Вторая мировая война в югославской Македонии

Чтобы узнать о других значениях перенаправления терминов, см. «Македонская борьба» .

Вторая мировая война в югославской Македонии
Часть Второй мировой войны в Югославии.
Карта Вардарской Македонии во время Второй мировой войны. Территория была разделена между Албанией и Болгарией, и граница между ними проходила примерно по линии: Струга – Тетово – Гжилан – Вранье . (3 года, 7 месяцев, 1 неделя и 5 дней)
Location parts of the wider region of Macedonia Result Soviet strategic offensive in the area backed by the reorganized Bulgarian Army and aided by the Yugoslav, Albanian and Greek Partisans. Formation of communist states after the German retreat: SFR Yugoslavia PR Macedonia Macedonization of the area Communist purges PR Bulgaria Macedonian minority was recognized (temporarily) PSR Albania Macedonian minority was recognized Greek Communist Government Macedonian minority was recognized (temporarily) Territorial changes Part of Vardar Banovina (Vardar Macedonia) became SR Macedonia as part of SFR Yugoslavia
Belligerents
Yugoslav Partisans Macedonian Partisans Bulgaria (from Sep. 1944) LANÇ	Chetniks	Bulgaria (until Sep. 1944) Germany Italy (until Sep. 1943) Albania (until Sep. 1943) Albania (from Sep. 1943) Pećanac Chetniks Balli Kombëtar
Commanders and leaders
Josip Broz Tito Svetozar Vukmanović Mihajlo Apostolski Metodija Andonov Mirče Acev † Kuzman Josifovski † Vladimir Stoychev Boyan Urumov Asen Sirakov	Draža Mihailović Milivoje Trbić † Stojan Krstić	Bogdan Filov  Nikola Mikhov  Vasil Boydev Konstantin Stoyanov † Alexander Löhr Kosta Pećanac † Xhemo Hasa † Mefail Shehu † Gajur Deralla †
Strength
1,000 (1941) 2,000 (1942) 8,000 (Sep. 1944) 66,000 (Dec. 1944) 110,000 (April 1945) 340,000 Bulgarian soldiers in Southern Serbia and Vardar Macedonia (October – December 1944)	~32,000 Bulgarian soldiers in Southern Serbia and Vardar Macedonia (May 1941 – September 1944) ~300,000 (Army Group E in October 1944) ~8,000 Chetniks
Casualties and losses
Total casualties: 24,000 By nationality: 7,000 Jews, 6,724 ethnic Macedonians, 6,000 Serbs, 4,000 Albanians 1,000 Bulgarians, Aromanians, Roma and Turks By affiliation: 2,000 Civilians, 1,000 Collaborationists, 11,000 Soldiers and Partisans 7,000 victims of Concentration Camps

Вторая мировая война в югославской Македонии началась с вторжения стран Оси в Югославию в апреле 1941 года. Под давлением югославского партизанского движения часть македонских коммунистов начала в октябре 1941 года политическую и военную кампанию по сопротивлению оккупации Вардарской Македонии . Официально эта местность тогда называлась Вардар Бановина использования самого названия Македония . , поскольку в Королевстве Югославия избегали Он был оккупирован в основном болгарскими, а также немецкими, итальянскими и албанскими войсками.

Initially, there was no organised resistance in the region because the majority of the Macedonian Slavs nurtured strong pro-Bulgarian sentiments. Even the local Communists, separated from the Yugoslav and joined the Bulgarian Communist Party. However, even those Macedonians who felt that they were Bulgarians soon discovered that the Bulgarians from Bulgaria were suspicious of them and considered them second-class Bulgarians. In fact, Bulgarian authorities began a process of Bulgarianization as they realised that only part of the Macedonian population felt Bulgarian or was pro-Bulgarian.

Communist resistance started to grow only in 1943 with the capitulation of Italy and the Soviet victories over Nazi Germany. The role of the Bulgarian communists, who avoided organizing mass armed resistance, was also a key factor. Their influence over the Macedonian Committee remained dominant until 1943, when it became obvious that Germany and Bulgaria would be defeated.

At that time Tito's special emissary Svetozar Vukmanović arrived in Macedonia. Vukmanović had to activate the struggle and give it a new ethnic Macedonian facade. This led to the rise of younger generation anti-Bulgarian oriented partisan leaders, who were loyal to Yugoslavia. They formed in 1943 the People's Liberation Army of Macedonia and the Macedonian Communist Party. In the western part of the area, the Albanian Partisans also participated in the resistance movement.

After Bulgaria switched sides in the war in September 1944, the Bulgarian 5th. Army stationed in Macedonia, moved back to the old borders of Bulgaria. In the early October the newly formed Bulgarian People's Army together with the Red Army reentered occupied Yugoslavia to blocking the German forces withdrawing from Greece. Yugoslav Macedonia was liberated in end of November. After the German retreat forced by the Bulgarian offensive, the conscription of Macedonians in the People's Liberation Army increased significantly.

The operation was commonly called by the Yugoslav Marxist historiography the National Liberation War of Macedonia (Macedonian: Народноослободителна борба на Македонија, Narodnoosloboditelna borba na Makedonija) in Yugoslavia, similarly to the greater Yugoslav People's Liberation War. Some of the combatants also developed aspirations for independence of the region of Macedonia, but were suppressed at the end of the war by the communist authorities.

It marked the defeat of Bulgarian nationalism and the victory of the pro-Yugoslav Macedonism in the area. As result the new Communist authorities persecuted the former collaborationists with the charges of "Great Bulgarian chauvinism" and cracked down on pro-Bulgarian organisations that supported ideas of Greater Bulgaria and those which opposed the Yugoslav idea and insisted on Macedonian independence.

Background

German ethnic map of Yugoslavia from 1940. Macedonians are depicted as a separate community, and described as claimed by Serbs and Bulgarians, but generally attributed to the last ones.

Macedonians in Sofia posing with German soldiers before the invasion in Yugoslavia. The poster praises the unification with Bulgaria with the slogan “One people, one Tsar, one kingdom”, and Independent Macedonia. The invading Germans were greeted with the same posters in Skopje.

The Balkan Wars in 1912 and 1913, and the World War I (1914-1918) divided the region of Macedonia amongst the Kingdom of Greece, the Kingdom of Bulgaria and the Kingdom of Serbia. The territory was up until that time part of the Ottoman Empire. In those days, the majority of the Slavic speakers in Ottoman Macedonia considered themselves to be a part of the Bulgarian community.

