву VRS, касающуюся долгосрочной стратегии в анклаве. Директива, известная как «Директива 7», указала, что VRS была:

Завершите физическое отделение Srebrenica от žepa как можно скорее, предотвращая даже общение между людьми в двух анклавах. Попланированными и продуманными боевыми операциями, создайте невыносимую ситуацию полной незащищенности без надежды на дальнейшее выживание или жизнь для жителей Сребреницы. ^{[ 64 ]}

К середине 1995 года гуманитарная ситуация в анклаве была катастрофической. В мае, по приказу, Орич и его сотрудники покинули анклав, оставив старших офицеров в команде 28 -го дивизиона. В конце июня и начале июля 28 -й дивизион опубликовал отчеты, в том числе срочные просьбы о том, чтобы гуманитарный коридор был вновь открыт. Когда это потерпело неудачу, гражданские жители Босняка начали умирать от голода. 7 июля мэр сообщил, что 8 жителей умерли. ^{[ 65 ]} 4 июня, командир -докарнар Бернард Янвье , француз, тайно встретился с Младичем, чтобы получить освобождение заложников, многие из которых были французскими. Младич потребовал от Янвьера, что не будет больше авиаударов. ^{[ 66 ]}

В течение недель, предшествовавших нападению на Сребенику в результате VRS, силам Арбиха было приказано провести атаки в отвлечение и разрушение на VRS High Command. ^{[ 67 ]} Однажды 25 июня силы Арбих атаковали подразделения VRS на Сараево -Зворник дороге , нанеся высокие жертвы и грабежи запасы VRS. ^{[ 67 ]}

6–11 июля 1995 г.: поглощение серба

Наступление Серба против Сребеницы началось всерьез 6 июля. VRS, с 2000 солдатами, были превзойдены защитниками и не ожидали, что нападение будет легкой победой. ^{[ 67 ]} 5 непревзойденных наблюдений на юге Анклава упали перед лицом боснийского сербского аванса. Некоторые голландские солдаты отступили в анклав после нападения на их посты, экипажи других наблюдений сдались под стражей в серб. Защищающиеся боснийские силы, насчитывающие 6000, попали под огонь и были отодвинуты обратно к городу. Как только южный периметр начал рушиться, около 4000 жителей Босняка, которые жили в шведском жилищном комплексе для беженцев поблизости, бежали на север в Сребренику. Голландские солдаты сообщили, что продвинутые сербы были «очищают» дома на юге анклава. ^{[ 68 ]}

8 июля голландская бронетанковая машина YPR-765 подожгла с сербов и ушел. Группа боснийков потребовала, чтобы автомобиль оставался для их защиты, и создала импровизированную баррикаду, чтобы предотвратить его отступление. Когда автомобиль вышел, боснийский фермер, управляющий баррикадой, бросил на нее гранату и убил голландского солдата Равив Ван Ренсен. ^{[ 69 ]} 9 июля, воодушевленный успехом, небольшое сопротивление от демилитаризованных боснийков и отсутствие реакции международного сообщества, президент Караджич издал новый приказ, разрешающий 1500 человек. ^{[ 70 ]} VRS Drina Corps для захвата Srebrenica. ^{[ 68 ]}

На следующее утро, 10 июля, подполковник Карреман сделал неотложные просьбы о поддержке воздуха со стороны НАТО защитить Сребенику, когда толпы заполняли улицы, некоторые из которых носили оружие. Приближались танки VRS, и авиаудары НАТО на них начались 11 июля. Бомбардировщики НАТО пытались атаковать артиллерийские места VRS за пределами города, но плохая видимость заставила НАТО отменить это. Дальнейшие воздушные атаки были отменены после угроз VRS бомбить комплекс Поточари ООН, убийства голландских и французских военных заложников и нападения вокруг мест, где находились от 20 000 до 30 000 гражданских беженцев. ^{[ 68 ]} 30 голландских заложников были заложны войсками Младика. ^{[ 48 ]}

В конце дня 11 июля генерал Младич в сопровождении генерала Живановича (командующего корпусом Дрины), генералом Крстичем (заместитель командира Корпуса Дрины) и других офицеров VRS, прошел триумфальную прогулку по пустынным улицам Сребренки. ^{[ 68 ]} Вечером, ^{[ 71 ]} Подполковник Карреманс был снят, выпивая тост с Младичем во время охваченных переговоров о судьбе гражданского населения, сгруппированного в Поточари. ^{[ 14 ]}^{[ 72 ]}

Резня

Два высокопоставленных сербских политиков из Боснии и Герцеговины, Караджич и Момхило Краджишника , оба обвиненных в геноциде, были предупреждены командиром VRS Mladić (признан виновным в геноциде в 2017 году) о том, что их планы не могли реализоваться без совершения геноцида. Младич сказал на парламентской сессии от 12 мая 1992 года:

Люди - это не маленькие камни или ключи в чьем -то кармане, которые могут быть перемещены из одного места в другое, так же, как это ... поэтому мы не можем точно устроить только сербы, чтобы остаться в одной части страны, при этом безболезненно снимая других. Я не знаю, как г -н Краджишник и мистер Караджич объяснит это миру. Это геноцид. ^{[ 73 ]}

Увеличение концентрации беженцев в Поточари

К вечеру 11 июля в Поточари были собраны примерно 20 000-25 000 беженцев Босняка из Сребеницы, в результате чего в штаб-квартире голландского коса . Несколько тысяч давили внутри соединения, в то время как остальные были распространены на соседних заводах и полях. Хотя большинство из них были женщины, дети, пожилые люди или инвалиды, 63 свидетелей, по оценкам, в толпе находились не менее 300 мужчин, и от 600 до 900 на улице. ^{[ 74 ]}

Условия включали «маленькую пищу или воду» и душное жар. Офицер -офицер в голландском языке описал эту сцену:

Они были в панике, они были напуганы, и они прижимали друг к другу против солдат, моих солдат, солдат ООН, которые пытались их успокоить. Люди, которые упали, были растоптаны. Это была хаотическая ситуация. ^{[ 74 ]}

12 июля Совет Безопасности ООН в резолюции 1004 выразил обеспокоенность по поводу гуманитарной ситуации в Поточари, осудил наступление боснийскими сербскими силами и потребовал немедленного вывода. 13 июля голландские войска изгнали 5 беженцев Босняка из комплекса, несмотря на то, что знали, что мужчины снаружи были убиты. ^{[ 75 ]}

Преступления, совершенные в Потокари

12 июля беженцы в комплексе могли видеть, как члены VRS поджигают дома и стоки сена. В течение дня сербские солдаты смешались с толпой, и произошли краткие казни людей. ^{[ 74 ]} Утром 12 июля свидетель увидел кучу из 20-30 тел, собравшихся за транспортным зданием, вдоль тракторной машины. Другой показал, что он увидел, как солдат убил ребенка с ножом, посреди толпы отчитанных. Он сказал, что видел, как солдаты Сербов казнили более ста босняк -мусульманских мужчин за фабрикой цинка, а затем загружают свои тела на грузовик, хотя число и природа убийств в отличие от других доказательств в судебном процессе, которые указывали на убийства в Поточари, были спорадический характер. Солдаты выбирали людей из толпы и убирали их. Свидетель рассказал, как три брата - один просто ребенок, остальные в подростковом возрасте - были вывезены ночью. Когда мать мальчиков пошла искать их, она обнаружила, что они резко обнажены, а с надбил горло. ^{[ 74 ]}^{[ 76 ]}

Той ночью медицинский медицинский голландский бассейн упорядочил, что два солдата Серба изнасиловали женщину. ^{[ 76 ]} Оставшийся в живых, Зарфа Туркович, описал ужасы: «Двое [солдат -серб] взяли ее ноги и подняли их в воздухе, в то время как третье начало насиловать ее. Четверо из них по очереди. Люди молчали, и никто не двигался I. ^{[ 77 ]}^{[ 78 ]}

Убийство мужчин и мальчиков Босняка и Поточари

С утра 12 июля войска сербов начали собирать мужчин и мальчиков из населения беженцев в Поточари и удерживая их в отдельных местах, и когда беженцы начали садиться на автобусы, направлявшиеся на север в сторону территории, удерживаемой Боснейаком, сербские солдаты отделяли мужчины военного возраста. которые пытались карабкаться на борту. Иногда молодые и пожилые мужчины также останавливались (некоторые из них в возрасте 14 лет). ^{[ 79 ]}^{[ 80 ]}^{[ 81 ]} Эти люди были доставлены в здание, называемое «Белым домом». К вечеру 12 июля майор Франкен из голландского, услышав, что ни один мужчина не прибывает с женщинами и детьми, в их пункт назначения в Кладандже . ^{[ 74 ]} Директор по операциям УВКБ ООН, Питер Уолш, был отправлен в Сребенику руководителем миссии Дамасо Фечи, чтобы оценить, какая чрезвычайная помощь может быть быстро предоставлена. Уолш и его команда прибыли в Гостилдж, недалеко от Сребеницы, во второй половине дня, чтобы быть отвергнутыми силами VRS. Несмотря на то, что команде УВКБ ООН не разрешалось продолжить свободу движения, команде УВКБ ООН не разрешили отправиться в Биджелину. Повсюду Уолш ретранзировал отчеты в УВКБ ООН в Загребе о разворачивающейся ситуации, в том числе свидетельствует о насильственном движении и злоупотреблении мусульманскими мужчинами и мальчиками, а также о звучании казней. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]}

13 июля войска Голландии стали свидетелями определенных признаков, которые солдаты, которые были убиты босняками, которые были разделены. Капрал Васен увидел, как два солдата взяли человека за «Белым домом», услышал выстрел и увидел, как два солдата появились в одиночестве. Другой офицер из голландского коса увидел, как Сербские солдаты убивали безоружного человека с огнестрельным выстрелом в голову и услышал выстрелы 20–40 раз в час в течение дня. Когда солдаты из голландея рассказали полковнику Джозефу Кингори, военному наблюдателю Организации Объединенных Наций (ЮМП) в районе Сребеницы, что мужчин брали за «Белым домом» и не вернулись, Кингори отправился на расследование. Он услышал выстрелы, когда подошел, но был остановлен солдатами серб, прежде чем он смог выяснить, что происходит. ^{[ 74 ]}

Некоторые казни проводились ночью под дуговыми огнями, а бульдозеры затем толкнули тела в массовые могилы. ^{[ 82 ]} Согласно доказательствам, собранным у Босняков французским полицейским Жан-Рен Руэсом, некоторые были похоронены заживо; Он услышал показания, описывающие, что сербские силы убивают и мучали беженцев, улицы завалены трупами, люди, совершающие самоубийство, чтобы избежать их носов, губ и ушей, а взрослые заставляют наблюдать, как солдаты убивают своих детей. ^{[ 82 ]}

Изнасилование и злоупотребление гражданскими лицами

Тысячи женщин и девочек перенесли изнасилование, сексуальное насилие и другие формы пыток. Согласно показаниям Zumra ushomerovic:

Сербы начались в определенный момент, чтобы вывести девушек и молодых женщин из группы беженцев. Они были изнасилованы. Изнасилования часто происходили под глазами других, а иногда даже под глазами детей матери. Голландский солдат стоял рядом, и он просто оглянулся с пешеходом на голове. Он вообще не отреагировал на то, что происходило. Это произошло не как раз перед моими глазами, потому что я видел это лично, но и перед глазами всех нас. Голландские солдаты ходили повсюду. Невозможно, чтобы они этого не видели.
Была женщина с маленьким ребенком несколько месяцев. Четник сказал матери , что ребенок должен перестать плакать. Когда ребенок не перестал плакать, он вырвал ребенка и вырезал горло. Затем он засмеялся. Там был голландский солдат, который смотрел. Он вообще не отреагировал.
Я видел еще более страшные вещи. Например, была девушка, которой, должно быть, было около девяти лет. В определенный момент некоторые Четники рекомендовали ее брату, чтобы он изнасиловал девушку. Он не сделал этого, и я также думаю, что он не мог сделать это, потому что он все еще был просто ребенком. Затем они убили этого молодого мальчика. Я лично видел все это. Я действительно хочу подчеркнуть, что все это произошло в непосредственной близости от базы. Точно так же я видел других людей, которые были убиты. Некоторые из них вырезали горло. Другие были обезглавлены . ^{[ 83 ]}

Свидетельство Рамизы Гурдич:

Я видел, как молодой мальчик из десяти был убит сербами в голландской форме. Это произошло на моих собственных глазах. Мать сидела на земле, и ее маленький сын сидел рядом с ней. Молодой мальчик был помещен на колени его матери. Молодой мальчик был убит. Его голова была отрезана. Тело осталось на коленях матери. Сербский солдат положил голову молодому мальчику на нож и показал его всем. ... Я видел, как была забита беременной женщиной. Были сербы, которые зарезали ее в живот, вырезали ее и вытащили двух маленьких детей из живота, а затем избили их до смерти на земле. Я видел это своими глазами. ^{[ 84 ]}

