Генри Сегусио

Генри из Сегусио , обычно называемый hostiensis (ок. 1200 - 6 или 7 ноября 1271 г.) ^{[ 1 ]} был итальянским канонистом тринадцатого века, родившейся в Сусаре (Сегусио), в древней епархии Турин . Он умер в Лионе .

Жизнь

Он взял на себя изучение римского права и канонического права в Болонье , где, кажется, преподавал канонский закон , ^{[ 2 ]} и получить свою степень Юрис Утрийк . Он преподавал Canon Law в Париже и провел некоторое время в Англии , откуда король Генрих III отправил его на миссию в невинный IV .

Позже он стал проректором соборного главы Антибы и капеллана Папе из . Он был повышен до сестринского сестра в 1244 году, впоследствии до архиепархии Эмбрун в 1250 году. В 1259 году он заменил захваченную филиппо -да -пистою как папский легат в Ломбардии. он стал кардинальным епископом Остиа и Велтри . 22 мая 1262 года ^{[ 3 ]} откуда его имя hostiensis .

His health forced him to leave the conclave of 1268–1271, though he remained at Viterbo. He was not present at the compromise election of Tedaldo Visconti on 1 September 1271, after the vacancy in the Holy See of two years and nine months. Nonetheless, the other cardinals immediately sought out Cardinal Enrico and obtained his consent to the election.^[4] In his room, he wrote his Last Will and Testament on 29 October 1271.^[5]

Works

As a canonist Hostiensis had a great reputation. His works are:

Lectura in Decretales Gregorii IX (Strasburg, 1512; Paris, 1512), a work begun at Paris but continued during his whole life;
Summa super titulis Decretalium (Strasburg, 1512; Cologne, 1612; Venice, 1605), also known as Summa archiepiscopi or Summa aurea; written while he was Archbishop of Embrun, a work on Roman and canon law, which won for its author the title Monarcha juris, lumen lucidissimum Decretorum. One portion of this work, the Summa, sive tractatus de poenitentia et remissionibus was very popular. It was written between 1250 and 1261.
- Summa aurea (in Latin). Venice: Bernardo Giunta. 1570.
Lectura in Decretales Innocentii IV, which was never edited.

A work on feudal law has also been attributed to him, but without foundation.

Hostiensis on papal plenitudo potestatis

For Hostiensis the law as well as all political authority were derived from God.^[6] Because of this all princes “exercised authority by divine mandate.”^[6] Civil law was divine because the emperors who created that law were placed in authority by God.^[7] Despite this, however, civil law was inferior to canon law.^[8]

The reason for this is that the pope’s authority was even closer to the divine than that of secular princes. Because the pope was the vicar of God he acted on God’s authority, from which he (the pope) derived his own authority.^[6] Thus, whenever the pope acted de iure he acted as God.^[6] Therefore, canon law, since it was promulgated by the pope, was established by God.^[9] This is because canon law was based on the Bible , and God had given his vicar, the pope, the authority to interpret that text.^[9] Thus canon law was divine not because it came directly from God, but because of the end it sought (the spiritual well-being of Christians) and because of the dignity of the Pope, from which the canon law emanated.^[10]

Hostiensis believed that while the pope should follow positive law he was not bound by it.^[11] Thus the pope could not be tried for any crime, except that of heresy, in which case “the pope could be subject to the 'ecclesia' (the Church)."^[11] For any other violation of law the pope could be judged by no one save God.^[11] Further, except in the event that a mortal sin would result, the pope was to be obeyed in everything he commanded, including violations of positive law, since the pope was above that law.^[12] The only exception to this was if the pope’s command violated the conscience of the one being commanded, in which case the one being commanded should not obey.^[12]

Similarly, Hostiensis believed that the pope could grant exemptions even from divine law ("mandates of the Apostles and rules of the Old Testament"),^[12] so long as that exemption did not lead to a mortal sin, violate the faith, subvert the faith, or endanger the salvation of souls.^[13] The pope had great authority indeed, he could even "change squares into circles.^[14]

According to Hostiensis the pope was imbued with the authority of the two swords (Lk 22:36-38), interpreted as spiritual and temporal power.^[15] The spiritual was superior to the temporal in the following three aspects: “in dignity, for the spirit is greater and more honourable than the body; in time, for it was earlier; and in power, for it not only institutes the temporal power but also has the authority to judge it, while the Pope cannot be judged by any man, except in cases of heresy.”^[16] The pope entrusted temporal authority to the emperors^[17] but retained the right to reclaim that authority “in virtue of the ‘plenitudo potestatis’ which he possesses as the vicar of Christ.”^[18] Indeed, the temporal power of the pope was so complete that Hostiensis considered it a mortal sin for a temporal ruler to disobey the pope in temporal matters.^[19]

This view of papal authority in temporal matters also applied to the kingdoms of non-Christians. For Hostiensis all sovereignty had been taken away from non-Christians and transferred to the faithful when Christ came into the world.^[20] “This translation of power was first made to the person of Christ who combined the functions of priesthood and kingship, and this sacerdotal and kingly power was then transferred to the popes.”^[21] Non-Christians were thus subject to Christians but could maintain sovereignty over their lands so long as they recognized the church as superior.^[21] If non-believers failed to recognize the lordship of the Church, however, sovereignty could be taken away from them by the pope and transferred to Christian rulers.