From 1912 until 1915 the territory of Vardar Macedonia remained within the territory of Serbia. In the parts administered by Serbia the new authorities forced out most of the Bulgarian priests and teachers, and began implementing a forceful state-sponsored Serbianisation of Slavic-speaking Macedonians. It was occupied by Kingdom of Bulgaria during World War I between 1915 and 1918. Afterwards it was restored back to Serbia and consequently included as part of the Vardar Banovina in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. During that period, there were two main autonomist agendas. The right-wing Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) led by Ivan Mihailov, was in favor of the creation of a pro-Bulgarian Macedonian state under German and Italian protection.

The leftist IMRO (United) who was sponsored directly by the Comintern favored a creation of an independent "Soviet Macedonia" within a Balkan Federation with a separate Macedonian nation and Macedonian language in accordance with the resolution of the Comintern on the Macedonian question. This option was supported by Pavel Shatev, Dimitar Vlahov, Metodi Shatorov, Panko Brashnarov, and others. However such Macedonian activists, who came from IMRO (United) never managed to get rid of their pro-Bulgarian bias. After the organization was dissolved, most of the members ended up joining the Bulgarian Communist Party.

During the interwar period in Vardar Macedonia, some young locals repressed by the Serbs, tried to find a separate Macedonian way of national development. Nevertheless, the existence of considerable Macedonian national consciousness prior to the middle of the 1940s is disputed. At that time anti-Serbian and pro-Bulgarian feelings among the local population prevailed.

Occupation of Macedonia

Invasion of Yugoslavia

German 11th Panzer Division advancing into Yugoslavia from Bulgaria as part of the Twelfth Army.

Yugoslav POWs supervised by Bulgarian soldiers and German armored car.

Yugoslav Macedonian POWs in camp in Timișoara, Romania, May 1941, before their liberation. With the intercession of the Bulgarian administration more than 12,000 Macedonian POWs who had been conscripted into the Yugoslav army were released.

Fearing an invasion by the Axis Powers, Regent Prince Paul of Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941, pledging cooperation with the Axis. On 27 March, the regime of Prince Paul was overthrown by a military coup d'état with British support. The 17-year-old Peter II of Yugoslavia was declared to be of age and placed in power. General Dušan Simović became his Prime Minister. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia withdrew its support for the Axis de facto without formally renouncing the Pact. On 6 April 1941, the German armed forces (Wehrmacht), along with the armed forces of Italy and Hungary, launched the invasion of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and quickly conquered it. The country was subsequently divided between the Germans, Italians, Hungarians and Bulgarians, who took most of Macedonia. When the Bulgarians entered Yugoslav Macedonia, the people greeted them with high enthusiasm. Crowds in Skopje flew banners that greeted the unification of Macedonia and Bulgaria.

Division Macedonian region of southern Yugoslavia

Italian troops entering Ohrid on 12 April 1941.

Macedonian soldiers surrendering in Skopje, April 1941. The Germans scattered leaflets in Bulgarian, prepared by the BAC, which appealed that Macedonia is set free. As result Macedonians mobilized in the Yugoslav army surrendered en masse.

A crowd in Skopje on 20 April 1941 celebrating the entry of the Bulgarian Army and displaying banners praising the Axis invasion in Macedonia.

Bulgarian troops entering Bitola on 21 April 1941. In fact, they were greeted as alleged liberators from Serbian rule, while pro-Bulgarian feelings prevailed during the early stages of the occupation.

Transfer of the city of Ohrid (today in North Macedonia) by the Italian fascist authorities to Bulgarian administration through German Nazis' intermediation under the acclamations of the local Slavic population (May 1941).

A division of Vardar Macedonia, then part of the Vardar Banovina, was drawn up on 19 and 20 April 1941. Bulgarian troops entered the central and eastern parts and seized most of the banovina, including parts of Eastern Serbia and Kosovo. The most prominent force which occupied most of the area was the 5th Army. The westernmost parts of Macedonia were occupied by the fascist Kingdom of Italy.

Collaborationist organizations

Bulgarian action committees – After the defeat of the Yugoslav army, a group of Macedonian Bulgarians headed by Spiro Kitincev arrived in Macedonia and started preparations for the coming of the Bulgarian army and administration in Macedonia. The first of the Bulgarian Action Committees was formed in Skopje on 13 April 1941. Former IMRO members in Vardar Macedonia were active members of this committee. On 13 April 1941, at a meeting in Skopje, it was decided that one of the first tasks of the newly formed organisation was to regulate the relations with the German authorities. When the Bulgarian Army entered Vardar Macedonia on 19 April 1941, they were greeted by most of the local population as liberators, as anti-Serbian and pro-Bulgarian feelings among the local population prevailed at that time. With the intercession of the committees and Bulgarian administration more than 12,000 Yugoslav Macedonian POWs who had been conscripted into the Yugoslav army were released by German, Italian and Hungarian authorities. With the arrival of the Bulgarian army mass expulsion of Serbian colonists from Vardar Macedonia took place. Once the region and administration became organized, the Action Committees became marginalized, and were ultimately dissolved.

Balli Kombëtar forces in Debar

Balli Kombëtar in Macedonia – There were 5,500 Balli Kombëtar militants in Albanian occupied Macedonia, 2,000 of which were Tetovo-based and 500 of which were based in Debar.

Ivan Mihailov's IMRO in Macedonia – After the military Bulgarian coup d'état of 1934 the new Bulgarian government banned IMRO as a terrorist organization. Ivan Mihailov fled to Italy, where he made contact with the Italian fascist authorities and with members of the German secret service (Gestapo). After the defeat of Yugoslavia, Mihailov went to Zagreb and spent the war there with Ante Pavelić. He revitalized parts of his old organisation and ordered them to enter Vardar Macedonia and infiltrate the local Bulgarian administration, waiting for an opportunity to take over control and create a pro-German Macedonian state. Although Nazi Germany gave Bulgaria the right to annex the greater part of Vardar Macedonia, the Gestapo had contacts with Mihailov and his men in Bulgaria and Vardar Macedonia. This was in order to have a "reserve card" in case of things going wrong in Bulgaria.

Serbian Chetnik Movement in Macedonia – There were approximately 8,000 Serb Chetniks led by Draža Mihailović operating in Macedonia during the conflict. For a time, they were controlled by rival Chetnik leader Kosta Pećanac.

Counter-chetas – The Kontračeti were anti-partisan units organized and equipped by the Bulgarian police in the period between 1942 and 1944. Composed of former IMRO-activists, the first kontračeta was formed in Veles in the end of 1942 in order to limit partisan and Serbian Chetnik Movement activities in the region. The idea for the formation of these units came from Stefan Simeonov, chief of the Police in Skopje district, and former Internal Dobrujan Revolutionary Organisation četnik, and was approved by minister of the interior Petur Gabrovski. Their peak strength was 200 units in August 1944.