Свидетельство о том, когда хит:

На пути к автобусу была молодая женщина с ребенком. Ребенок плакал, и сербский солдат сказал ей, что она должна убедиться, что ребенок тихо. Затем солдат взял ребенка из матери и перерезал ему горло. Я не знаю, видели ли голландские солдаты это. ... На левой стороне дороги был своего рода забор. Я услышал, как молодая женщина кричала очень близко (4 или 5 метров). Затем я услышал, как другая женщина просила: «Оставь ее, ей всего девять лет». Крик внезапно остановился. Я был так в шоке, что едва ли мог двигаться. ... Позднее слухи быстро распространились, что девятилетняя девочка была изнасилована. ^{[ 85 ]}

Той ночью медицинский медицинский голландский бассейн наткнулся на двух сербских солдат, насиловающих молодую женщину:

[Мы увидели двух сербских солдат, один из них стоял на страже, а другой лежал на девушке, с его штанами. И мы увидели девушку, лежащую на земле, на каком -то матрасе. На матрасе была кровь, даже она была покрыта кровью. У нее были синяки на ногах. Спускалась даже кровь. Она была в полном шоке. Она сошла с ума.
Боснийские мусульманские беженцы поблизости могли видеть изнасилование, но ничего не могли с этим поделать из -за, стоящих поблизости сербских солдат. Другие люди слышали, как женщины кричали или видели, как женщины вытащили. Несколько человек были настолько напуганы, что покончили жизнь самоубийством, повесившись. В течение ночи и рано следующее утро истории об изнасилованиях и убийствах распространились по толпе, и террор в лагере обострился.
Крики, выстрелы и другие пугающие звуки были слышен в течение ночи, и никто не мог спать. Солдаты выбирали людей из толпы и убирали их: некоторые вернулись; другие не сделали .... ^{[ 86 ]}

Депортация женщин

В результате исчерпывающих переговоров ООН с сербскими войсками около 25 000 женщин Сребреницы были насильственно переведены на территорию, контролируемую Боснийак. Некоторые автобусы, очевидно, никогда не достигли безопасности. Согласно свидетельству Кадира Хабибовича, который спрятался на одном из первых автобусов с базы в Поточари в Кладандж, он увидел по крайней мере один автомобиль, полный боснийских женщин, изгнанных от территории, удостоенной Боснианской правительства. ^{[ 87 ]}

Колонка босняк

Вечером 11 июля распространилось, что трудоспособные люди должны взять в лес, сформировать колонну с 28-м дивизией Арбиха и попытаться прорывать в направлении боснийской территории правительства на севере. ^{[ 88 ]} Они верили, что у них больше шансов выжить, пытаясь сбежать, чем если бы они попали в серб. ^{[ 89 ]} Около 10 часов вечера 11 июля командование подразделения, с муниципальными властями, приняло решение сформировать колонку и попытаться достичь правительственной территории вокруг Тузлы. ^{[ 90 ]} Обезвоживание, наряду с отсутствием сна и истощения были дальнейшими проблемами; Было мало сплоченности или общей цели. ^{[ 91 ]} Попутно колонна была обстреляна и засада. В тяжелом психическом расстройстве некоторые беженцы погибли. Другие были вызваны сдачей. Оставшиеся в живых утверждали, что на них напали химический агент, который вызвал галлюцинации, дезориентацию и странное поведение. ^{[ 92 ]}^{[ 93 ]}^{[ 94 ]}^{[ 95 ]} Протекатели в гражданской одежде смущены, напали и убивали беженцев. ^{[ 92 ]}^{[ 96 ]} Многие взятые в плен были убиты на месте. ^{[ 92 ]} Другие были собраны и отправлены в отдаленные местоположения, для исполнения.

Атаки разбили колонку на меньшие сегменты. Только около одной трети удалось пересечь асфальтовую дорогу между Конжевичем Польже и Новой Касабой . Эта группа достигла территории правительства Боснина на и после 16 июля. Вторая меньшая группа (700-800) попыталась сбежать в Сербию через гору Кварак , Братунак или через реку Дрину и через Баджину Башту . Неизвестно, сколько было перехвачено и убито. Третья группа направилась к žepa, оценки того, сколько варьируется от 300 до 850 лет. Карманы сопротивления, по -видимому, оставались позади и задействовали сербские силы. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]}

Колонна Tuzla выходит

Почти все 28 -й дивизион, от 5500 до 6000 солдат, не все вооруженные, собрались в Шушнджари , на холмах к северу от Сребеницы, а также около 7000 гражданских лиц. Они включали несколько женщин. ^{[ 90 ]} Другие собрались в соседней деревне Джагличи. ^{[ 97 ]}

Около полуночи колонна начала двигаться вдоль оси между Конжевичем Польже и Братунаком. Ему предшествовали четыре скаута, на 5 км впереди. ^{[ 98 ]} Участники ходили один позади другой, следуя бумажной тропе, проложенной упущенным подразделением. ^{[ 99 ]}

Колонна была возглавляна 50–100 лучших солдат из каждой бригады с лучшим оборудованием. За элементами 284 -й бригады последовали 280 -я бригада. Последовали гражданские лица, сопровождаемые другими солдатами, и сзади был независимый батальон. ^{[ 90 ]} Команда и вооруженные люди были на передней части, после подразделения полумарина. ^{[ 99 ]} Другие включали политических лидеров анклава, медицинского персонала и семей выдающихся шребренеров. Несколько женщин, детей и пожилых людей путешествовали с колонкой в лесу. ^{[ 88 ]}^{[ 100 ]} Колонна была длиной 12-15 км, два с половиной часа отделяя голову от хвоста. ^{[ 90 ]}

Попытка добраться до Тузлы удивила VRS и вызвала путаницу, поскольку VR ожидали, что люди отправятся в Поточари. Генерал Серб Милан Гверо на брифинге назвал колонку «закаленными и насильственными преступниками, которые не останутся ни перед чем, чтобы не допустить в плен». ^{[ 101 ]} Дрина, основной персонал VRS, приказал всем доступным рабочей силе найти любые наблюдаемые мусульманские группы, не допустить их перехода на мусульманскую территорию, взять их в плену и держать их в зданиях, которые могут быть закреплены небольшими силами. ^{[ 102 ]}

Засад и Каменика Хилл

Ночью плохая видимость, страх перед шахтами и паника, вызванная артиллерийским огнем, разделили колонну на две части. ^{[ 103 ]} Во второй половине дня 12 июля передняя часть появилась из леса и переселала асфальтовую дорогу от Коньевича Поля и Нова Касабы. Около 6 вечера армия VRS обнаружила основную часть колонны вокруг Каменицы. Около 8 вечера эта часть, возглавляемая муниципальными властями и ранеными, начала спускаться с холмом Каменики к дороге. После того, как примерно 40 человек пересекли, солдаты VRS прибыли со стороны Kravica в грузовиках и бронетехниках, в том числе белый автомобиль с непроформированными символами, призывая к сдачу громкоговорителя. ^{[ 103 ]}

Наблюдался желтый дым, за которым последовало странное поведение, включая самоубийства, галлюцинации и члены колонны, атаковывающие друг друга. ^{[ 92 ]} Оставшиеся в живых утверждали, что на них напали химический агент, который вызвал галлюцинации и дезориентацию. ^{[ 93 ]}^{[ 94 ]} Генерал Толимир был сторонником использования химического оружия против Арбиха. ^{[ 95 ]}^{[ 104 ]} Стрельба и обстрел начались, которые продолжались до ночи. Вооруженные члены колонны вернули огонь и все разбросаны. Оставшиеся в живых не менее 1000 человек на близком расстоянии задействованы с помощью стрелкового оружия. Похоже, что сотни были убиты, когда они бежали на открытую площадку, а некоторые убили себя, чтобы избежать захвата. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]}

VRS и Министерство внутренних сотрудников убедили членов колонны сдаться, обещая им безопасную транспортировку в сторону Тузлы под присмотром и Красного Креста. Присвоенное оборудование ООН и Красного Креста использовалось для их обмана. Вещи были конфискованы, а некоторые казнены на месте. ^{[ 103 ]}

Задняя часть колонны потеряла контакт, а паника вспыхнула. Многие оставались в районе холма Каменица в течение нескольких дней, а маршрут побега заблокирована сербскими силами. Тысячи боснийцев сдались или были захвачены. Некоторым было приказано вызвать друзей и семью из леса. Были сообщения о том, что сербские силы, использующие мегафоны, чтобы призвать марша сдаться, сообщив им, что их обменены на солдаты серб. Именно в Каменице сообщалось, что сотрудники VRS в гражданской одежде проникли в колонку. Мужчины, которые выжили, описали это как охоту. ^{[ 88 ]}

Резня в Сандиси

Рядом с Сандичи, на главной дороге от Братунака до Конжевича Поля, свидетель описал сербов, заставляющих босняка, чтобы вызвать других босняков вниз с гор. 200-300 человек, включая брата-свидетеля, спустились, чтобы встретить VRS, предположительно ожидая обмена заключенными. Свидетель спрятался за деревом и наблюдал за тем, как мужчины выстроились в семь рядов, каждый 40 метров, с руками за головой; Затем они были сшиты пулеметами. ^{[ 92 ]}

Некоторым женщинам, детям и пожилым людям, которые были частью колонны, было разрешено присоединиться к автобусам, эвакуационным женщинам и детям из Поточари. ^{[ 105 ]}

Поездка на гору Удру

Центральная часть колонны удалось избежать стрельбы, достигла Каменицы около 11 часов утра и ждала раненых. Капитан Голич и независимый батальон повернулись к Хадждучко Гроббле, чтобы помочь потери. Оставшиеся в живых с задней части пересекали асфальтовые дороги на севере или на западе и присоединились к центральной части. Передняя треть колонны, которая покинула Каменици -Хилл к тому времени, когда произошла засада, направилась на гору Удру ( 44 ° 16′59 ″ с.ш. 19 ° 3′6 ″ E / 44,28306 ° N 19,05167 ° E / 44,28306; 19.05167 ( гора UDRC ) ); пересечение главной асфальтовой дороги. Они достигли основания горы в четверг 13 июля и перегруппировались. Сначала было решено отправить 300 солдат Арбих обратно, чтобы прорваться через блокады. Когда появились сообщения о том, что центральная часть переселала дорогу в Коньевичах Полже, этот план был заброшен. Приблизительно 1000 дополнительных мужчин удалось добраться до Удрчу в ту ночь. ^{[ 106 ]}

Снагово засаду

От Удрча марша переехал к реке Дринджача и горы Вельджа Глава. В пятницу, 14 июля, в пятницу, 14 июля, нахождение сербов в горе Вельджа и ждала на его склонах, прежде чем двигаться к Липле и Марчичи. Прибыв в Марчичи вечером 14 июля, они снова попали в засаду недалеко от Снагово силами, оснащенными зенитными орудиями, артиллерией и танками. ^{[ 107 ]} Колонна прорвалась и захватила офицера VRS, предоставив им счетчик переговоров. Это вызвало попытку договориться о прекращении огня, но это не удалось. ^{[ 91 ]}

Приближаясь к фронта

Вечер 15 июля увидел первый радиосвязь между 2 -м корпусом и 28 -й дивизией. Братья Шабич смогли идентифицировать друг друга, когда они стояли по обе стороны от линий VRS. Рано утром колонна пересекла дорогу, связывающую Зворник с Капардом, и направилась к Планинчи, оставив 100-200 вооруженных маршам позади, чтобы ждать отставших. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]} Колонна достигла Крижевичи позже в тот же день и осталась, когда была предпринята попытка договориться с сербскими силами для безопасного прохода. Им посоветовали остаться там, где они были, и позволили сербским силам организовать безопасный проход. Стало очевидным, что небольшая сербская сила только пыталась получить время, чтобы организовать еще одну атаку. В районе Марчичи - Crni vrh вооруженные силы VRS развернули 500 солдат и полицейских, чтобы остановить разделенную часть колонны, около 2500 человек, которые двигались из Глоди в сторону Марчичи. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]} Лидеры колонки решили сформировать небольшие группы из 100-200 и отправить их в разведку вперед. 2 -й корпус и 28 -й дивизион Арбих встретились друг с другом в Поточани.