Hostiensis’ influence lasted well into the seventeenth century.^[22] His thought played an especially central role in Spanish theories of empire during the age of discovery. Both Juan Lopez de Palacios Rubios and Fray Matias de Paz, who were recruited by King Ferdinand of Spain in 1512 to help legitimate Spanish title over the New World,^[23] based their justifications of Spanish sovereignty over the New World on Hostiensis’ ideas on papal temporal sovereignty.^[24]

In literature

He is mentioned in the Paradise (12.82-85) of Dante's Divine Comedy.

Notes

^ Kenneth Pennington, Popes, Canonists and Texts, 1150-1550. Brookfield, VT: Variorum (1993), pp. XVI.1, XVI.5.
^ Mauro Sarti; Ludovico Mattioli (1769). De claris Archigymnasii Bononiensis professoribus a saeculo 11. usque ad saeculum 14 (in Latin). Vol. Tomi 1. Pars 1. Bologna: Laelii a Vulpi. pp. 360–366.
^ Consistory of 1262
^ Ceterum venerabilem patrem d(omi)num H(enricum) Ostiensem episcopum, post h(a)ec ad idem consistorium convocantes, communicavimus ei omnia supradicta, qui ea omnia et singula grata gratanter acceptans, memoratum d(omi)num T(heodaldum) in Romanum pontificem et pastorem humiliter et devote recepit. Francesco Cristofori (1887). Le tombe dei papi in Viterbo a la chiese di S. Maria in Gradi, d[i] S. Francesco e di S. Lorenzo: memorie e documenti della storia medioevale viterbese (in Italian and Latin). Siena: Bernadino. p. 212.
^ Denis de Sainte-Marthe, Gallia christiana Tomus III (Paris 1725), Instrumenta, pp. 180-182.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c ^d Pennington, Kenneth (1993b). The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600. Los Angeles: University of California Press. p. 51. ISBN 0520913035.
^ Arturo Rivera Damas, Pensamiento Politico de Hostiensis: Estudio Juridico-Historico Sobre las Relaciones Entre el Sacerdocio y el Imperio en los Escritos de Enrique de Susa. Zurich (1964), p. 142.
^ Damas (1964), p. 55.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Pennington (1993b), p. 53.
^ Rivera Damas, supra f.n. 4, at 42
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 59.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 60.
^ Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 60–61.
^ "Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 61.
^ R.W. & A.J. Carlyle, A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West: Vol. 5, The Political Theory of the Thirteenth Century. London: William Blackwood & Sons LTD (1928), p. 331
^ Carlyle at 229
^ Carlyle at 331
^ Carlyle at 332
^ Walter Ullmann, Medieval Papalism: The Political Theories of the Medieval Canonists. London: Methuen & Co. LTD (1949), p. 93.
^ Rivera Damas, supra f.n. 4, at 144-146.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Ullmann, supra f.n. 16, at 131.
^ Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 49.
^ Seed, Patricia (1992). "Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the Authority of Overseas Empires". The William and Mary Quarterly. 49 (2): 183–209 [p. 202]. doi:10.2307/2947269. JSTOR 2947269.
^ J.H. Parry, The Spanish Theory of Empire in the Sixteenth Century. London: Cambridge University Press (1940), pp. 12–13.

References

Carlyle, R.W. & A.J. A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West: Vol. 5, The Political Theory of the Thirteenth Century. London: William Blackwood & Sons LTD (1928).
Didier, N. (1953) "Henri de Suse: évêque de Sisteron (1244–1250)," in: Revue historique de droit français et étranger XXXI (1953), pp. 244–270, 409-429.
Doro, Augusto (editing) (1980). "Il Cardinale Ostiense. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi su Enrico da Susa detto il Cardinale Ostiense. (Susa, 30 settembre - Embrun, 1 ottobre 1972)". Segusium. 16.
МакКриди, Уильям Д., «Папский пленджитудо -Potestatis и источник временной власти в поздней средневековой папской иерократической теории», Speculum, vol. 48 (1973). (Эта работа не цитируется в тексте выше, но дает хороший обзор идеи Plenitudo Potestatis .)
Парри, JH Испанская теория империи в шестнадцатом веке . Лондон: издательство Кембриджского университета (1940)
Пеннингтон, Кеннет. Папы, канонисты и тексты, 1150-1550 . Brookfield, VT: Variorum (1993)
Пеннингтон, Кеннет. Принц и закон, 1200-1600 . Лос -Анджелес, Университет Калифорнийской Прессы (1993)
Ривера Дамас, Артуро. Политический хостинс подумал: юридико-историческое исследование отношений между Проердосио и Империей в написании Энрике де Суса . Цюрих (1964)
Семя, Патриция (1992). «Захват и чтение текстов: установление авторитета зарубежных империй». Уильям и Мэри ежеквартально . 49 (2): 183–209. doi : 10.2307/2947269 . JSTOR 2947269 .
Ульманн, Уолтер . Средневековый папализм: политические теории средневековых канонистов . Лондон: Methuen & Co. Ltd (1949).