1941

Local resistance under question

Occupation and partition of Kingdom of Yugoslavia in April 1941. Bulgaria occupied the central and eastern parts of Vardar Macedonia, while the westernmost part was occupied by the Kingdom of Italy.

In 1941 the Regional Committee of the Communists in Macedonia was headed by Metodi Shatorov ("Sharlo") from Prilep a former IMRO (United) member. After the Bulgarian takeover of Vardarska Banovina in April 1941, the Macedonian communists fell in the sphere of influence of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) under Sharlo's leadership. When the directive for the organization of an armed resistance movement in all regions of occupied Yugoslavia was issued, Sharlo disobeyed the order. Sharlo answered the Central Committee (CC) of the CPY that the situation in Macedonia did not allow an immediate engagement with military action, but rather first propaganda activity should occur, and afterward formation of military units. On the other hand, he refused to define the Bulgarian forces as occupiers (contrary to instructions from Belgrade) and called for the incorporation of the local Macedonian Communist organizations into the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP). The Macedonian Regional Committee refused to remain in contact with CPY and linked up with BCP. While the Bulgarian Communists avoided organizing mass armed uprising against the Bulgarian authorities, the Yugoslav Communists insisted that no liberation could be achieved without an armed revolt.

First attempts

Resistance in Yugoslavia in September 1941. No real partisan activity is observed in Macedonia.

Because of this conflict within the RC of CPY in Macedonia, in Vardar Macedonia there was no resistance movement. At the start of World War II, the Comintern supported a policy of non-intervention, arguing that the war was an imperialist war between various national ruling classes, this changed after the Axis invasion of Soviet Union. The RC, headed by Shatorov, immediately ordered the formation of partisan units, the first of which was formed in the Skopje region on 22 August 1941, and attacked Bulgarian guards on 8 September 1941 in Bogomila, near Skopje. At that time, with the help of the Comintern and of Joseph Stalin himself a decision was taken and the Macedonian Communists were attached to CPY. Soon after this Shatorov lost his popularity within the CPY and was discredited.

The former Bulgarian police station in Prilep was attacked by Prilep Partisan Detachment on 11 October 1941. Today the object is memorial museum.

People loyal to the CPY were next appointed as leaders of the RC with Lazar Koliševski as a secretary. He was sent in September in Skopje. The new leadership began formation of partisan detachments. Armed insurgents from the Prilep Partisan Detachment attacked Axis occupied zones in the city of Prilep, notably a Bulgarian police station, on 11 October 1941. This date is considered to be the symbolic beginning of the Macedonian Resistance, which began at the latest compared to the other Yugoslav republics, where it began in July. The Prilep detachment was active until December 1941, when it split in three groups – the first in Skopje, the second in Tikves, and the third in Bitola. However, in November the new leader of the RC - Koliševski was arrested and sentenced to death by a Bulgarian military court. He wrote two appeals for clemency to Bulgarian Tsar and to Defense Minister, insisting on his Bulgarian origin. As result his death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment, and Koliševski was sent to a prison in Pleven, Bulgaria.

1942

Local resistance still under question

Formation of the partisan detachment "Dame Gruev", June 6, 1942, near the village of Zlatari, Prespa.

While the Sharlo's leadership was terminated, the vestiges of his policy among part of the local communist activists were preserved. After the arrest of Lazar Koliševski in November, the new executive body of the Macedonian Regional Committee continued to share Shatorov's pro-Bulgarian ideas and re-established close contact with the BCP. Bane Andreev of Veles, a new party secretary for Macedonia, expressed this same ideology. He thought that the Macedonian people believe in Bulgaria's role as liberator and that no Macedonian wants to fight against the Bulgarian soldiers. That the Macedonians should respond positively to the mobilization call being carried out by the Bulgarian authorities and join the Bulgarian army. Tito did not agree with that. During the spring of 1942 Andreev was arrested by Bulgarian police. As a result, a factionalist struggle between the pro-Bulgarian and the pro-Yugoslav lines exacerbated. Thus Cvetko Uzunovski created a provisional regional committee that tried to take over the pro-Bulgarian faction, but without much success. This policy changed from 1943 with the arrival of Tito's envoy Montenegrin Serb Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo.

1943

Resistance in Yugoslavia after the capitulation of Italy, September 1943. In Macedonia the partisan activity is concentrated in the former Italian occupation zone ceded to Albania.

Public rally in liberated Kičevo after capitulation of Italy in Albanian zone, 26 September 1943.

Support from the CC of the CPY

Although several Macedonian partisan detachments were formed through 1942 which fought battles against the Bulgarian, Italian, German and Albanian occupation forces and despite Sofia's ill-managed administration, most Macedonian Communists had yet to be lured to Yugoslavia. Between 1941 and 1943, Tito have sent five emissaries to Macedonia, to persuade his ill-disciplined comrades, but their efforts had limited success, and the Regional Committee was de facto under the control of the BCP. To change that, at the beginning of 1943 the Montenegrin Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo was sent as an assistant to the HQ of the Macedonian partisan forces. Tempo tried to organize an energetic struggle against the occupying forces. He was supposed to set up a Macedonian Communist Party within the framework of the Yugoslav one. One of his objectives was to destroy the influence of the BCP in Macedonia and to fight against any form of autonomism. He would have to "Macedonianize" the struggle's form and content, and to give it an ethnic Macedonian facade. One of his main achievements was also that the wartime pro-Bulgarian trend receded into the background of pro-Yugoslav one. Tempo was able to capitalize on the growing contradictions towards Bulgarian authorities, which during 1942 were involved into a policy of centralization, contradicting their initial agenda to respect Macedonian autonomy. Yugoslav communists proclaimed as their aim the issue of unification of the three regions of Macedonia – Yugoslav, Greek and Bulgarian, and so managed to get also Macedonian nationalists.

Formation of the Communist Party of Macedonia (CPM)

Svetozar Vukmanovic welcomes Macedonian and Greek Partisans in the Karadjova Valley (Greece) in 1943. Under his leadership, the pro-Bulgarian Regional committee of the communists in Macedonia was disbanded and they were bound up with the Yugoslav communists.

Albanian and Macedonian Partisans of the battalion "Mirče Acev" in liberated Kičevo, 11 September 1943 marching with a transparent. It reads: "Long live the fraternity of the Macedonian and Albanian people!"