Прорыв в Baljkovica

Склон холма в Baljkovica ( 44 ° 27′N 18 ° 58′E / 44,450 ° N 18,967 ° E / 44,450; 18.967 ( Baljkovica ) ) сформировала последнюю линию VRS, отделяющую колонку от боснийской территории. Кордон VRS состоял из двух линий, первая из которых представил фронт на стороне Тузла, против 2 -го корпуса, а другой - фронт против приближающегося 28 -го дивизиона. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]}

Вечером 15 июля град заставил сербских сил укрыться. Предварительная группа колонны воспользовалась преимуществом, чтобы атаковать сербные задние линии в Baljkovica. Основное тело того, что осталось от колонны, начало двигаться от Кризвичи. Он достиг области борьбы около 3 часов утра в воскресенье, 16 июля. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]} Примерно в 5 часов утра 2 -й корпус предпринял свою первую попытку прорваться через кордон VRS. Цель состояла в том, чтобы прорываться рядом с деревнями Парлога и Реника. К ним присоединились Орич и некоторые из его людей. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]} Около 8 часов утра, части 28 -й дивизии, с 2 -м корпусом армии RBIH от Тузла, обеспечивающего артиллерийскую поддержку, атаковали и нарушали линии VRS. Был ожесточенные борьбы по всему Бальджковике. ^{[ 108 ]} Колонна, наконец, удалось пробиться на боснийскую территорию, контролируемую правительством, с 1 до 22 часов. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]}

BALJKOVICA CORIDOR

После переговоров по радио между 2 -м корпусом и бригадой Zvornik командование бригады согласилась открыть коридор, чтобы разрешить «эвакуацию» колонны в обмен на выпуск захваченных полицейских и солдат. Коридор был открыт 2-5 вечера. ^{[ 109 ]} После того, как коридор был закрыт с 5 до 6 часов вечера, бригада Zvornik Command сообщила, что около 5000 гражданских лиц, вероятно, с ними было пропустило «определенное количество солдат», но «все, кто прошел, были безоружны». ^{[ 110 ]}

Примерно к 4 августа Арбих определил, что 3175 членам 28 -й дивизии удалось добраться до Тузлы. 2628 членов Отдела, солдаты и офицеры, считались уверенными. Убитые члены колонки были от 8300 до 9,722. ^{[ 111 ]}

После закрытия коридора

После того, как коридор закрылся, силы сербов возобновили охоту по частям колонны. Сообщалось, что около 2000 беженцев скрывались в лесу в районе Побустре. ^{[ 110 ]} 17 июля четверо детей в возрасте от 8 до 14 лет, захваченных бригадой Братунак, были доставлены в военные казармы в Братуне. ^{[ 110 ]}^{[ 112 ]} Командир бригады Благоевич предложил записи пресс -блока корпуса Дрины это показания на видео. ^{[ 112 ]}

18 июля, после того, как солдат был убит, «пытаясь запечатлеть некоторых людей во время поисковой операции», командование бригады Zvornik издало приказ о казнях заключенных, чтобы избежать каких -либо рисков, связанных с их захватом. Предполагалось, что приказ оставался в силе до тех пор, пока 21 июля не будет выполнено. ^{[ 110 ]}

Влияние на выживших

Согласно качественному исследованию в 1998 году с участием выживших, многие члены колонки в различной степени проявляли симптомы галлюцинаций. ^{[ 113 ]} Несколько раз мужчины Босняк атаковали друг друга, в страхе, что другой был солдатом серба. Оставшиеся в живых сообщили, что люди бессвязно говорят, что в ярости бегут в ярости и совершают самоубийство, используя огнестрельное оружие и ручные гранаты. Хотя не было никаких доказательств того, что именно вызвало поведение, исследование показало, что усталость и стресс, возможно, вызвали это. ^{[ 113 ]}

План выполнения мужчин

Хотя войска сербов долгое время обвиняли в убийстве, только в 2004 году - последовало за отчетом Комиссии Сребреники - чиновники серба признали, что их силы совершили массовые убийства. Их доклад признал, что было запланировано массовое убийство мужчин и мальчиков, и более 7800 были убиты. ^{[ 114 ]}^{[ 115 ]}^{[ 116 ]}

Были предприняты согласованные усилия, чтобы запечатлеть всех боснийских людей военного века. ^{[ 117 ]} Фактически, захваченные включали много мальчиков, намного ниже этого возраста, и мужчины выше этого возраста, которые остались в анклаве после взлета Сребеники. Эти мужчины и мальчики были нацелены, независимо от того, решили ли они бежать в Поточари или присоединиться к колонке. Операция по захвату и задержанию мужчин была хорошо организована и всеобъемлющей. Автобусы, которые транспортировали женщин и детей, систематически искали мужчин. ^{[ 117 ]}

Массовые казни

Сумма планирования и координации высокого уровня, инвестированных в убийство тысяч за несколько дней, очевидно из шкалы и методического характера, в котором были выполнены казни. ^{[ Цитация необходима ]}

Армия Республики Српска взяла самое большое количество заключенных 13 июля вдоль дороги Братунак-Конжевича Полже. Свидетели описывают пункты собрания, такие как поле в Сандичи, сельскохозяйственные склады в Кравике, школа в Коньевиче Поле, футбольное поле в Новой Касабе, Лоличи и Луки. Несколько тысяч человек были загнаны в поле возле Сандичи и на поле Новой Касабы, где их обыскивали и помещали в более мелкие группы. В видео журналиста Зорана Петровича солдат серба заявляет, что по меньшей мере 3000-4000 человек отдали себя на дороге. К концу дня 13 июля общая сумма выросла до 6000 в соответствии с перехваченным радиосвязи; На следующий день майор Франкен из голландского, дал такую же фигуру полковник Радислав Янкович из сербской армии. Многие заключенные были замечены в описанных местах, передавая конвои, доставляющие женщин и детей в Кладандж на автобусе, в то время как аэрофотоснимки предоставили доказательства для подтверждения этого. ^{[ 100 ]}^{[ 117 ]}

Через час после того, как эвакуация женщин из Поточари была завершена, сотрудники корпуса Drina отвезли автобусы в районы, в которых содержались мужчины. Полковник Крсманович, который 12 июля организовал автобусы для эвакуации, приказал собрать 700 человек в Сандичи, а солдаты охраняли их, заставил их бросить свои имущества на кучу и руку на ценности. Во второй половине дня группа в Сандичи посетила Младич, который сказал им, что они не причинят вреда, будут рассматриваться как военнопленные, обмены на другие заключенные, и их семьи сопровождались в Тузлу в безопасности. Некоторые мужчины были помещены на транспорт в Братунак и другие места, в то время как некоторые были отправлены на склады в Кравике. Мужчины, собравшиеся на поле в Новой Касабе, были вынуждены передавать вещи. Они тоже получили визит Младича в течение дня 13 июля; По этому случаю он объявил, что боснийские власти в Тузле не хотели их, и поэтому их должны были быть взяты в другом месте. Мужчины в Новой Касабе были загружены на автобусы и грузовики и доставлены в Братунак, или в другие места. ^{[ 117 ]}

The Bosnian men who had been separated from the women, children and elderly in Potočari, numbering approximately 1,000, were transported to Bratunac and joined by Bosnian men captured from the column.^[118] Almost without exception, the thousands of prisoners captured after the take-over were executed. Some were killed individually, or in small groups, by the soldiers who captured them. Most were killed in carefully orchestrated mass executions, commencing on 13 July, just north of Srebrenica.

The mass executions followed a well-established pattern. The men were taken to empty schools or warehouses. After being detained for hours, they were loaded onto buses or trucks and taken to another site, usually in an isolated location. They were unarmed and often steps were taken to minimise resistance, such as blindfolding, binding their wrists behind their backs with ligatures, or removing their shoes. Once at the killing fields, the men were taken off the trucks in small groups, lined up and shot. Those who survived the initial shooting were shot with an extra round, though sometimes only after they had been left to suffer.^[117]

Morning of 13 July: Jadar River

Prior to midday on 13 July, seventeen men were transported by bus a short distance to a spot on the banks of the Jadar River where they were lined up and shot. One man, after being hit in the hip by a bullet, jumped into the river and managed to escape.^[119]

Early afternoon of 13 July: Cerska Valley

The first mass executions began on 13 July in the valley of the River Cerska, to the west of Konjević Polje. One witness, hidden among trees, saw 2 or 3 trucks, followed by an armoured vehicle and earthmoving machine proceeding towards Cerska. He heard gunshots for half an hour and then saw the armoured vehicle going in the opposite direction, but not the earthmoving machine. Other witnesses report seeing a pool of blood alongside the road to Cerska. Muhamed Duraković, a UN translator, probably passed this execution site later that day. He reports seeing bodies tossed into a ditch alongside the road, with some men still alive.^[120]^[121]

Aerial photos, and excavations, confirmed the presence of a mass grave near this location. Bullet cartridges, found at the scene, showed that the victims were first lined up on one side of the road, whereupon their executioners shot from the other. The 150 bodies were covered with earth where they lay. It was later established they had been killed by gunfire. All were men, aged 14-50, and all but three was wearing civilian clothes. Many had their hands tied behind their backs. 9 were later identified who were on the list of Srebrenica missing persons list.^[120]

Late afternoon of 13 July: Kravica

Later on 13 July executions were conducted in the largest of four farm sheds, owned by the Agricultural Cooperative in Kravica. Between 1,000 and 1,500 men had been captured in fields near Sandići and detained in Sandići Meadow. They were brought to Kravica, either by bus or on foot, the distance being approximately 1km. A witness recalls seeing around 200 men, stripped to the waist and with their hands in the air, being forced to run in the direction of Kravica. An aerial photo taken at 2pm shows 2 buses standing in front of the sheds.^[122]

At around 6pm, when the men were all held in the warehouse, VRS soldiers threw in hand grenades and fired with weapons, including rocket propelled grenades. This mass murder seemed "well organised and involved a substantial amount of planning, requiring the participation of the Drina Corps Command."^[122]

Supposedly, there was more killing in and around Kravica and Sandići. Even before the murders in the warehouse, some 200 or 300 men were formed up in ranks near Sandići, then executed en masse with concentrated machine gun fire. At Kravica, it was claimed some local men assisted the killings. Some victims were mutilated and killed with knives. The bodies were taken to Bratunac, or simply dumped in the river that runs alongside the road. One witness stated this all took place on 14 July. There were 3 survivors of the mass murder in the farm sheds at Kravica.^[122]

Armed guards shot at the men who tried to climb out the windows to escape the massacre. When the shooting stopped, the shed was full of bodies. Another survivor, who was only slightly wounded, reports:

I was not even able to touch the floor, the concrete floor of the warehouse... After the shooting, I felt a strange kind of heat, warmth, which was coming from the blood that covered the concrete floor and I was stepping on the dead people who were lying around. But there were even men (just men) who were still alive, who were only wounded and as soon as I would step on him, I would hear him cry, moan, because I was trying to move as fast as I could. I could tell that people had been completely disembodied and I could feel bones of the people that had been hit by those bursts of bullets or shells, I could feel their ribs crushing. Then I would get up again and continue....^[74]

When this witness climbed out of a window, he was seen by a guard who shot at him. He pretended to be dead and managed to escape the following morning. The other witness quoted above spent the night under a heap of bodies; the next morning, he watched as the soldiers examined the corpses for signs of life. The few survivors were forced to sing Serbian songs and were then shot. Once the final victim had been killed, an excavator was driven in to shunt the bodies out of the shed; the asphalt outside was then hosed down with water. In September 1996, however, it was still possible to find the evidence.^[122]

Analyses of hair, blood and explosives residue collected at the Kravica Warehouse provide strong evidence of the killings. Experts determined the presence of bullet strikes, explosives residue, bullets and shell cases, as well as human blood, bones and tissue adhering to the walls and floors of the building. Forensic evidence presented by the ICTY Prosecutor established a link between the executions in Kravica and the 'primary' mass grave known as Glogova 2, in which the remains of 139 people were found. In the 'secondary' grave known as Zeleni Jadar 5, there were 145 bodies, several were charred. Pieces of brick and window frame found in the Glogova 1 grave that was opened later, also established a link with Kravica. Here, the remains of 191 victims were found.^[122]

13–14 July: Tišća

As the buses crowded with Bosnian women, children and elderly made their way from Potočari to Kladanj, they were stopped at Tišća village, searched, and the Bosnian men and boys found on board were removed. The evidence reveals a well-organised operation in Tišća.^[123]

From the checkpoint, an officer directed the soldier escorting the witness towards a nearby school where many other prisoners were being held. At the school, a soldier on a field telephone appeared to be transmitting and receiving orders. Around midnight, the witness was loaded onto a truck with 22 other men with their hands tied behind their backs. At one point the truck stopped and a soldier said: "Not here. Take them up there, where they took people before." The truck reached another stopping point and the soldiers came to the back of the truck and started shooting the prisoners. The survivor escaped by running away from the truck and hiding in a forest.^[123]

