Генрих VII
Генрих VII | |
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King of England Lord/King of Ireland | |
Reign | 22 April 1509[a] – 28 January 1547 |
Coronation | 24 June 1509 |
Predecessor | Henry VII |
Successor | Edward VI |
Born | 28 June 1491 Palace of Placentia, Greenwich, England |
Died | 28 January 1547 (aged 55) Palace of Whitehall, Westminster, England |
Burial | 16 February 1547 St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, Berkshire |
Spouses | |
Issue more... | |
House | Tudor |
Father | Henry VII of England |
Mother | Elizabeth of York |
Religion |
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Signature | ![]() |
Генрих VIII (28 июня 1491 года - 28 января 1547 года) был королем Англии Генри известен своими шестью браками и его попытками иметь его первый брак (с Кэтрин из Арагона ) с 22 апреля 1509 года до своей смерти в 1547 году . . Его несогласие с Папой Климентом VII о таком аннулировании заставило Генри инициировать английскую реформацию , отделяя Англиную церковь от папской власти. Он назначил себя высшим главой Англии и распал монастыря и монастыри , за которые он был отлучен от церкви Папой.
Генри внес радикальные изменения в Конституцию Англии , расширив королевскую власть и вручение в теорию божественного права царей в противодействии папскому превосходству . Он часто использовал обвинения в измене и ересью, чтобы подавить инакомыслие, и обвиняемых часто выполнялись без официального испытания с использованием счетов за достижение . Он достиг многих из своих политических целей через своих главных министров, некоторые из которых были изгнаны или казнены, когда они выпали из его пользы. Томас Уолси , Томас Мор , Томас Кромвель и Томас Крэнмер все выяснились в его администрации.
Henry was an extravagant spender, using proceeds from the dissolution of the monasteries and acts of the Reformation Parliament. He converted money that was formerly paid to Rome into royal revenue. Despite the money from these sources, he was often on the verge of financial ruin due to personal extravagance and costly and largely unproductive wars, particularly with King Francis I of France, Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, King James V of Scotland, and the Scottish regency under the Earl of Arran and Mary of Guise. He expanded the Royal Navy, oversaw the annexation of Wales to England with the Laws in Wales Acts 1535 and 1542, and was the first English monarch to rule as King of Ireland following the Crown of Ireland Act 1542.
Henry's contemporaries considered him an attractive, educated, and accomplished king. He has been described as "one of the most charismatic rulers to sit on the English throne" and his reign described as the "most important" in English history.[3][4] He was an author and composer. As he aged, he became severely overweight and his health suffered. He is frequently characterised in his later life as a lustful, egotistical, paranoid, and tyrannical monarch.[5][6] He was succeeded by his son Edward VI.
Early years
Born on 28 June 1491 at the Palace of Placentia in Greenwich, Kent, Henry Tudor was the third child and second son of King Henry VII and Elizabeth of York.[7] Of the young Henry's six (or seven) siblings, only three – his brother Arthur, Prince of Wales, and sisters Margaret and Mary – survived infancy.[8] He was baptised by Richard Foxe, the Bishop of Exeter, at a church of the Observant Franciscans close to the palace.[9] In 1493, at the age of two, Henry was appointed Constable of Dover Castle and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. He was subsequently appointed Earl Marshal of England and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland at age three and was made a Knight of the Bath soon after. The day after the ceremony, he was created Duke of York and a month or so later made Warden of the Scottish Marches. In May 1495, he was appointed to the Order of the Garter. The reason for giving such appointments to a small child was to enable his father to retain personal control of lucrative positions and not share them with established families.[9] Not much is known about Henry's early life – save for his appointments – because he was not expected to become king,[9] but it is known that he received a first-rate education from leading tutors. He became fluent in Latin and French and learned at least some Italian.[10][11]
In November 1501, Henry played a considerable part in the ceremonies surrounding his brother Arthur's marriage to Catherine, the youngest child of King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile.[12] As Duke of York, Henry used the arms of his father as king, differenced by a label of three points ermine. He was further honoured on 9 February 1506 by Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I, who made him a Knight of the Golden Fleece.[13]
In 1502, Arthur died at the age of 15, just 20 weeks after his marriage to Catherine.[14] Arthur's death thrust all his duties upon his younger brother. The 10-year-old Henry became the new Duke of Cornwall, and the new Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester in February 1504.[15] Henry VII gave his second son few responsibilities even after the death of Arthur. Young Henry was strictly supervised and did not appear in public. As a result, he ascended the throne "untrained in the exacting art of kingship".[16]