The leadership of the Regional Committee of the CPY for Macedonia decided to establish a separate Macedonian Communist Party which would be representative of the will of the Macedonian people in the anti-fascist struggle for national liberation. The Communist Party of Macedonia (CPM) was formed on 19 March 1943 in Tetovo. The first Central Committee (CC of the CPM) was composed as of Yugoslav communists as Strahil Gigov, Kuzman Josifovski Pitu, Cvetko Uzunovski, Mara Naceva and Bane Andreev.

After making a detailed analysis of the military and political situation in the country, the CC of the CPM decided to be directly involved in the fighting and to be stationed side by side with the troops on the battlefield. The territory of Vardar Macedonia was divided into five operative zones, and efforts were made to make direct contact with the liberation movements in Albania, Bulgaria and Greece.

Adding to the existing eleven, eight new Macedonian partisan detachments were formed in the summer of 1943 as more and more people entered the ranks of the partisans. They managed to create strongholds in the regions of Debarca, Prespa, Kumanovo, Tikvesh, and Gevgelija. This allowed for the expansion of the National Liberation Committees and the creation of larger military units, as decided at a conference in Prespa on 2 August 1943. Regular large military units (battalions and brigades) were created as part of the People's Liberation Army of Macedonia (MNOV). Preparations began for the formation of the Anti-Fascist Assembly for the People's Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM), which governed Macedonia from August 1944 until the end of World War II.

Formation of the People's Liberation Army of Macedonia

Main article: People's Liberation Army of Macedonia

Forming of the battalion "Mirče Acev".

Partisans of the battalion "Stiv Naumov", set up in November 1943 in Gorna Prespa.

The date of the creation of its first major unit, the Mirče Acev Battalion, is August 18, 1943 on Mount Slavej between Ohrid and Kičevo, then in the Italian occupation zone. On 11 November 1943, the 1st Macedonian Kosovo Shock Brigade was formed in western Macedonia by merging two Vardar Macedonian and one Kosovo battalion. The second — larger ethnic Macedonian military unit was the 2nd Macedonian Shock Brigade, formed on 22 December 1943 just across the border in Greek Macedonia. On 26 February 1944 in the village of Zegljane, near Kumanovo, the 3rd Macedonian Shock Brigade was formed. These three brigades were the nucleus of the National Liberation Army of Macedonia, which after constant battles became stronger in numbers. In the middle of 1943, meetings were held between representatives of the National Liberation Front (Greece) and the Albanian resistance. Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo put forward the idea of a joint Balkan Headquarters to exercise supreme control over the partisan movements in Yugoslavia, Albania, Bulgaria, and Greece. Tempo asked for recognition of the ethnic Macedonian people's right to self-determination, as well as permission for the partisans from Vardar Macedonia to extend their activity among the Slavic-speaking population in Greek Macedonia. As a result, the Slavic-Macedonian National Liberation Front (SNOF) was established in 1943 in Greek Macedonia by ethnic Macedonian communists, members of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE). After passing through the whole of western Greek Macedonia, the main forces of the People's Liberation Army of Macedonia were stationed in the Almopia region in Greece close to the Yugoslav border. The Partisan detachments that were active in Gevgelia and Tikvesh also crossed the border into northern Greece and met with the main forces of the MNOV. Several meetings were held with members of ELAS and the Greek Communist Party. One of the decisions was the creation of wider partisan detachments composed of the ethnic Macedonian minority in Greece. On 20 December 1943 in the village of Fustani in the Pella district of Greece, the Second Macedonian Assault Brigade was formed out of the 3 battalions of the 3rd operative zone. The Bulgarian Hristo Botev partisan battalion of the MNOV was formed out of captured and escaped Bulgarian soldiers. It was under the command of the HQ of MNOV. The rest of the fighters that were not included in the First Macedonian-Kosovo Assault Brigade and the Second Macedonian Assault Brigade (the Hristo Botev and Stiv Naumov battalion together with several smaller partisan detachments) were organized into the so-called "Third Group of Battalions".

Bulgarian actions in 1943

Greeting of the former IMRO chieftain Peter Lesev by recruits of Bulgarian Army, after his appointment as a governor of Kratovo Municipality in 1943. Macedonian recruits formed up to 60% of the soldiers in Bulgarian Army in Vardar Macedonia.

Members of a Veles counter-cheta in 1943. Some locals formed anti-guerrilla detachments to support Bulgarian Police and Army in fighting Communist Partisans and Serbian Chetniks.

Bulgaria managed to save its entire 48,000-strong Jewish population during World War II from deportation to Nazi concentration camps, but under German pressure those Jews from their newly annexed territories without Bulgarian citizenship were deported, such as those from Vardar Macedonia and Western Thrace. The Bulgarian government was responsible for the roundup and deportation of over 7,000 Jews in Skopje and Bitola. The Bulgarian authorities created a special Gendarmerie force which received almost unlimited power to pursue the Communist partisans in the whole kingdom. Harsh rule by the occupying forces and a number of Allied victories showing that the Axis might lose the war encouraged more Macedonians to support the Communist Partisan resistance movement of Josip Broz Tito.

Many former IMRO members assisted the Bulgarian authorities in fighting Tempo's partisans. With the help of the Bulgarian government and former IMRO members, several pro-Bulgarian paramilitary detachments (Uhrana) were organized in occupied Greek Macedonia in 1943. These were led by Bulgarian officers originally from Greek Macedonia and charged with protecting the local population in the zones under German and Italian control. Around this time Ivan Mihailov of IMRO had plans which envisaged the creation of a Macedonian state under German control. He was a follower of the idea of a united Macedonian state with a dominant Bulgarian element. It was anticipated by the Germans that members of IMRO would form the core of the armed forces of a future Independent Macedonia led by Ivan Mihailov.

1944 and aftermath

February Campaign

Fighters of the 1st Macedonia-Kosovar Brigade during the February march of 1944.

The February march campaign of 1944 had a great political and moral impact. The whole Bulgarian 5th Army, all of the Bulgarian police, as well as the army regiments stationed in Kjustendil and Gorna Dzumaja were engaged in the battles. After the February march, the Bulgarian government was forced to change its strategy – organization of the fighting would no longer be the responsibility of the police but of the army, and all organizations would be obliged to help the army.

Destruction of the Vardar Chetnik Corps

At the end of January 1944, the High Command of the MNOV decided to launch an offensive, with the intention of destroying the VCC. On 29 February 1944 the partisans of the Third Macedonian Assault Brigade attacked the Chetnik flanks from north, west and south, while the Hristo Botev detachment hit the Chetniks from the east. In the battle for the village of Sejac, the Vardar Chetnik Corps was totally destroyed, suffering 53 casualties (46 shot by partisans and 7 drowned in the river Pčinja while attempting to flee). 97 Chetniks, including 5 officers, were captured in the action. On 3 March 1944 in the village of Novo Selo, Partisan fighters destroyed the remaining force, capturing 30 Chetniks and more than 100 rifles and ammunition. Various local Chetnik bands, decentralized and acting on their own accord, such as the Porech Chetniks, continued to operate in certain parts of Macedonia but they were generally scattered and disorganized.