14 July: Grbavci and Orahovac

A large group of prisoners held overnight in Bratunac were bussed in a convoy of 30 vehicles to the Grbavci school in Orahovica, early on 14 July. When they arrived, the gym was already half-full with prisoners and within a few hours, the building was full. Survivors estimated there were about 2,000 men, some very young, others elderly, although the ICTY Prosecution suggested this maybe an overestimation, with the number closer to 1,000. Some prisoners were taken outside and killed. At some point, a witness recalled, General Mladić arrived and told the men: "Well, your government does not want you and I have to take care of you."^[124]

After being held in the gym for hours, the men were led out in small groups to the execution fields that afternoon. Each prisoner was blindfolded and given water as he left. The prisoners were taken in trucks to the fields less than 1km away. The men were lined up and shot in the back; those who survived were killed with an extra shot. Two adjacent meadows were used; once one was full of bodies, the executioners moved to the other. While the executions were in progress, the survivors said earth-moving equipment dug the graves. A witness who survived by pretending to be dead, reported that Mladić drove up in a red car and watched some of the executions.^[124]

The forensic evidence supports crucial aspects of the testimony. Aerial photos show the ground in Orahovac was disturbed between 5-27 July and between 7-27 September. Two primary mass graves were uncovered in the area and named Lazete 1 and Lazete 2 by investigators.^[124] Lazete 1 was exhumed by the ICTY in 2000. All of the 130 individuals uncovered, for whom sex could be determined, were male; 138 blindfolds were found. Identification material for 23 persons, listed as missing following the fall of Srebrenica, was located during the exhumations. Lazete 2 was partly exhumed by a joint team, from the Office of the Prosecutor and Physicians for Human Rights, in 1996 and completed in 2000. All of the 243 victims associated with Lazete 2 were male, and experts determined most died of gunshot injuries. 147 blindfolds were located.^[124] Forensic analysis of soil/pollen samples, blindfolds, ligatures, shell cases and aerial images of creation/disturbance dates, further revealed that bodies, from Lazete 1 and 2, were reburied at secondary graves named Hodžići Road 3, 4 and 5. Aerial images show these secondary gravesites were begun in early September 1995 and all were exhumed in 1998.^[124]

14–15 July: Petkovići

On 14 and 15 July 1995, another group of prisoners numbering 1,500 to 2,000 were taken from Bratunac to the school in Petkovići. The conditions at the Petkovići school were even worse than Grbavci. It was hot, and overcrowded and there was no food or water. In the absence of anything else, some prisoners chose to drink their urine. Now and then, soldiers would enter the room and physically abuse prisoners or call them outside. A few contemplated an escape attempt, but others said it would be better to stay since the International Red Cross would be sure to monitor the situation and they could not all be killed.^[125]

The men were called outside in small groups. They were ordered to strip to the waist and remove their shoes, whereupon their hands were tied behind their backs. During the night of 14 July, the men were taken by truck to the dam at Petkovići. Those who arrived later could see immediately what was happening. Bodies were strewn on the ground, hands tied behind their backs. Small groups of five to ten men were taken out of the trucks, lined up and shot. Some begged for water but their pleas were ignored.^[125] A survivor described his feelings of fear combined with thirst:

I was really sorry that I would die thirsty, and I was trying to hide amongst the people as long as I could, like everybody else. I just wanted to live for another second or two. And when it was my turn, I jumped out with what I believe were four other people. I could feel the gravel beneath my feet. It hurt... I was walking with my head bent down and I wasn't feeling anything.... And then I thought that I would die very fast, that I would not suffer. And I just thought that my mother would never know where I had ended up. This is what I was thinking as I was getting out of the truck. [As the soldiers walked around to kill the survivors of the first round of shooting] I was still very thirsty. But I was sort of between life and death. I didn't know whether I wanted to live or die anymore. I decided not to call out for them to shoot and kill me, but I was sort of praying to God that they'd come and kill me.^[74]

After the soldiers had left, 2 survivors helped each other to untie their hands and crawled over the bodies towards the woods, where they intended to hide. As dawn arrived, they could see the execution site where bulldozers were collecting the bodies. On the way to the execution site, one survivor peeked out from under his blindfold and saw Mladić on his way to the scene.^[74]

Aerial photos confirmed the earth near the Petkovići dam had been disturbed and it was disturbed again in late September 1995. When the grave was opened in April 1998, there seemed to be many bodies missing. Their removal had been accomplished with mechanical apparatus, causing considerable disturbance. The grave contained the remains of no more than 43 persons. Other bodies had been removed to a secondary grave, Liplje 2, before 2 October. Here, the remains of at least 191 individuals were discovered.^[74]

14–16 July: Branjevo

On 14 July, more prisoners from Bratunac were bussed northward to a school in Pilica. As at other detention facilities, there was no food or water and several died from heat and dehydration. The men were held at the school for two nights. On 16 July, following a now familiar pattern, the men were called out and loaded onto buses with their hands tied behind their backs, driven to the Branjevo Military Farm, where groups of 10 were lined up and shot.^[126]

Dražen Erdemović—who confessed to killing at least 70 Bosniaks—was a member of the VRS 10th Sabotage Detachment. Erdemović appeared as a prosecution witness and testified: "The men in front of us were ordered to turn their backs...we shot at them. We were given orders to shoot."^[127] On this point, a survivors recalls:

When they shot, I threw myself on the ground... one man fell on my head. I think that he was killed on the spot. I could feel the hot blood pouring over me... I could hear one man crying for help. He was begging them to kill him. And they simply said "Let him suffer. We'll kill him later."
— Witness Q^[128]

Erdemović said nearly all the victims wore civilian clothes and, except for one person who tried to escape, offered no resistance. Sometimes the executioners were particularly cruel. When some soldiers recognised acquaintances, they beat and humiliated them, before killing them. Erdemović had to persuade fellow soldiers to stop using machine guns; while it mortally wounded the prisoners, it did not cause death immediately and prolonged their suffering.^[127] Between 1,000 and 1,200 men were killed in that day at this execution site.^[129]

Aerial photos, taken on 17 July of an area around the Branjevo Military Farm, show many bodies lying in a field, as well as traces of the excavator that collected the bodies.^[130] Erdemović testified that, at around 3pm on 16 July, after he and fellow soldiers from the 10th Sabotage Detachment had finished executing prisoners at the Farm, they were told there was a group of 500 Bosnian prisoners from Srebrenica, trying to break out of a Dom Kultura club. Erdemović and other members of his unit refused to carry out more killings. They were told to meet with a Lieutenant Colonel at a café in Pilica. Erdemović and his fellow soldiers travelled to the café and, as they waited, could hear shots and grenades being detonated. The sounds lasted 15–20 minutes after which a soldier entered the café to inform them "everything was over".^[131]

There were no survivors to explain exactly what happened in the Dom Kultura.^[131] The executions there were remarkable as this was not remote, but a town centre on the main road from Zvornik to Bijeljina.^[132] Over a year later, it was still possible to find physical evidence of this crime. As in Kravica, many traces of blood, hair and body tissue were found in the building, with cartridges and shells littered throughout the two storeys.^[133] It could be established that explosives and machine guns had been used. Human remains and personal possessions were found under the stage, where blood had dripped down through the floorboards.

Two of the three survivors of the executions at the Branjevo Military Farm, were arrested by Bosnian Serb police on 25 July and sent to the prisoner of war compound at Batkovici. One had been a member of the group separated from the women in Potočari on 13 July. The prisoners who were taken to Batkovici survived^[134] and testified before the Tribunal.^[135]

Čančari Road 12 was the site of the reinterment of at least 174 bodies, moved from the mass grave at the Branjevo Military Farm.^[136] Only 43 were complete sets of remains, most of which established that death was due to rifle fire. Of the 313 body parts found, 145 displayed gunshot wounds of a severity likely to prove fatal.^[137]

14–17 July: Kozluk

The exact date of the executions at Kozluk is unknown, though most probably 15-16 July, partly due to its location, between Petkovići Dam and the Branjevo Military Farm. It falls within the pattern of ever more northerly execution sites: Orahovac on 14 July, Petkovići Dam on 15 July, the Branjevo Military Farm and Pilica Dom Kultura on 16 July.^[138] Another indication is that a Zvornik Brigade excavator spent 8 hours in Kozluk on 16 July and a truck belonging to the same brigade made two journeys between Orahovac and Kozluk that day. A bulldozer is known to have been active in Kozluk on 18 and 19 July.^[139]

Among Bosnian refugees in Germany, there were rumours of executions in Kozluk, during which 500 or so prisoners were forced to sing Serbian songs as they were being transported to the execution site. Though no survivors have come forward, investigations in 1999 led to the discovery of a mass grave near Kozluk.^[140] This proved to be the location of execution as well, and lay alongside the Drina accessible only by driving through the barracks occupied by the Drina Wolves, a police unit of Republika Srpska. The grave was not dug specifically for the purpose: it had previously been a quarry and landfill site. Investigators found many shards of glass which the nearby 'Vitinka' bottling plant had dumped there. This facilitated the process of establishing links with the secondary graves along Čančari Road.^[141] The grave at Kozluk had been partly cleared before 27 September 1995, but no fewer than 340 bodies were found there.^[142] In 237 cases, it was clear they had died as the result of rifle fire: 83 by a single shot to the head, 76 by one shot through the torso region, 72 by multiple bullet wounds, five by wounds to the legs and one by bullet wounds to the arm. Their ages were between 8 and 85. Some had been physically disabled, occasionally as the result of amputation. Many had been tied and bound using strips of clothing or nylon thread.^[141]

Along the Čančari Road are twelve known mass graves, of which only two—Čančari Road 3 and 12—have been investigated in detail (as of 2000^[update]).^[143] Čančari Road 3 is known to have been a secondary grave linked to Kozluk, as shown by the glass fragments and labels from the Vitinka factory.^[144] The remains of 158 victims were found here, of which 35 bodies were more or less intact and indicated most had been killed by gunfire.^[145]

13–18 July: Bratunac-Konjević Polje road

On 13 July, near Konjević Polje, Serb soldiers summarily executed hundreds of Bosniaks, including women and children.^[146] The men found attempting to escape by the Bratunac-Konjević Polje road were told the Geneva Convention would be observed if they gave themselves up.^[147] In Bratunac, men were told there were Serbian personnel standing by to escort them to Zagreb for a prisoner exchange. The visible presence of UN uniforms and vehicles, stolen from Dutchbat, were intended to contribute to the feeling of reassurance. On 17 to 18 July, Serb soldiers captured about 150–200 Bosnians in the vicinity of Konjevic Polje and summarily executed about one-half.^[146]

18–19 July: Nezuk–Baljkovica frontline

After the closure of the corridor at Baljkovica, groups of stragglers nevertheless attempted to escape into Bosnian territory. Most were captured by VRS troops in the Nezuk–Baljkovica area and killed on the spot. In the vicinity of Nezuk, about 20 small groups surrendered to Bosnian Serb military forces. After the men surrendered, soldiers ordered them to line up and summarily executed them.^[92]

On 19 July, for example, a group of approximately 11 men was killed at Nezuk itself by units of the 16th Krajina Brigade, then operating under the direct command of the Zvornik Brigade. Reports reveal a further 13 men, all ARBiH soldiers, were killed at Nezuk on 19 July.^[148] The report of the march to Tuzla includes the account of an ARBiH soldier who witnessed executions carried out by police. He survived because 30 ARBiH soldiers were needed for an exchange of prisoners following the ARBiH's capture of a VRS officer at Baljkovica. The soldier was exchanged in late 1995; at that time, there were still 229 men from Srebrenica in the Batkovici prisoner of war camp, including two who had been taken prisoner in 1994.^{[citation needed]}

RS Ministry of the Interior forces searching the terrain from Kamenica as far as Snagovo killed eight Bosniaks.^[149] Around 200 Muslims armed with automatic and hunting rifles were reported to be hiding near the old road near Snagovo.^[149] During the morning, about 50 Bosniaks attacked the Zvornik Brigade line in the area of Pandurica, attempting to break through to Bosnian government territory.^[149] The Zvornik Public Security Centre planned to surround and destroy these two groups the following day using all available forces.^[150]

20–22 July: Meces area

According to ICTY indictments of Karadžić and Mladić, on 20 to 21 July near Meces, VRS personnel, using megaphones, urged Bosniak men who had fled Srebrenica to surrender and assured them they would be safe. Approximately 350 men responded to these entreaties and surrendered. The soldiers then took approximately 150, instructed them to dig their graves and executed them.^[151]

After the massacre

ICMP's Podrinje Identification Project (PIP) was formed to deal with the victims of the Srebrenica massacre. PIP includes a facility for storing, processing, and handling exhumed remains. Much are only fragments or commingled body fragments since they were recovered from secondary mass graves. The photo depicts one section of the refrigerated mortuary.