Внешние ссылки

Хенрик де Сегусио (hostiensis) , Кен Пеннингон, Католический университет Америки
Герберманн, Чарльз, изд. (1913). «Благословенный Генри из Сегусио» . Католическая энциклопедия . Нью -Йорк: Роберт Эпплтон Компания.

Католические церковные названия
Предшествует Хью из Сент -Шер	Кардинал-бишоп Остии 1262–1271	Преуспевает Петр Тарентаз
Предшествует Гумберт	Епископ Эмбрун 1250–1261	Преуспевает Мельхиор
Предшествует Родольф II	Епископ Сестран 1244–1250	Преуспевает Гумберт Фаллавел

Эта статья включает в себя текст из публикации, который сейчас в общественном доступе : Герберманн, Чарльз, изд. (1913). «Благословенный Генри из Сегусио». Католическая энциклопедия . Нью -Йорк: Роберт Эпплтон Компания.

[1] Kenneth Pennington, Popes, Canonists and Texts, 1150-1550. Brookfield, VT: Variorum (1993), pp. XVI.1, XVI.5.

[2] Mauro Sarti; Ludovico Mattioli (1769). De claris Archigymnasii Bononiensis professoribus a saeculo 11. usque ad saeculum 14 (in Latin). Vol. Tomi 1. Pars 1. Bologna: Laelii a Vulpi. pp. 360–366.

[3] Consistory of 1262

[4] Ceterum venerabilem patrem d(omi)num H(enricum) Ostiensem episcopum, post h(a)ec ad idem consistorium convocantes, communicavimus ei omnia supradicta, qui ea omnia et singula grata gratanter acceptans, memoratum d(omi)num T(heodaldum) in Romanum pontificem et pastorem humiliter et devote recepit. Francesco Cristofori (1887). Le tombe dei papi in Viterbo a la chiese di S. Maria in Gradi, d[i] S. Francesco e di S. Lorenzo: memorie e documenti della storia medioevale viterbese (in Italian and Latin). Siena: Bernadino. p. 212.

[5] Denis de Sainte-Marthe, Gallia christiana Tomus III (Paris 1725), Instrumenta, pp. 180-182.

[Pennington_p51-6] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c ^d Pennington, Kenneth (1993b). The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600. Los Angeles: University of California Press. p. 51. ISBN 0520913035.

[7] Arturo Rivera Damas, Pensamiento Politico de Hostiensis: Estudio Juridico-Historico Sobre las Relaciones Entre el Sacerdocio y el Imperio en los Escritos de Enrique de Susa. Zurich (1964), p. 142.

[8] Damas (1964), p. 55.

[Pennington_p53-9] Jump up to: ^a ^b Pennington (1993b), p. 53.

[10] Rivera Damas, supra f.n. 4, at 42

[Pennington_p59-11] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 59.

[Pennington_p60-12] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 60.

[13] Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 60–61.

[14] "Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 61.

[15] R.W. & A.J. Carlyle, A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West: Vol. 5, The Political Theory of the Thirteenth Century. London: William Blackwood & Sons LTD (1928), p. 331

[16] Carlyle at 229

[17] Carlyle at 331

[18] Carlyle at 332

[19] Walter Ullmann, Medieval Papalism: The Political Theories of the Medieval Canonists. London: Methuen & Co. LTD (1949), p. 93.

[20] Rivera Damas, supra f.n. 4, at 144-146.

[Ullmann_p131-21] Jump up to: ^a ^b Ullmann, supra f.n. 16, at 131.

[22] Pennington, supra f.n. 3, at 49.

[23] Seed, Patricia (1992). "Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the Authority of Overseas Empires". The William and Mary Quarterly. 49 (2): 183–209 [p. 202]. doi:10.2307/2947269. JSTOR 2947269.

[24] J.H. Parry, The Spanish Theory of Empire in the Sixteenth Century. London: Cambridge University Press (1940), pp. 12–13.

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