Actions in northern Vardar Macedonia and south-eastern Serbia

After the operations which ended with the destruction of the Chetniks in Macedonia, the HQ of the MNOV, now acting as supreme commander of the partisan units in Vardar Macedonia, Kosovo and South Morava, decided to engage in three new attacks on the Bulgarian police and administration. On 26 April 1944 the Third Macedonian Assault Brigade together with the Kosovo detachment successfully attacked the city of Ristovac, where 130 Bulgarian soldiers were killed and 20 captured by the Macedonian partisans. On 3 April 1944 the 3rd Macedonian Assault Brigade attacked the mining town of Zletovo, where about 100 miners entered the ranks of the brigade.

Spring Offensive

Because of increased partisan activity, the main supply lines for the German Army group "E" stationed in Greece and Albania were constantly ambushed and at the same time, the HQ of the MNOV was making plans to liberate western Macedonia and sent the 1st Macedonian-Kosovo Assault Brigade there. Pushing towards Debarca, the 1st Macedonian-Kosovo Assault Brigade had clashes with the Bulgarians and Germans in Zavoj and Velmej. The Germans obtained reinforcements and on 8 May 1944 they counter-attacked. The fighting ended on 20 May 1944 with the Germans being pushed out of the region. After recapturing the Debarca area, more reinforcements became available, so the brigade was split in two brigades – the 1st Macedonian and 1st Kosovo Assault Brigades. In order to prevent the Germans and Bulgarians from taking total control of the action, the MNOV decided to make surprise attacks on enemy positions and to try to exhaust the enemy any way they could. The 2nd Macedonian Assault Brigade was sent to conduct several actions in Povardarie (central Macedonia) and Pelagonia near Prilep and Bitola.

ASNOM

Delegates arriving on the first plenary session of ASNOM in August 1944.

On 2 August 1944, on the 41st anniversary of the Ilinden Uprising, the first session of the newly created Anti-Fascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM) was held at the St. Prohor Pčinjski monastery.

In spite of Tito's hopes to the contrary, the presiding committee of ASNOM was dominated by elements that were not known for their pro-Yugoslav sentiments. To the displeasure of those preferring joining the Yugoslav Socialist Federation, Metodija Andonov-Čento was elected president and Panko Brashnarov (former member of IMRO) vice-president. The assembly tried to secure as much independence as possible for Yugoslav Macedonia and gave priority to the unification of the three parts of Macedonia. Several sources state that Chento had made plans for creating an independent Macedonia which would be backed by the USA.

А manifesto was written outlining the future plans of ASNOM for an independent Macedonian state and declaring the Macedonian language as the official language of Macedonia.

ASNOM was the governing body of Macedonia from its formation until the end of World War II.

"Maximalists" and "Minimalists"

Formation of the 41st Division near the village of Sheshkovo in August 1944.

The Manifesto of ASNOM eventually became a compromise between the "maximalists" and the "minimalists" – the unification of the Macedonian people was discussed and propagandized but the decision was ultimately reached that Vardar Macedonia would become a part of the new Communist Yugoslavia.

The proponents of the "maximalist" line were in favor of the creation of an independent United Macedonian state which would have ties with Yugoslavia, but not necessarily inclusion in a Yugoslav Federation. Proponents of this option included Metodija Andonov-Čento, as well as prominent figures of the former IMRO (United) such as Pavel Shatev, Panko Brashnarov, and others. They saw joining Yugoslavia as a form of Serbian dominance over Macedonia, and preferred membership in a Balkan Federation or else complete independence.

Proponents of the "minimalist" line were also for the creation of a Macedonian state, but within the Yugoslavian federation.

These differences were visible in the ASNOM discussions, but they especially came into the open after the final liberation of Macedonia. It must be added that both "maximalist" and "minimalist" lines within the National Liberation Movement in Vardar Macedonia supported the existence of a separate Macedonian identity and were in favor of the creation of a separate state in which the Macedonian people would have their homeland. The greatest difference between the two lines was whether Macedonia should join Yugoslavia, or exist as an independent country.

Failed attempt to create Macedonian puppet state

Map of the Balkan military theater during September 1944 – January 1945.

By August 1944, the Soviet Army was approaching the Balkans. In a last-minute attempt to create a buffer state against the incoming Red Army, on 29 August, the Germans attempted to establish an 'independent' Macedonian puppet state, led by Ivan Mihailov. Unlike the leftist resistance, the right wing followers of IMRO were pro-Bulgarian orientated, and did not support the existence of a future Yugoslavia. The Bulgarian interior minister was put in charge to contact Mihajlov, who at the time was an advisor to Croatia's Nazi leader Ante Pavelić. The state was to receive no military (troops or weapons) backing from Germany, because the Germans were running short on troops and weapons. Telegrams from the time indicate that an orderly Bulgarian-German troop withdrawal would precede the formation of such a puppet state. Bulgaria ordered its troops to withdraw from Macedonia on 2 September. In the evening on 3 September, Ivan Mihailov was flown in first from Zagreb to Sofia, to see what 'can be saved". Two telegrams from 5 September at 1:7 and 6 September at 2:20 relay Hitler's reorder for the establishment of such a state. Mihajlov was transported from Sofia to Skopje in the evening of 5 September. Based on German telegrams from the time, Ivan Mihailov was offered the establishment of such a state, but by 18:00 (6 pm) on 6 September, he declined for inability to gather support. The failure led to ordering German withdrawal from Greece on 6 September and appointing Senior-Field-Commandant for Greece Heinz Scheeuerlen as the new Senior-Field-Commandant for Macedonia. Germany closed its Consulate in Skopje and evacuated its staff together with Ivan Mihailov and his wife out of Macedonia. However, on 8 September, right-wing IMRO nationalists declared independence. The self-proclaimed state was left "virtually defenseless" following the withdrawal of German troops. The Germans did not support it as their forces withdrew from the region. In the chaos, they just tried to use the new-formed "Macedonian committees" as local police stations. Their members were former activists of Bulgarian Action Committees.

Bulgaria switching sides

Bulgarian troops reentering Yugoslavia in October 1944.