During the days following the massacre, US spy planes overflew Srebrenica and took photos showing the ground in vast areas around the town had been removed, a sign of mass burials.

On 22 July, the commanding officer of the Zvornik Brigade, Lieutenant Colonel Vinko Pandurević, requested the Drina Corps set up a committee to oversee the exchange of prisoners. He asked for instructions on where the prisoners of war his unit had already captured should be taken and to whom they should be handed over. Approximately 50 wounded captives were taken to the Bratunac hospital. Another group was taken to the Batkovići camp, and these were mostly exchanged later.^[152] On 25 July, the Zvornik Brigade captured 25 more ARBiH soldiers who were taken directly to the camp at Batkovići, as were 34 ARBiH men captured the following day. Zvornik Brigade reports up until 31 July continue to describe the search for refugees and the capture of small groups of Bosniaks.^[153]

Several Bosniaks managed to cross over the River Drina into Serbia at Ljubovija and Bajina Bašta. 38 were returned to RS. Some were taken to the Batkovići camp, where they were exchanged. The fate of the majority has not been established.^[152] Some attempting to cross the Drina drowned.^[152]

By 17 July, 201 Bosniak soldiers had arrived in Žepa, exhausted and many with light wounds.^[152] By 28 July another 500 had arrived in Žepa from Srebrenica.^[152]^[154] After 19 July, small Bosniak groups were hiding in the woods for days and months, trying to reach Tuzla.^[152] Numerous refugees found themselves cut off in the area around Mount Udrc.^[155]^[156] They did not know what to do next or where to go; they managed to stay alive by eating vegetables and snails.^[155]^[156] The MT Udrc had become a place for ambushing marchers, and the Bosnian Serbs swept through and, according to one survivor, killed many people there.^[155]^[156]

Meanwhile, the VRS had commenced the process of clearing the bodies from around Srebrenica, Žepa, Kamenica and Snagovo. Work parties and municipal services were deployed to help.^[156]^[157] In Srebrenica, the refuse that had littered the streets since the departure of the people was collected and burnt, the town disinfected and deloused.^[156]^[157]

Wanderers

Many people in the part of the column which had not succeeded in passing Kamenica, did not wish to give themselves up and decided to turn back towards Žepa.^[158] Others remained where they were, splitting up into smaller groups of no more than ten.^[159] Some wandered around for months, either alone or groups of two, four or six men.^[159] Once Žepa had succumbed to the Serb pressure, they had to move on once more, either trying to reach Tuzla or crossing the River Drina into Serbia.^[160]

Zvornik 7

The most famous group of seven men wandered about in occupied territory for the entire winter. On 10 May 1996, after 9 months on the run and over six months after the end of the war, they were discovered in a quarry by American IFOR soldiers. They immediately turned over to the patrol; they were searched and their weapons were confiscated. The men said they had been in hiding near Srebrenica since its fall. They did not look like soldiers and the Americans decided this was a matter for the police.^[161] The operations officer of the American unit ordered that a Serb patrol should be escorted into the quarry whereupon the men would be handed over to the Serbs.

The prisoners said they were initially tortured after the transfer, but later treated relatively well. In April 1997 the local court in Republika Srpska convicted the group, known as the Zvornik 7, for illegal possession of firearms and three of them for the murder of four Serbian woodsmen. When announcing the verdict the presenter of the TV of Republika Srpska described them as the group of Muslim terrorists from Srebrenica who last year massacred Serb civilians.^[162] The trial was condemned by the international community as "a flagrant miscarriage of justice",^[163]^[164] and the conviction quashed for 'procedural reasons' following international pressure. In 1999, the three remaining defendants in the Zvornik 7 case were swapped for three Serbs serving 15 years each in a Bosnian prison.

Reburials in the secondary mass graves

From August to October 1995, there was organised effort to remove the bodies from primary gravesites and transport them to secondary and tertiary gravesites.^[165] In the ICTY court case "Prosecutor v. Blagojević and Jokić", the trial chamber found that this reburial effort was an attempt to conceal evidence of the mass murders.^[166] The trial chamber found that the cover-up operation was ordered by the VRS Main Staff and carried out by members of the Bratunac and Zvornik Brigades.^[166]

The cover-up had a direct impact on the recovery and identification of the remains. The removal and reburial of the bodies caused them to become dismembered and co-mingled, making it difficult for forensic investigators to positively identify the remains.^[167] In one case, the remains of a single person were found in two locations, 30 km apart.^[168] In addition to the ligatures and blindfolds found, the effort to hide the bodies has been seen as evidence of the organised nature of the massacres and the non-combatant status of the victims.^[167]^[169]

Greek Volunteers controversy

10 Greek volunteers fought alongside the Serbs in the fall of Srebrenica.^[170]^[171] They were members of the Greek Volunteer Guard, a contingent of paramilitaries requested by Mladić, as an integral part of the Drina Corps. The volunteers were motivated to support their "Orthodox brothers" in battle.^[172] They raised the Greek flag at Srebrenica, at Mladić's request, to honour "the brave Greeks fighting on our side"^[173] and Karadžić decorated four.^[174]^[175]^[176]^[177] In 2005, Greek deputy Andrianopoulos called for an investigation,^[178] Justice Minister Papaligouras commissioned an inquiry^[179] and in 2011, a judge said there was insufficient evidence to proceed.^[171] In 2009, Stavros Vitalis announced the volunteers were suing Takis Michas for libel over allegations in his book Unholy Alliance, which described Greece's support for the Serbs during the war. Insisting the volunteers had simply taken part in the "re-occupation" of Srebrenica, Vitalis was present with Serb officers in "all military operations".^[180]^[181]^[182]

Post-war developments

1995-2000: Indictments and UN Secretary-General's report

In November 1995 Karadžić and Mladić were indicted by the ICTY for their alleged direct responsibility for the war crimes committed against the Bosnian Muslim population of Srebrenica.^[59] In 1999, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan submitted his report on the Fall of Srebrenica. He acknowledged the international community as a whole had to accept its share of responsibility, for its response to the ethnic cleansing that culminated in the murder of 7,000 unarmed civilians from the town designated by the Security Council as a "safe area."^[59]^[183]^[184]

2002: Dutch government report

The failure of Dutchbat to protect the enclave became a national trauma in the Netherlands and led to long-running discussions.^[185] In 1996, the Dutch government asked the NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies to research the events. The report was published in 2002—Srebrenica: a 'safe' area.^[186] It concluded the Dutchbat mission was not well considered and well-nigh impossible. The report is often cited, however, the Institute for War and Peace Reporting labelled it "controversial", as "the sheer abundance of information makes it possible for anyone to pluck from it whatever they need to make their point". One author claimed some sources were "unreliable", and only used to support another author's argument.^[187] Responding to the report, the Dutch government accepted partial political responsibility for the circumstances in which the massacre happened^[188] and the Second Kok cabinet resigned.^[189]^[190]

2002: First Republika Srpska report

In September 2002, the Republika Srpska Office of Relations with the ICTY issued the "Report about Case Srebrenica". The document, by Darko Trifunović, was endorsed by leading Bosnian Serb politicians. It concluded that 1,800 Bosnian Muslim soldiers died during fighting and a 100 more from exhaustion. "The number of Muslim soldiers killed by Bosnian Serbs out of personal revenge or lack of knowledge of international law is probably about 100...It is important to uncover the names of the perpetrators to accurately and unequivocally establish whether or not these were isolated instances." The report examined the mass graves, claiming they were made for hygiene reasons, questioning the legitimacy of the missing person lists and undermining a key witness' mental health and military history.^[191] The International Crisis Group and UN condemned the manipulation of their statements.^[192]

2003: Srebrenica Genocide Memorial

In September 2003, former US President Bill Clinton officially opened the Srebrenica Genocide Memorial to honour the victims of the genocide. The total cost was around $6 million. "We must pay tribute to the innocent lives, many of them children who were snuffed out in what must be called genocidal madness", Clinton said.^[193]^[194]

2004: Second Republika Srpska report and apology

In March 2003, the Human Rights Chamber for Bosnia and Herzegovina issued a decision which ordered the Republika Srpska, (RS) to conduct a full investigation into the Srebrenica events, and disclose the results by September.^[195] The Chamber had no coercive power to implement the decision, especially as dissolved in late 2003.^[114] The RS then published reports, in September 2003, which the Human Rights Chamber concluded did not fulfil the RS' obligations.^[114] In October 2003, The High Representative, Paddy Ashdown, lamented that "getting the truth from the [Bosnian Serb] government is like extracting rotten teeth". He did, however, welcome a recommendation to form an independent commission to investigate Srebrenica and issue a report within 6 months.^[196]

The Srebrenica commission, officially titled the Commission for Investigation of the Events in and around Srebrenica between 10 and 19 July 1995, was established in December 2003, and submitted its final report^[197] on 4 June 2004, and then an addendum^[198] in October 2004 after delayed information was supplied.^[114]^[115] The report acknowledged men and boys were killed by Bosnian Serbs, citing a provisional figure of 7,800.^[199] Because of "limited time" and to "maximize resources", the commission "accepted the historical background and the facts stated in the second-instance judgment 'Prosecutor vs. Radislav Krstić', when the ICTY convicted him for 'assisting and supporting genocide' in Srebrenica".^[197]

The findings remain disputed by Serb nationalists, who claim it was pressured by the High Representative, given the earlier RS government report which exonerated the Serbs was dismissed. Nevertheless, Dragan Čavić, the president of Republika Srpska, acknowledged in a televised address that Serb forces killed several thousand civilians in violation of international law, and asserted that Srebrenica was a dark chapter in Serb history.^[200] On 10 November 2004, the government of Republika Srpska issued an official apology. The statement came after a government review of the report. "The report makes it clear that enormous crimes were committed in the area of Srebrenica in July 1995. The Bosnian Serb Government shares the pain of the families of the Srebrenica victims, is truly sorry and apologises for the tragedy", the Bosnian Serb government said.^[116]

Republika Srpska Srebrenica Working Group

After a request by Ashdown, the RS established a working group to implement the recommendations of the report by the Srebrenica Commission. The group was to analyze the documentation in the report's confidential annexes and identify all possible perpetrators who were officials in RS institutions.^[201] A report on 1 April 2005 identified 892 such persons still employed by the RS, and the information was provided to the State Prosecutor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the understanding names would not be made public until official proceedings opened.^[201] On 4 October 2005, the working group said they had identified 25,083 people who were involved in the massacre, including 19,473 members of Bosnian Serb armed forces that actively gave orders or directly took part.^[202]

2005: Release of Scorpions massacre video

On 1 June 2005, video evidence was introduced at the Slobodan Milošević trial to testify to the involvement of police from Serbia in the massacre.^[203] The video, the only undestroyed copy of 20 and previously available for rental in the Serbian town of Šid, was obtained and submitted to the ICTY by Nataša Kandić, director of the Belgrade-based Humanitarian Law Center.^[204]

The video shows an Orthodox priest blessing members of a Serbian unit known as the "Scorpions." Later these soldiers are shown physically abusing civilians. They were later identified as four minors as young as 16 and two men in their early twenties. The footage shows the execution of four of the civilians and them lying dead in a field. The cameraman expresses disappointment the battery is almost out.^{[citation needed]} The soldiers then ordered the two remaining captives to take the dead bodies into a nearby barn, where they were also killed upon completing this.^[203]^[204]

The video caused outrage in Serbia. Following its showing, the Serbian government arrested some former soldiers identified on it. The event was covered by the Danas newspaper, and radio and television station B92. Nura Alispahić, mother of 16-year-old Azmir Alispahić, saw her son's execution on television.^[205] She said she was already aware of his death and had been told his body was burned following the execution; his remains were among those buried in Potočari in 2003.^[206]^[207] The executions took place on 16/17 July, in Trnovo, about 30 minutes from the Scorpions' base near Sarajevo.^[204]

On 10 April 2007, a special war crimes court in Belgrade convicted four former members of the Scorpions of war crimes, treating the killings as an isolated war crime unrelated to the Srebrenica genocide and ignoring allegations the Scorpions were acting under the authority of the Serbian Interior Ministry, MUP.^[208]

2005: 10th anniversary

In June 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution commemorating the 10th anniversary, by 370 to 1 (Ron Paul).^[209] It stated the "innocent people executed at Srebrenica...should be solemnly remembered and honored; the policies..implemented by Serb forces...meet the terms... in...the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide."^[210] Missouri passed a resolution recognising the genocide^[211] and St. Louis issued a proclamation declaring 11 July Srebrenica Remembrance Day.^[212]