In September 1944 the Soviet Union declared war on Bulgaria and occupied part of the country. A coup d'état on 9 September led to Bulgaria joining the Soviets. A day earlier Bulgaria had declared war on Nazi Germany. This turn of events put Bulgarian divisions stationed in Macedonia in a difficult situation. German troops had closed round them, while their command was being nonplussed by the high treason of some staff officers, who had deserted to the German side. The withdrawing Bulgarian troops in Macedonia fought their way back to the old borders of Bulgaria. Josip Broz formed relations with the new pro-Communist authorities in Bulgaria. After Bulgaria switching sides to the Allies negotiations between Tito and the Bulgarian Communist leaders were organized in September–October 1944, resulting in a military alliance between the Yugoslav forces and Bulgaria. That was followed by demobilization of the Macedonian recruits, who formed as much as 40% – 60% of the soldiers in some Bulgarian battalions. As a result, the Gotse Delchev brigade was set up and equipped in Sofia by the Bulgarian government providing the basis for the deployment of considerable Yugoslav troops in Vardar Macedonia.

Final operations for the liberation of Macedonia

The main Bulgarian forces entering Skopje on 14 November. First Bulgarian units entered the city on November 13.

Macedonians lauding the liberation of Skopje in December 1944. The inscription on the poster praises the unification with Yugoslavia.

Bulgarian Army

Under the leadership of the new Bulgarian pro-Soviet government, four Bulgarian armies, 455,000 strong in total, were mobilized and reorganized. By the end of September, the Red Army 3rd Ukrainian Front troops were concentrated at the Bulgarian-Yugoslav border. In the early October 1944 three Bulgarian armies, consisting of around 340,000-man, together with the Red Army reentered occupied Yugoslavia and moved from Sofia to Niš, Skopje and Pristina to blocking the German forces withdrawing from Greece. In Macedonia the Bulgarians operated in conjunction with the fighters of the MNLA, but this cooperation did not proceed without difficulties. The German Brigade Angermiler was positioned at the Kačanik Gorge. Skopje was defended by elements of the 22nd Infantry Division and parts of the 11th Luftwaffe Division (which was mainly involved in the fighting in eastern Macedonia), and units from other divisions. From 8 October to 19 November, the Stratsin-Kumanovo operation was held and Kratovo, Kriva Palanka, Kumanovo and Skopje were taken. At the same time the Bregalnitsa-Strumica operation was led, and the Wehrmacht was driven from the villages of Delchevo, Kočani, Stip, Strumica and Veles. In parallel, the Kosovo operation was also taking a place, aiming to expel the German forces from Kosovo. Southern and Eastern Serbia, Kosovo and Vardar Macedonia were liberated by the end of November. The 3rd Ukrainian Front in collaboration with the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and Bulgarian People's Army carried out the Belgrade Offensive. The 130,000-strong Bulgarian First Army continued to Hungary, driving off the Germans, while the rest moved back to Bulgaria. On a series of maps from Army Group E, showing its withdrawal through Macedonia and Southern Serbia, as well as in the memoirs of its chief of staff, there is almost no indication of Yugoslav Partisan units, but only Bulgarian divisions.

Macedonian partisans

Macedonian partisans marching through liberated Kumanovo on November 11.

Вступление 42-й македонской дивизии в Скопье 14 ноября.

После отступления немцев, вызванного советско-болгарским наступлением в Сербии, Северной Македонии и Косово осенью 1944 года, призыв в армию значительно увеличился. В октябре 1944 года были сформированы новые бригады. К концу октября 1944 года в Вардарской Македонии насчитывалась 21 македонская, одна косовская , одна албанская и 1-я Эгейская македонская бригада (состоящая из 1500 вооруженных членов бывшего Славяно-македонского фронта национального освобождения (СНОФ), которые пересекли границу с Вардарской Македонией после ЭЛАС приказала распустить свое подразделение). 1-я Македонская кавалерийская бригада и 1-я Македонская автомобильная бригада были сформированы с использованием трофейной техники, вооружения, транспортных средств и лошадей. С августа по начало ноября были сформированы три инженерные бригады, которые приступили к ремонту дорог. Новые бригады были сгруппированы в шесть новых дивизий, в результате чего общая численность Народно-освободительной армии Македонии составила три корпуса, состоящие из семи дивизий, насчитывающих около 66 000 македонских партизан. К середине ноября 1944 г. немцы были полностью выбиты из Македонии и созданы органы «Народной власти». После освобождения Македонии XV Македонский корпус был отправлен на Сирмийский фронт личным составом в 25 тысяч бойцов и офицеров, из которых около 1674 погибли, 3400 были ранены и 378 пропали без вести.

XV Македонский корпус на пути на Сирмский фронт , январь 1945 года. Буквы на грузовике гласят: «За Берлин».

Последствия

Шаторов был лидером македонских коммунистов в 1941 году. Он исчез при неизвестных обстоятельствах в сентябре 1944 года. Есть указания на то, что он был убит агентами Тито как политически неудобный лидер.

Панько Брашнаров первый спикер АСНОМ , . Он был арестован в 1950 году и заключен в Голи-Оток трудовой лагерь , где и умер в следующем году.

Методия Андонов, первый президент ASNOM и Народной Республики Македония. За несогласие с политикой новой Югославии он был арестован и приговорен к двенадцати годам лишения свободы.

Хронологический состав по количеству членов НДОА был следующим:

	Конец 1941 года	Конец 1942 года	сентябрь 1943 г.	Конец 1943 года	август 1944 г.	Конец 1944 года
Македония	1,000	2,000	10,000	7,000	8,000	66,000

Общее число жертв в Македонии во время Второй мировой войны составило около 24 000 человек, а именно: 7 000 евреев, 6 000 сербов, 6 000 этнических македонцев, 4 000 албанцев и 1 000 болгар. Сюда входят около 3000 «коллаборационистов», «контрреволюционеров» и гражданских лиц, 7000 евреев, уничтоженных в концентрационных лагерях, и 14000 бойцов и солдат сопротивления. По словам Боголюба Кочовича, относительное количество военных потерь было самым низким среди македонцев по сравнению с другими этническими группами Югославии:

Этническая принадлежность
	Относительная потеря
евреи	77.9%
Рим	31.4%
Черногорцы	10.4%
сербы	6.9%
мусульмане	6.8%
хорваты	5.4%
немцы	4.8%
Словенцы	2.5%
албанцы	1%
венгры	1%
македонцы	0.9%

Согласно югославской переписи населения 1966 года по жертвам войны, жертвами войны стали 6724 человека из числа этнических македонцев. Они возникают по разным причинам:

Причина смерти
	Количество жертв
Военизированный, военный и полицейский террор. (Возможно, сюда включена и часть жертв тогдашних коммунистических репрессий.)	1427 (ок. 1200)
Солдаты, погибшие с октября 1944 по май 1945 г. (Большинство из них на Сремском фронте в 1945 г.)	3548 (около 2500)
Жертвы воздушных налетов и бомбардировок союзников	811
В интернировании	87
Заключенные	205
В депортации	70
В апрельской войне 1941 г.	266
Другие причины	49
Неясные обстоятельства	67
Партизаны погибли с октября 1941 по октябрь 1944 года. Большинство из них в албанской зоне.	81
военнопленные	90
Принудительный труд	23
Общее количество	6,724

Несмотря на значительное участие Болгарии на стороне союзников в конце войны, страна не была названа страной-соучастником боевых действий на Парижской мирной конференции 1946 года. и ему было приказано выплатить Югославии военные репарации за оккупацию Македонии и Южной Сербии, от которых Югославия в одностороннем порядке отказалась в 1947 году.