In his message to the commemoration, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan paid tribute to the victims of "a terrible crime – the worst on European soil since the Second World War", on a date "marked as a grim reminder of man's inhumanity to man". He said the "first duty of the international community was to uncover and confront the full truth about what happened, a hard truth for those who serve the UN because great nations failed to respond adequately. There should have been stronger military forces in place, and a stronger will to use them".^[32] Annan added that...the UN bore its share of responsibility, having made serious errors of judgement, "rooted in a philosophy of impartiality and non-violence which, however admirable, was unsuited to the conflict in Bosnia; because of that the tragedy of Srebrenica would haunt the UN's history forever."^[32] Bosnian Serb police found bombs at the memorial site, just days before the ceremony, when more than 50,000 people, including international politicians, were to attend. The bombs would have caused widespread loss of life.^[213]^[214]

2006: Further mass graves and list of participants

By 2006, 42 mass graves had been uncovered. 2,070 victims had been identified, while body parts in 7,000 bags awaited identification.^[215] In August 2006 over 1,000 body parts were exhumed from a mass grave in Kamenica.^[216]

In August 2006, Sarajevo newspaper Oslobođenje published a list of 892 Bosnian Serbs who had allegedly participated in the massacre and believed to still be employed by state institutions. They were listed among 28,000 Bosnian Serbs reported to have taken part by a Republika Srpska report. The list had been withheld from publication with the report, by the chief prosecutor of the Bosnian War Crimes Chamber, Marinko Jurčević who claimed "publishing this information might jeopardise the ongoing investigations".^[217]^[218]

In December 2006, the Dutch government awarded the Dutch UN peacekeepers an insignia because they believed they "deserved recognition for their behaviour in difficult circumstances", noting the limited mandate and ill-equipped mission. However, survivors and relatives called it a "humiliating decision" and responded with protest rallies in The Hague, Assen and Sarajevo.^[219]

2007-08: Arrests of Tolimir and Karadžić

In May 2007, former Bosnian Serb general Zdravko Tolimir was apprehended by police from Serbia and the Bosnian Serb republic. He was turned over to NATO forces at the Banja Luka airport where he was read the ICTY indictment and arrested. Mladić's deputy in charge of intelligence and security, and a key commander, Tolimir is believed to have been an organiser of the network protecting Mladić, helping him elude justice.^[220]^[221] Tolimir—"Chemical Zdravko"—is infamous for requesting the use of chemical weapons and proposing military strikes against refugees at Zepa.^[222] In June 2007, he was turned over to the ICTY. Radovan Karadžić, with similar charges, was arrested in Belgrade in 2008, after 13 years on the run, and brought before Belgrade's War Crimes Court.^[223]^[224] See Legal proceedings for both cases.

2009: EU Parliament resolution

On 15 January 2009, the European Parliament voted 556 in favour, 9 against and 22 abstentions, on a resolution calling for recognition of 11 July as a day for EU commemoration of the genocide.^[225] Bosnian Serb politicians rejected it, stating such a commemoration is unacceptable to the Republika Srpska.^[226]

2010 and 2013: Serbia's official apologies

In 2010, the Serbian Parliament passed a resolution condemning the massacre, and apologizing for Serbia not doing more to prevent it. The motion was passed narrowly with 127 out of 250 MPs voting in favour, with 173 legislators present. The Socialist Party of Serbia, formerly under Slobodan Milošević and under new leadership, voted for. Opposition parties claimed the text was "shameful", either stating the wording was too strong or too weak.^[227] Some victims' relatives were unhappy with the apology, as it did not use the word 'genocide', but rather pointed at the Bosnian genocide case ruling.^[228] President Boris Tadić, said the declaration is the highest expression of patriotism and it represents distancing from the crimes.^[229] Sulejman Tihić, former Bosniak member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, stated that Bosnia and Herzegovina must adopt a similar resolution condemning crimes against Serbs and Croats.^[230] In April 2013, President Tomislav Nikolić stated: "I kneel and ask for forgiveness for Serbia for the crime committed in Srebrenica. I apologise for the crimes committed by any individual in the name of our state and our people."^[231]

2010: Second Republika Srpska report revision

On 21 April 2010, the government of Milorad Dodik, the prime minister of Republika Srpska, initiated a revision of the 2004 report saying the numbers killed were exaggerated and the report was manipulated by a former peace envoy.^[232] The Office of the High Representative responded by saying: "The Republika Srpska government should reconsider its conclusions and align itself with the facts and legal requirements and act accordingly, rather than inflicting emotional distress on the survivors, torture history and denigrate the public image of the country".^[233] On 12 July 2010, at the 15th anniversary, Milorad Dodik said he acknowledged the killings, but did not regard what happened as genocide.^[234]

2011: Arrest of Mladić

In May 2011, Mladić was arrested in Lazarevo, Serbia after remaining at large for 16 years, sheltered by Serbian and Bosnian Serb security forces and family.^{[citation needed]} His capture was considered to be a pre-condition for Serbia obtaining candidate status for EU membership. See Legal proceedings for his trial.

2015: Russia vetoes UN resolution

In July 2015, Russia vetoed a United Nations Security Council resolution that would have condemned the massacre as a genocide. It was intended to mark the 20th anniversary. China, Nigeria, Angola and Venezuela abstained and the remaining 10 members voted in favour.^[235] The veto was praised by Serbian President Tomislav Nikolić who said Russia had "prevented an attempt of smearing the entire Serbian nation as genocidal" and proven itself as a true and honest friend.^[236]^[237]

2024: International Day of Commemoration

In May 2024, July 11 was designated as the annual International Day of Reflection and Commemoration of the 1995 Genocide in Srebrenica by the U.N..^[33]^[34]

The U.N. resolution, which was sponsored by Germany and Rwanda, was passed with 84 countries voting for the resolution, 68 abstaining, and 19 voting against.^[238]

Victims

The Bosnian Book of the Dead documented 8,331 victims killed in the massacre. The figure includes civilians and 1,416 soldiers who were taken as prisoners of war. Of the 8,331, 5,113 were from Srebrenica, 1,766 from Bratunac, 900 from Vlasenica, 437 from Zvornik and 115 from Rogatica/Žepa.^[239]

As of July 2020^[update] the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) had identified 6,993 persons missing from the fall of Srebrenica, mostly through analysing DNA profiles extracted from exhumed remains and matching them to profiles obtained from blood samples donated by relatives of the missing. The ICMP estimates total deaths was just over 8,000.^[240]

Legal proceedings

International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

In 1993, the UN Security Council established the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to try those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law, including genocide.^[241]

The prosecution proved that genocide was committed in Srebrenica and that General Radislav Krstić, among others, was personally responsible for that.

-- Olga Kavran ICTY Outreach Programme^[242]

General Radislav Krstić, who led the assault alongside Mladić, was convicted in 2001 of aiding and abetting genocide and received a sentence of 35 years. Colonel Vidoje Blagojević received 18 years for crimes against humanity. Krstić was the first European to be convicted of genocide since the Nuremberg trials,^[243] and only the third person convicted under the 1948 Genocide Convention. The ICTY's final ruling against Krstić, judicially recognized the Srebrenica massacre, as an act of genocide:

By seeking to eliminate a part of the Bosnian Muslims, the Bosnian Serb forces committed genocide. They targeted for extinction the 40,000 Bosnian Muslims living in Srebrenica, a group which was emblematic of the Bosnian Muslims in general. They stripped all the male Muslim prisoners, military and civilian, elderly and young, of their personal belongings and identification, and deliberately and methodically killed them solely on the basis of their identity.^[23]

Milošević was accused of genocide, or complicity in genocide, including in Srebrenica,^[244] but died in 2006 during his trial. In June 2010, 7 senior Serb military and police officers, Vujadin Popović, Ljubiša Beara, Drago Nikolić, Ljubomir Borovčanin, Vinko Pandurević, Radivoje Miletić and Milan Gvero, were found guilty of various crimes, including genocide.^[245]^[246]^[247] The former Chief of the General staff of the Yugoslav Army, Momčilo Perišić, was sentenced to 27 years for aiding and abetting murder, because he provided salaries, ammunition, staff and fuel to the VRS officers.^[248] However, the evidence proved Perišić's inability to impose binding orders on Mladić.^[249] Zdravko Tolimir, a former general in the Army of the Republika Srpska,^[250] was accused of participating in the "criminal enterprise to remove the Muslim population" from Srebrenica and Zepa. He was convicted of genocide and sentenced to life imprisonment in 2012.^[251]

Radovan Karadžić (left), former president of Republika Srpska, and Ratko Mladić (right), former Chief of Staff of the Army of the Republika Srpska. Both were found guilty of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, and sentenced to life imprisonment.

Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić were indicted for genocide, and complicity in genocide, including in Srebrenica.^[252] The Trial of Radovan Karadžić began in 2010 and in 2016 he was convicted of genocide in Srebrenica and other crimes;^[253]^[254] he was ultimately sentenced to life imprisonment.^[255]^[256]^[257]^[258] In 2017, the ICTY found Mladić guilty on 10 counts of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, and sentenced him to life in prison.^[259] As the top military officer with command responsibility, Mladić was deemed responsible for the Srebrenica massacre.^{[citation needed]}

In 2023, the follow-up International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals sentenced Serbian State Security officers Jovica Stanišić and Franko Simatović for aiding and abetting murder and persecution of 6 Bosniak men in Trnovo in 1995, through their control of Serb paramilitary, Scorpions, and sentenced each to 15 years.^[260]^[261] The Tribunal concluded:

...in July 1995, Slobodan Medić (Boca) was ordered to transport Muslims, including six Muslim men and boys, to various locations, to be killed. The Trial Chamber found proven beyond reasonable doubt that the Scorpions, acting upon the orders of Slobodan Medić (Boca), killed the six Muslim men and boys in the rural area at Godinjske Bare.^[262]

International Court of Justice

The Srebrenica genocide was the core issue of the landmark Bosnian genocide case at the International Court of Justice through which Bosnia and Herzegovina accused Serbia and Montenegro of genocide. The ICJ presented its judgement in February 2007, which concurred with ICTY's recognition of the Srebrenica massacre as genocide.^[24] It cleared Serbia of direct involvement,^[263] but ruled that Belgrade breached international law by failing to prevent the genocide, and failing to try or transfer the persons accused to the ICTY, under its obligations in the Genocide Convention, particularly in respect of Mladić.^[264]^[265]^[266] Citing national security, Serbia obtained permission from the ICTY to keep parts of its military archives out of the public eye during Milošević's trial. This may have decisively affected the ICJ's judgement in the lawsuit against Serbia, as the archives were not on the ICTY's public record – although the ICJ could have, but did not, subpoena the documents.^[267] The Chief prosecutor's office, rejected allegations there was a deal with Belgrade to conceal documents from the ICJ case.^[268]

National courts

Serbia

See also above 2005 Release of Scorpions massacre video

On 10 April 2007, a Serbian war crimes court sentenced 4 members of the Scorpions paramilitary group to a total of 58 years in prison for the execution of six Bosniaks during the Srebrenica massacre.^[269]

Guilty of war crimes

Pera Petrasevic - sentenced to 13 years^[270]
Branislav Medic – sentenced to 15 years^[270]
Aleksandar Medic – sentenced to five years^[270]

Acquitted

Aleksandar Vukov^[270]

Bosnia and Herzegovina

The "Kravica" case was an important trial before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina; 11 men were accused of genocide.^[271] In July 2008, after a two-year trial, the Court found 7 of them guilty of genocide for their role in Srebrenica, including the deaths of 1000 Bosniak men in a single day.^[272]^[273] Men trying to escape were told they would be kept safe if they surrendered. Instead, they were transported to an agricultural cooperative in Kravica, and executed.^[272]^[273]

Guilty of genocide

Milenko Trifunović (commander of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon, part of the 2nd Special Police Šekovići Squad)^[271] – sentenced to 42 years.^[272]^[273]
Brano Džinić (special police force officer of the 2nd Special Police Šekovići Squad)^[271] – sentenced to 42 years.^[272]^[273]
Slobodan Jakovljević (special police force member of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon)^[271] – sentenced to 40 years.^[272]^[273]
Branislav Medan (special police force member of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon)^[271] – sentenced to 40 years.^[272]^[273]
Petar Mitrović (special police force member of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon)^[271] – sentenced to 38 years.^[272]^[273]
Aleksandar Radovanović (special police force members of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon)^[271] – sentenced to 42 years.^[272]^[273]
Milorad Trbić (assistant commander for Security with the Zvornik Brigade of the Republika Srpska Army) found guilty on one count of genocide and sentenced to 30 years in jail.^[274]^[275]^[276]
Radomir Vuković (special police force officer of the 2nd Special Police Šekovići Squad) – sentenced to 31 years.^[277]
Zoran Tomić (special police force officer of the 2nd Special Police Šekovići Squad) – sentenced to 31 years.^[277]
Marko Boškić (member of 10th Commando Squad of the Republika Srpska Army)^[278] – pleaded guilty, sentenced to 10 years.^[279]

Guilty of aiding and abetting genocide

Duško Jević (deputy commander of the interior ministry special police brigade and commander of the Jahorina special police training center) – sentenced to 35 years.^[280]
Mendeljev Đurić (commander of Jahorina special police training center's first company) – sentenced to 30 years.^[280]

Guilty of crimes against humanity and war crimes

Stanko Kojić (member of the 10th Sabotage Unit of the Republika Srpska Army) – sentenced to 43 years.^[281]
Franc Kos (commander of the First Platoon of the 10th Sabotage Unit of the Republika Srpska Army) – sentenced to 40 years.^[281]
Zoran Goronja (member of the 10th Sabotage Unit of the Republika Srpska Army) – sentenced to 40 years.^[281]
Vlastimir Golijan (member of the 10th Sabotage Unit of the Republika Srpska Army) – plead guilty,^[282] sentenced to 19 years.^[281]
Dragan Crnogorac (police officer) – sentenced to 13 years.^[283]
Božidar Kuvelja (Bosnian Serb police officer)- sentenced to 20 years.^[284]

Arrested

On 12 September 2023, five Bosnian Serb ex-soldiers were arrested in Zvornik, Šekovići, Han Pijesak, Vlasenica, and Bileća for suspected involvement.^[285]

On trial

Aleksa Golijanin^[286]

Acquitted

Velibor Maksimović (special police force members of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon)^[271]^[272]^[273]
Milovan Matić (member of the Republika Srpska Army)^[271]^[272]^[273]
Teodor Pavelvić (member of the Republika Srpska Army)^[272]^[273]
Miladin Stevanović (special police force members of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon)^[271]^[272]^[273]
Dragiša Živanović (special police force members of the 3rd "Skelani" Platoon)^[271]^[272]^[273]
Miloš Stupar (commander of the 2nd Special Police Šekovići Squad)^[271] – found guilty, sentenced to 40 years.,^[272]^[273] later acquitted.^[287]
Neđo Ikonić^[288]
Goran Marković^[288]
Dejan Radojković^[289]^[290]
Aleksandar Cvetković (former member of the Tenth Reconnaissance Division of the Bosnian Serb Army).^[291] He was accused of taking part in the executions of 800 people, initiating use of machine guns to speed up killing.^[292]^[293]

Indictment dismissed on medical grounds

Nedeljko Milidragović^[286]

Netherlands

Survivors and victims' relatives sought to establish the responsibility of the Netherlands and UN, in Dutch courts. In one case, 11 plaintiffs including "Mothers of Srebrenica",^[17]^[294] asked the court to rule that the Netherlands and UN breached their obligation to prevent genocide and hold them jointly liable to pay compensation.^[295] In July 2008, the court ruled it had no jurisdiction against the UN, the plaintiffs appealed this ruling in relation to UN immunity.^[296]

Another action was brought by a former UN interpreter Hasan Nuhanović and the family of Rizo Mustafić, an electrician employed by the UN at Srebrenica. They claimed Dutch troops, responsible for security in the UN-protected zone, allowed VRS troops to kill Nuhanović's relatives^[297] and Mustafić.^[298] They argued the Dutch Government had de facto operational command, in accordance with the Dutch Constitution, which grants the government superior command over military forces.^[298] In September 2008, the district court dismissed these claims and held that the Netherlands could not be held responsible, because the Dutchbat peacekeepers were operating in Bosnia under a UN mandate and operational command had been transferred to the UN.^[299] In July 2011, the Dutch court of appeal reversed this and held that the state was responsible for, and indeed actively coordinated the evacuation once Srebrenica fell, and therefore responsible for the decision to dismiss Nuhanović's brother and Mustafić from the compound. The court held that this decision was wrong, because the Dutch soldiers should have known they were in great danger of being tortured or killed. Both claimants were therefore eligible for compensation.^[300] In September 2013, the Supreme Court of the Netherlands dismissed a government appeal,^[301] a judgment the government accepted.^[302] The court found it was the government which had "effective control" over its troops.^[185]^[303] The ruling meant relatives could pursue the government for compensation.^[304]

On 16 July 2014, a Dutch court held the Netherlands liable for the killings of more than 300 Bosniaks, who had been expelled from the compound and the state was not liable for other deaths.^[305] The decision was upheld by The Hague appeals court in 2017.^[306]^[307] On 19 July 2019 the Supreme Court ruled the Dutch state was liable for 10%, for the 350 Bosnian men expelled from the compound. The 10% liability was the court's assessment of the likelihood the soldiers could have prevented the killings.^[308]^[309]

Analyses

Role of Bosnian forces

In response to the suggestion Bosniak forces in Srebrenica made no adequate attempt to defend the town, a report by the UN Secretary-General delivered to the United Nations General Assembly in 1999 states:

...military experts...were largely in agreement that the Bosniaks could not have defended Srebrenica for long...Many have accused the Bosniak forces of withdrawing from the enclave as the Serb forces advanced on the day of its fall. However...the Dutchbat Commander urged the Bosniaks to withdraw from defensive positions south of Srebrenica town—the direction from which the Serbs were advancing.....because he believed that NATO aircraft would soon be launching widespread air strikes against the advancing Serbs.
A third accusation levelled at the Bosniak defenders of Srebrenica is that they provoked the Serb offensive by attacking out of that safe area...there is no credible evidence to support it. Dutchbat personnel on the ground at the time assessed that the few "raids" the Bosniaks mounted out of Srebrenica were of little or no military significance. These raids were often organised in order to gather food, as the Serbs had refused access for humanitarian convoys into the enclave. Even Serb sources...acknowledged that the Bosniak forces in Srebrenica posed no significant military threat to them. The biggest attack the Bosniaks launched out of Srebrenica ...appears to have been the raid on the village of Višnjica, on 26 June 1995, in which several houses were burned, up to four Serbs were killed and approximately 100 sheep were stolen. In contrast, the Serbs overran the enclave two weeks later, driving tens of thousands from their homes, and summarily executing thousands of men and boys. The Serbs repeatedly exaggerated the extent of the raids out of Srebrenica as a pretext for the prosecution of a central war aim: to create a geographically contiguous and ethnically pure territory along the Drina, while freeing their troops to fight in other parts of the country. The extent to which this pretext was accepted at face value by international actors and observers reflected the prism of "moral equivalency" through which the conflict in Bosnia was viewed by too many for too long.^[310]

Disputed Serb casualties

Serbs suffered casualties during military forays led by Naser Orić. The controversy over the nature and number of casualties came to a head in 2005.^[311] According to Human Rights Watch, the ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party "launched an aggressive campaign to prove that Muslims had committed crimes against thousands of Serbs in the area" which "was intended to diminish the significance of the July 1995 crime."^[311] A briefing by the ICTY Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) from July 2005 noted Serb deaths in the region alleged by Serbian authorities had increased from 1,400 to 3,500, a figure the OTP stated does, "not reflect the reality."^[312] The briefing cited previous accounts:

The Republika Srpska's Commission for War Crimes gave the number of Serb victims as 995; 520 in Bratunac and 475 in Srebrenica.
The Chronicle of Our Graves by Milivoje Ivanišević, president of the Belgrade Centre for Investigating Crimes Committed against the Serbs, estimated around 1,200.
For the Honourable Cross and Golden Freedom, a book published by the RS Ministry of Interior, referred to 641 Serb victims

The accuracy of these numbers is challenged: the OTP noted that although Ivanišević's book estimated around 1,200 Serbs were killed, personal details were only available for 624.^[312] The validity of labeling some casualties as "victims" is also challenged:^[312] studies have found a significant majority of military, compared to civilian casualties.^[313] This is in line with the nature of the conflict—Serb casualties died in raids by Bosniak forces on outlying villages used as military outposts for attacks on Srebrenica.^[314]^[315] For example, Kravica was attacked by Bosniak forces on Orthodox Christmas Day, 7 January 1993. Some Serb sources, such as Ivanišević, allege the village's 353 inhabitants were "virtually completely destroyed".^[312] In fact, VRS' own records state 46 Serbs died,^[316] while the OTP's investigation also found 43 people were killed.^[317] Nevertheless, the event continues to be cited by Serb sources as the key example of crimes committed by Bosniak forces around Srebrenica.^[311] As for casualties in Kravica, Šiljković, Bjelovac, Fakovići and Sikirić, the judgement states that the prosecution failed to present convincing evidence the Bosnian forces were responsible, because the Serb forces used artillery in the fighting in those villages. In the case of Bjelovac, Serbs even used warplanes.^[318] Another analysis was by the Research and Documentation Center in Sarajevo, a non-partisan institution, whose data have been evaluated by international experts.^[313]^[319]^[320] Its review found Serb casualties in the Bratunac municipality amounted to 119 civilians and 424 soldiers. It established that, although the 383 Serb victims buried in the Bratunac military cemetery are presented as casualties of ARBiH units from Srebrenica, 139, about a third, had fought and died elsewhere.^[313]

Serb sources maintain that casualties prior to the creation of the safe area gave rise to Serb demands for revenge against the Bosniaks based in Srebrenica. The ARBiH raids are presented as a key motivating factor for the genocide.^[321] This view is echoed by international sources, including the 2002 report commissioned by the Netherlands.^[322] Paul Mojzes notes much animosity towards the men of Srebrenica stems from May 1992 to January 1993, where forces under Orić's leadership attacked and destroyed scores of Serbian villages. Evidence indicated Serbs had been tortured, mutilated and others burned alive, when their houses were torched.^[323]

The efforts to explain the massacre as motivated by revenge have been dismissed as bad faith attempts to justify the genocide.^[324] The ICTY Outreach Programme notes that the claim Bosnian Serb forces killed the prisoners, in revenge for crimes by Bosnian Muslims, provides no defence under law. Experienced officers would be aware of this. The programme stated that to offer revenge as a justification is to attack the rule of law, and civilization itself, and that revenge does not provide moral justification for killing people, simply because they share the ethnicity of others who perpetrated crimes. The planning and mobilization of substantial resources required orders to be given at a high command level.

Lack of military logic

During Radislav Krstić's trial, the prosecution's military advisor, Richard Butler, pointed out that by carrying out a mass execution, the Serb Army deprived themselves of an extremely valuable bargaining counter. Butler suggested that they would have had far more to gain had they taken the men in Potočari as prisoners of war, under the supervision of the International Committee of the Red Cross and UN troops. It might then have been possible to enter into an exchange deal or they might have been able to force political concessions. Based on this reasoning, the ensuing mass murder defied military explanation.^[325]

Dutchbat

Brigadier General, Hagrup Haukland was UNPROFOR's Commander of^[326] the sector in which the killings started on 11 July, when he was on vacation.^[327] His subordinate, Colonel Brantz phoned Haukland twice on 9 July about the crisis.^[328] Confusion within Haukland's staff has been attributed in part, to his being slow^[327] to return to his place of work.^[328] The 2002 report Srebrenica: a 'safe' area, and a military advisor,^[328] said "The cadres consisted of clans of Norwegian, Pakistani and Dutch military that were incapable of adequate mutual cooperation."^[329] The report did not assign any blame to Haukland for the massacre. In 2005 an unnamed officer on Haukland's staff, disputed the claim by Haukland and Norway's Chief of Defence, Arne Solli, that the attack was a surprise.^[328] The officer said "We knew early on that the Serbs were amassing their forces around Srebrenica. At the end of June, Haukland informed the headquarters at Sarajevo again and again...".^[328] In 2006 it was reported Haukland regularly informed Sollie about...Haukland's sector, and when Haukland departed Bosnia on his vacation to Norway, they travelled on the same plane.^[330]

In 2010, John Sheehan, NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (1994-97), told the US Senate that the Dutch had "made a conscious effort to socialise their military...it includes open homosexuality", claiming gay soldiers could result in events like Srebrenica.^[331] He claimed his opinion was shared by Dutch military leadership, mentioning "Hankman Berman", who Sheehan said had told him the presence of gay soldiers had sapped morale and contributed to the disaster.^[332] General van den Breemen denied saying this and called Sheehan's comments "total nonsense"; the Dutch authorities described them as, "disgraceful" and "unworthy of a soldier".^[333]^[334]^[335]^[336]^[337] Sheehan apologised to Dutch military officials and blamed instead "the rules of engagement...developed by a political system with conflicting priorities and an ambivalent understanding of how to use the military."^[338]