После войны македонскому народу впервые в истории удалось обрести свою государственность, нацию и язык. Эти события ознаменовали поражение болгарского национализма и победу македонизма в этом регионе.

Споры

Коммунистические репрессии

Основная статья: Кровавое Рождество (1945)

Лазарь Колишевский стал в конце 1944 года премьер-министром СР Македонии. Он начал политику, полностью реализующую проюгославскую линию, и принял жесткие меры против любой оппозиции.

После освобождения Президиум Антифашистской Ассамблеи Народного Освобождения Македонии ( АСНОМ ), являвшейся руководящим органом Македонии, сделал ряд заявлений и действий, противоречащих решениям Антифашистского Совета Народного Освобождения Македонии. Югославии ( AVNOJ ), исполнительной власти Югославии. Генеральный штаб Тито разослал приказы с просьбой к силам МНОВ принять участие в боях на Сирмийском фронте за окончательное освобождение Югославии. Президент Методия Андонов-Ченто и его соратники обсуждали, отправить ли войска в Срем и помочь освободить Югославию, или направить войска под его командованием в сторону Греческой Македонии , чтобы «объединить македонский народ» в одну страну. 16 декабря артиллерийский взвод бригады Гоце Делчев , дислоцированный в крепости Скопье , и один из ее пехотных взводов в Штипе восстали против приказа об отправке на Сремский фронт. Они хотели отправиться в Салоники как предполагаемую столицу воображаемой Независимой Македонии . Светозар Вукманович обвинил их в том, что они попали под болгарское влияние. После того как они отказались разойтись в обоих местах, десятки людей были расстреляны, а многие арестованы по его приказу. Андонов-Ченто и его ближайшее окружение пытались максимально свести к минимуму связи с Югославией, что противоречило решениям AVNOJ. В результате Андонова-Ченто сменил Лазарь Колишевский , который приступил к полной реализации проюгославской линии. Сам Ченто позже был заключен в тюрьму. Сфабрикованные обвинения против него заключались в том, что он был западным шпионом, предателем, работавшим против СР Македонии в составе СФР Югославии , находившимся в тесных контактах с террористом IMRO , поддержкой проболгарского плана Независимой Македонии и т. д.

Новое руководство Народной Республики Македония во главе с Лазаром Колишевским подтвердило решения AVNOJ, и Македония присоединилась к Югославии. Босния и Герцеговина, Хорватия, Македония, Черногория, Сербия и Словения в конечном итоге стали частью Социалистической Федеративной Республики Югославии . Национальные чувства Македонии в это время уже созрели по сравнению с 1941 годом. Впоследствии, чтобы искоренить оставшиеся булгарофильские настроения, новые коммунистические власти подвергли правых националистов обвинениям в «великоболгарском шовинизме». Следующей задачей было также развалить все организации, выступавшие против идеи Югославии. Таким образом, даже старые левые политики, которые были в некоторой степени проболгарски ориентированы, были отстранены от своих должностей, затем изолированы, арестованы и заключены в тюрьму по сфабрикованным обвинениям как иностранные агенты, требования большей независимости, формирование заговорщических политических групп и тому подобное. . ездило много людей . по трудовому лагерю Голи Оток Кроме того, в середине 1940-х годов Число жертв оценивается от 50 000 до 100 000, включая убитых, заключенных в тюрьму, депортированных, отправленных на принудительные работы, подвергшихся пыткам и т. д.

Манипулирование историческими событиями

Памятник болгарским десантникам, павшим в Северной Македонии осенью 1944 года (София). Македонские источники утверждают, что серьезных боев болгары тогда не вели. Болгарские источники утверждают, что в это время в Северной Македонии пало 2000–3000 солдат.

Смотрите также: македонская историография и фашизм в Болгарии

Во время вторжения в 1941 году большинство местных жителей приветствовали болгар как освободителей от сербского владычества , размахивая болгарскими флагами . потому что проболгарские настроения среди них все еще преобладали. Македонские коммунисты тогда также отказались называть болгар оккупантами и включили свои структуры в состав БКП. В то же время значительная часть местной администрации, солдаты, набранные в болгарскую армию, и полицейские, дислоцированные в Вардарской Македонии, были выходцами из этого региона. Даже единственной жертвой нападения 11 октября 1941 года, отмечаемого сегодня как день Македонского восстания против фашизма, стал местный житель, призванный в болгарскую полицию. Югославско-македонские историки обвинили болгарские силы в нескольких злодеяниях, наиболее заметным из которых является убийство 12 молодых мирных жителей в деревне Ваташа, но офицер, руководивший операцией, также был местным сотрудником. Однако после войны югославская коммунистическая историография многое сделала для того, чтобы приравнять термин «болгары» к «фашистским оккупантам». Сегодня некоторые ревизионистские мнения в Северной Македонии говорят, что этот конфликт был всего лишь гражданской войной. а значительное движение сопротивления болгарам – всего лишь исторический миф. Число этнических македонских партизан, погибших с октября 1941 по октябрь 1944 года в прямых боях с болгарами, составляет всего несколько десятков. Показателен для отношения местных жителей к болгарам случай, который до сих пор остается табуированной темой в Северной Македонии. В октябре 1944 года 25 болгарским солдатам, захваченным немцами, удалось бежать и скрыться в городе Охрид . Несмотря на угрозы, что город подвергнется артиллерийскому обстрелу со стороны немцев, солдаты гражданами не были выданы. Впоследствии немцы поставили условие выкуп в размере 12 кг. золото. Для этого с крыши местной церкви даже сняли золотой крест. Сильно впечатленные этим поступком, немцы отказались брать золото и искать беглецов дальше и покинули город. Таким образом, солдаты были спасены.

С другой стороны, прославление югославского партизанского движения стало одним из основных компонентов послевоенной коммунистической политической пропаганды. Несмотря на это, до осени 1944 года македонские партизаны не представляли собой значительной военной силы. Их деятельность не отличалась от типично балканских традиций « гайдуков » в виде засад и отсутствия военного планирования. Они были плохо экипированы и не имели хорошей подготовки. Партизаны получили больше оружия после государственного переворота 9 сентября 1944 года, когда болгары покинули этот район, а часть их военной техники попала в руки партизан. Одновременно они насчитали едва ок. Численность 8000 человек базировалась преимущественно на тогдашней албанской территории. Осенью 1944 года стало ясно, что болгарская армия, поддерживавшая Белградское наступление , 3-го Украинского фронта была реальной силой, стоящей за разгромом немецкой группы армий «Е», насчитывающей ок. 300 000 солдат из Южной Сербии, Косово и Македонии. Тем не менее, официальная югославская, а затем и македонская историография преуменьшала ее роль по политическим мотивам, фактически за счет исторических обманы .

Встреча болгарских солдат и македонских партизан в Прилепе, государственный переворот 9 сентября . Командир гарнизона полковник Димитар Младенов отказался отходить и остался в городе с партизанами, сумев удержать его 12 дней, блокируя движение немецких войск.

Например, согласно македонским источникам, болгары не участвовали в операциях по захвату Скопье в середине ноября 1944 года даже в качестве наблюдателей. После того, как город был захвачен партизанами, им даже не разрешили войти в него. Тем не менее город был взят не без решающей роли болгарских войск. По мнению немецкого военного историка Карла Хнилицки, болгары развернули свое наступление на Скопье в крупномасштабное наступление, которое создало опасность для группы армий «Е» быть отрезанной. Ситуация была отчаянной, и в ночь с 13 на 14 ноября город был срочно эвакуирован. В результате 13 и 14 ноября части Первой и Четвертой болгарских армий вошли в Скопье . По словам британского комиссара в Союзной комиссии в Софии генерала Уолтера Оксли , Скопье был захвачен после нескольких атак болгар, пока партизаны ждали на холмах вокруг, но они вовремя двинулись вперед, чтобы поддержать вход болгар в город. Болгарские источники утверждают, что сначала они вошли в город, а именно болгарские отряды в полночь захватили и его центр.

Впоследствии множество партизанских памятников и мемориалов в СР Македонии было построено . Между тем, ок. 3000 болгарских жертв, похороненных на разных кладбищах Югославии, были собраны в двух оссуариях – в Нише и в Вуковаре . Остальные военные кладбища, в том числе все в Северной Македонии, были уничтожены. Некоторые из болгарских жертв были возвращены и похоронены в Болгарии. Всего осенью 1944 года в Южной Сербии, Северной Македонии и Косово было убито 3422 болгарских солдата и 2136 пропали без вести .

Современные ссылки

См. Также: Отношения Болгарии и Северной Македонии.

Памятник «Освободителям Скопье», работа Ивана Мирковича, 1955 год. Скульптура изображает группу коммунистических партизан. На всю композицию повлияли принципы соцреализма, напоминающие соответствующий советский пропагандистский стиль искусства.

По данным Болгарской ассоциации исследований и развития гражданского общества, македонский фильм о Второй мировой войне 2016 года « Освобождение Скопье » представляет собой пропагандистский материал против Болгарии и порождает антиболгарскую ненависть, спонсируемый правительством Македонии. Другой македонский фильм «Третья половина» также вызвал споры в Болгарии из-за изображения болгар во Второй мировой войне. Болгарские члены Европейского парламента выразили возмущение по поводу фильма и заявили, что это попытка манипулировать балканской историей и распространить ненависть к Болгарии. Они настаивают на том, что правительство Македонии переборщило со своей националистической деятельностью. В октябре 2019 года болгарское правительство установило жесткие условия для кандидатуры Северной Македонии в ЕС, частью которых является удаление фразы «болгарские фашистские оккупанты» со всех исторических памятников Второй мировой войны, а также начало реабилитации всех людей, пострадавших при бывшей Македонии. Югославское коммунистическое правление из-за их болгарской идентичности. Болгария также настаивает на том, что обе страны должны «гармонизировать» историческую литературу, «преодолевая разжигание ненависти» против Болгарии. В ноябре 2020 года Болгария заблокировала официальное начало переговоров о вступлении в ЕС с Северной Македонией. В интервью болгарским СМИ в том же месяце премьер-министр Зоран Заев признал причастность болгарских войск к захвату Скопье и других македонских городов, а также то, что болгары не были фашистскими оккупантами . Интервью стало шоком, за ним последовала волна истерического национализма в Скопье. а также протесты с требованием отставки Заева. По мнению бывшего премьер-министра Македонии Любчо Георгиевского , эти реакции организованы постюгославским глубинным государством и являются результатом невежества, лицемерия или политиканства. С другой стороны, другой бывший премьер-министр Владо Буковски отреагировал на это, что македонцы и болгары были единым народом, в конечном итоге намеренно разделенным югославской политикой после Второй мировой войны.

См. также

• Список памятников и мемориалов Второй мировой войны в Республике Македония
• Болгарское движение сопротивления во время Второй мировой войны
• Антипартизанские операции во Второй мировой войне.
• Семь антипартизанских наступлений
• Македонский вопрос
• Военная история Албании во время Второй мировой войны
• Военная история Болгарии во время Второй мировой войны.
• Военная история Германии во время Второй мировой войны.
• Военная история Италии во время Второй мировой войны
• Военная история Республики Македония
• Хронология Второй мировой войны
• Титоизм

Источники

• Булайич, Данило; Курчич, Йован; Дамьянович, Верика; Илиев, Боголюб; Люмович, Павел; Катанич, Петар; Ковачевич, Стеван (1980). Лексикон Национально-освободительной войны и революции в Югославии 1941—1945 гг. Том II . Белград и Любляна : Народна книга — Партизанская книга.
• Шуберт, Габриэлла; Отто, Харрасовиц Верлаг (2005). Македония: влияние и перспективы . стр. 45–50.

Внешние ссылки

Комплексный исторический обзор

• Македония во время Второй мировой войны. Архивировано 4 августа 2007 года в Wayback Machine.

Разнообразный

• В тени войны. Оккупация или связь – освобождение или угнетение? Сравнительное исследование болгарского правления в Вардарской Македонии в 1915–1918 и 1941–1944 годах. Серия: Исследования по истории, культуре и обществу Юго-Восточной Европы. Год: 2005. ISBN   3-8258-7997-6
• "Ko čelik sme nie". Архивировано 12 сентября 2008 года в Wayback Machine - Боевой марш Третьей македонской ударной бригады (сочинил Панче Пешев и написал Ако Шопов).