Criticism of the UN Special Representative

The Dutch government report from 2002, Srebrenica: a 'safe' area, criticised the choice of Stoltenberg as a mediator.^[339]^[340] In 2005, Professor Arne Johan Vetlesen said "Thorvald Stoltenberg's co-responsibility in Srebrenica boils down to the fact that, over 3 years as a top mediator, he helped to create a climate—diplomatically, politically and indirectly militarily—that was such that Mladic calculated correctly, when he figured he could do exactly as he wanted with Srebrenica's Muslim population".^[340]

Denial

Scepticism has ranged from challenging judicial recognition of the killings as genocide, to the denial of a massacre having taken place. The finding of genocide by the ICJ and ICTY, has been disputed on evidential and theoretical grounds. The number of the dead has been questioned as has the nature of their deaths. It has been alleged that considerably fewer than 8,000 were killed and/or that most died in battle, rather than execution. It has been claimed the interpretation of "genocide" is refuted by the survival of the women and children.^[341]

During the war, Milošević had effective control of most Serbian media.^[342]^[343] Following its end, denial of Serbian responsibility for the killings was widespread among Serbians.^[344]^[345] Sonja Biserko and Edina Bečirević, have pointed to a culture of denial of the genocide in Serbian society, taking many forms and present in political discourse, the media, the law and the educational system.^[346]

Examples

Milorad Dodik, President of Republika Srpska, stated to the Belgrade newspaper Večernje novosti in 2010 that "we cannot and will never accept qualifying that event as a genocide". Dodik disowned the 2004 RS report acknowledging the scale of the killing and apologising to the relatives, alleging it had been adopted because of pressure from the international community. Without substantiating the figure, he claimed the number of victims was 3,500, rather than the 7,000 accepted by the report, alleging 500 listed victims were alive and over 250 people buried in the Potočari memorial centre died elsewhere.^[347] In July 2010, on the 15th anniversary, Dodik declared he did not regard the killings as genocide, and maintained that "If a genocide happened then it was committed against Serb people of this region..." (referring to east Bosnia).^[234] In December 2010, Dodik condemned the Peace Implementation Council, for referring to the massacre as genocide.^[348] In 2021, Dodik continued to claim there had been no genocide and asserted on Bosnian Serb TV that coffins in the memorial cemetery were empty, with only names.^[349]
Tomislav Nikolić, President of Serbia, stated in 2012 that "there was no genocide in Srebrenica. In Srebrenica, grave war crimes were committed by some Serbs who should be found, prosecuted and punished. ... It is very difficult to indict someone and prove before a court that an event qualifies as genocide."^[350] Serb politicians Vojislav Šešelj,^[351] Ivica Dačić^[352] and Aleksandar Vulin^[353] denied it was a genocide.
La Nation, a Swiss newspaper, published articles claiming 2,000 soldiers were killed in the "pseudo-massacre" in Srebrenica. The Society for Threatened Peoples and Swiss Association Against Impunity filed a joint suit against La Nation for genocide denial. Swiss law prohibits genocide denial.^[354] Swiss politician Donatello Poggi was convicted for racial discrimination after calling the Srebrenica genocide claims lies in articles in 2012.^[355]
Lewis MacKenzie, former commander of the UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in Bosnia, in 2009 claimed only around 2,000 men and boys were killed and it had been exaggerated by a factor of 4. He further claimed the bussing out of the women and children contradicted the notion of genocide, writing that the women would have been killed first if there had been any intent to destroy the group. MacKenzie expressed these opinions without reference to the arguments published by the ICTY Trial and Appeal Chambers in the Krstic case judgements several years earlier and confirmed by the ICJ.^[356]^[357]
Portuguese retired general Carlos Martins Branco published "Was Srebrenica a Hoax? Eyewitness Account of a Former UN Military Observer in Bosnia" in 1998, and his memoirs "War in the Balkans, Jihadism, Geopolitics, and Disinformation" in 2016. He said "Srebrenica was portrayed – and continues to be – as a premeditated massacre of innocent Muslim civilians. As a genocide! But was it really so? A more careful and informed assessment of those events leads me to doubt it".^[358]
The Srebrenica Research Group, led by Edward S. Herman claimed in Srebrenica And the Politics of War Crimes (2005), "The contention that as many as 8,000 Muslims were killed has no basis in available evidence and is essentially a political construct".^[359]
The director of the Simon Wiesenthal Center office in Israel, Efraim Zuroff, said: "As far as I know, what happened [in Srebrenica] does not [fit] the description or the definition of genocide. I think the decision to call it genocide was made for political reasons. Obviously a tragedy occurred, innocent people lost their lives and their memory should be preserved." Zuroff also called attempts to equate Srebrenica to the Holocaust "horrible" and "absurd", saying: "I wish the Nazis moved aside Jewish women and children before their bloody rampage, instead of murdering them, but that, as we know, did not happen."^[360]
In 2005, Miloš Milovanović, a former commander of the paramilitary unit Serbian Guard who represents the Serbian Democratic Party in the Srebrenica Municipal Assembly said "the massacre is a lie; it is propaganda to paint a bad picture of the Serbian people. The Muslims are lying; they are manipulating the numbers; they are exaggerating what happened. Far more Serbs died at Srebrenica than Muslims."^[361]^[362] VRS commander Ratko Škrbić denies genocide was committed. He authored Srebrenička podvala, an analysis of the 1995 events.^[363]
In October 2016, Mladen Grujičić, the first ethnically Serb Mayor of Srebrenica, questioned whether the massacre had been proven to be genocide.^[364]^[365]
In December 2021, Croatian president Zoran Milanović stated that the massacre was not comparable to the Holocaust, or crimes committed at the Jasenovac concentration camp, due to the systematic killing having extended over several years.^[366] Milanović's comments were met by criticism from Bosnia’s state prosecutors who suggested a legal suit be filed against him for his alleged denial of genocide.^[367]
In April 2024, Israeli Ambassador to Serbia, Yahel Vilan, stated that the massacre should not be called genocide. Saying that the description as a genocide “presented a distorted picture of the events”. The statements were made while the UN prepared to vote on a resolution to declare the anniversary of the killings a day of remembrance and condemn any denial of the genocide.^[368]
Human rights and genocide scholar William Schabas, who holds a "distinct interpretation of the crime of genocide", has been accused of genocide denial in the context of Srebrenica.^[369]^[370] In his 2009 book Genocide in International Law: The Crime of Crimes, he said he did not believe Srebrenica met the legal definition of genocide, stating: "Ethnic cleansing is also a warning sign of genocide to come. Genocide is the last resort of the frustrated ethnic cleanser."^[371] Schabas has nevertheless accepted the verdicts of courts that the massacre was a genocide, clarifying: "I am not arguing with anybody about whether genocide took place in Srebrenica. That has been decided."^[369]
No Serbian government has recognized what happened in Srebrenica as a genocide. The official stance has always been genocide denial — not contesting that the killings actually took place but refusing to accept the ICTY ruling the events a genocide, as well as denying any responsibility on behalf of Serbia.^[372]

Notes

^ Serbo-Croatian: Masakr u Srebrenici, Масакр у Сребреници
^ Serbo-Croatian: Genocid u Srebrenici, Геноцид у Сребреници

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^ The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina – Trbic case: Charged with genocide pursuant to Article 171 of the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CC BiH) in conjunction with the killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group, deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part, imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group (X-KR-07/386 – Trbic Milorad Archived 27 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine)
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^
Examples
- Report of International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA) Archived 19 April 2009 at the Stanford Web Archive, claimed that the "alleged casualty number of 7,000 victims [is] vastly inflated and unsupported by evidence"
- The real story behind Srebrenica by the former UNPROFOR commander, Gen. Lewis MacKenzie, The Globe and Mail, 14 July 2005.
- "The Forbidden Srebrenica report", report denying the Srebrenica massacre issued by the Republika Srpska Bureau for Cooperation with the ICTY in September 2002.
- The Politics of the Srebrenica Massacre article argues that only some Bosniaks were executed, most died in battle, and some of the bodies in mass graves are actually Serbs, by Edward S. Herman, Znet, 7 July 2005
^ "ICTY Indictment of Milosevic, clause 25, section g". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Archived from the original on 7 March 2004. Retrieved 26 May 2011.
^ Brosse, Renaud de la. "Political Propaganda and the Plan to Create 'A State For All Serbs:' Consequences of using media for ultra-nationalist ends" (PDF). p. paragraph 74.
^ Tim Judah and Daniel Sunter (4 June 2005). "How video that put Serbia in dock was brought to light". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 2 August 2012.
^ "Istina o Srebrenici tek treba da bude utvrđena". Blic.rs. 25 November 2015.
^ Denial of genocide – on the possibility of normalising relations in the region Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine by Sonja Biserko (the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia) and Edina Bečirević (Faculty of Criminology and Security Studies of the University of Sarajevo).
^ "Srebrenica was not genocide: Bosnian Serb leader". Agence France-Presse. 27 April 2010. Archived from the original on 17 July 2010. Retrieved 28 April 2010.
^ Arslanagic, Sabina (3 December 2010). "Dodik Again Denies Srebrenica Genocide". Balkan Insight.
^ "Srebrenica victims buried 26 years after genocide". France 24. AFP. 11 July 2021. Retrieved 12 July 2021.
^ "Serbian president denies Srebrenica genocide". The Guardian. London. 2 June 2012.
^ Čekerevac, Mirjana. "Zatvor za negiranje genocida". Politika Online.
^ "Dačić: Srbija nije izvršila genocid u BiH". alo.
^ "Ivanić, Galijašević i Vulin za TV Pink: Revizija presude je NEPRIJATELJSKI ČIN prema Srbiji". Pink.rs | Najbrži portal u Srbiji.
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^ "Swiss Politician Convicted of Srebrenica Genocide Denial". 20 June 2017.
^ MacKenzie (ret'd) Archived 3 February 2010 at the Wayback Machine. Jmss.org. Retrieved 13 August 2010.
^ "Balkan Witness – General Lewis MacKenzie". Glypx.com. Retrieved 4 May 2017.
^ "PORTUGALSKI GENERAL SRUŠIO HAŠKI TRIBUNAL: Srebrenica nije genocid, ali Krajina jeste! SRBI SU ŽRTVE ZAVERE". Informer. Archived from the original on 10 November 2017. Retrieved 13 August 2017.
^ "Srebrenica And the Politics of War Crimes – conclusions". Srebrenica Research Group. Archived from the original on 20 June 2017. Retrieved 14 July 2020.
^ "Nazi hunter: Comparing Srebrenica and Holocaust is "absurd"". B92. 17 June 2015.
^ Vulliamy, Ed (30 April 2005). "After the massacre, a homecoming". The Guardian. London.
^ Sullivan, Stacy (5 July 2005). "The Wall of Denial". Institute for War & Peace Reporting. Archived from the original on 12 June 2010. Retrieved 15 October 2010.
^ "Promovisana knjiga "Srebrenička podvala"". Nezavisne.
^ "Srebrenica elects as mayor Serb who denies massacre was genocide". The Guardian. Reuters. 17 October 2016.
^ Walker, Shaun (10 July 2020). "Genocide denial gains ground 25 years after Srebrenica massacre". The Guardian. Retrieved 14 July 2020.
^ Talha Öztürk, Mustafa (9 December 2021). "Croatian president makes controversial statements on Srebrenica genocide". Anadolu Agency. Retrieved 28 May 2024.
^ Radosavljevic, Zoran (7 November 2022). "Bosnia prosecutors weigh possible suit against Croatian president". Euractiv. Retrieved 28 May 2024.
^ Rosensaft, Menachem Z. (29 April 2024). "Refuting Srebrenica Genocide Denial Yet Again, as UN Debate Draft Continues". Just Security. Columbia. Retrieved 30 April 2024.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Deutsch, Anthony (13 December 2019). "Myanmar's lawyer to critics on genocide case: Everyone has right to defense". Reuters. Retrieved 15 December 2020.
^ "It seems like a handy word: When should we use the term "genocide"?". The Economist. 6 June 2011.
^ Schabas, William (18 September 2000). Genocide in International Law: The Crime of Crimes. Cambridge University Press. pp. 175–200, 201. ISBN 0-521-78790-4.
^ "Memory Politics: Serbia's Genocide Denial". Fair Observer. 24 May 2021.

Bibliography

Ingrao, Charles (2012). Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars' Initiative. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press. ISBN 978-1-55753-617-4.
Michas, Takis (2002). Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia in the Nineties. Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 1-58544-183-X.
Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building And Legitimation, 1918–2005. Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-34656-8.

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