Henry VII renewed his efforts to seal a marital alliance between England and Spain, by offering his son Henry in marriage to the widowed Catherine.[14] Henry VII and Queen Isabella were both keen on the idea, which had arisen very shortly after Arthur's death.[17] On 23 June 1503, a treaty was signed for their marriage, and they were betrothed two days later.[18] A papal dispensation was only needed for the "impediment of public honesty" if the marriage had not been consummated as Catherine and her duenna claimed, but Henry VII and the Spanish ambassador set out instead to obtain a dispensation for "affinity", which took account of the possibility of consummation.[18] Cohabitation was not possible because Henry was too young.[17] Isabella's death in 1504, and the ensuing problems of succession in Castile, complicated matters. Ferdinand II preferred Catherine to stay in England, but Henry VII's relations with Ferdinand had deteriorated.[19] Catherine was therefore left in limbo for some time, culminating in Prince Henry's rejection of the marriage as soon he was able, at the age of 14. Ferdinand's solution was to make his daughter ambassador, allowing her to stay in England indefinitely. Devout, she began to believe that it was God's will that she marry the prince despite his opposition.[20]
Early reign

Henry VII died in April 1509, and the 17-year-old Henry succeeded him as king.[21] Soon after his father's burial on 10 May, Henry suddenly declared that he would indeed marry Catherine, leaving unresolved several issues concerning the papal dispensation and a missing part of the marriage portion.[18][22] The new king maintained that it had been his father's dying wish that he marry Catherine.[20] Whether or not this was true, it was convenient. Emperor Maximilian I had been attempting to marry his granddaughter Eleanor, Catherine's niece, to Henry; she had now been jilted.[23] Henry's wedding to Catherine was kept low-key and was held at the friars' church in Greenwich on 11 June 1509.[22] Henry claimed descent from Constantine the Great and King Arthur and saw himself as their successor.[24]
On 23 June 1509, Henry led the now 23-year-old Catherine from the Tower of London to Westminster Abbey for their coronation, which took place the following day.[25] It was a grand affair: the King's passage was lined with tapestries and laid with fine cloth.[25] Following the ceremony, there was a grand banquet in Westminster Hall.[26] As Catherine wrote to her father, "our time is spent in continuous festival".[22]
Two days after his coronation, Henry arrested his father's two most unpopular ministers, Richard Empson and Edmund Dudley. They were charged with high treason and were executed in 1510. Politically motivated executions would remain one of Henry's primary tactics for dealing with those who stood in his way.[7] Henry returned some of the money supposedly extorted by the two ministers.[27] By contrast, Henry's view of the House of York – potential rival claimants for the throne – was more moderate than his father's had been. Several who had been imprisoned by his father, including Thomas Grey, 2nd Marquess of Dorset, were pardoned.[28] Others went unreconciled; Edmund de la Pole was eventually beheaded in 1513, an execution prompted by his brother Richard siding against the King.[29]
Soon after marrying Henry, Catherine conceived. She gave birth to a stillborn girl on 31 January 1510. About four months later, Catherine again became pregnant.[30] On 1 January 1511, New Year's Day, a son Henry was born. After the grief of losing their first child, the couple were pleased to have a boy and festivities were held,[31] including a two-day joust known as the Westminster Tournament. However, the child died seven weeks later.[30] Catherine had two stillborn sons in 1513 and 1515, but gave birth in February 1516 to a girl, Mary. Relations between Henry and Catherine had been strained, but they eased slightly after Mary's birth.[32]
Although Henry's marriage to Catherine has since been described as "unusually good",[33] it is known that Henry took mistresses. It was revealed in 1510 that Henry had been conducting an affair with one of the sisters of Edward Stafford, 3rd Duke of Buckingham, either Elizabeth or Anne Hastings, Countess of Huntingdon.[34] The most significant mistress for about three years, starting in 1516, was Elizabeth Blount.[32] Blount is one of only two completely undisputed mistresses, considered by some to be few for a virile young king.[35][36] Exactly how many Henry had is disputed: David Loades believes Henry had mistresses "only to a very limited extent",[36] whilst Alison Weir believes there were numerous other affairs.[37] Catherine is not known to have protested. In 1518, she fell pregnant again with another girl, who was also stillborn.[32]
Blount gave birth in June 1519 to Henry's illegitimate son, Henry FitzRoy.[32] The young boy was made Duke of Richmond in June 1525 in what some thought was one step on the path to his eventual legitimisation.[38] FitzRoy married Mary Howard in 1533, but died childless three years later.[39] At the time of his death in July 1536, Parliament was considering the Second Succession Act, which could have allowed him to become king.[40]
France and the Habsburgs

In 1510, France, with a fragile alliance with the Holy Roman Empire in the League of Cambrai, was winning a war against Venice. Henry renewed his father's friendship with Louis XII of France, an issue that divided his council. Certainly, war with the combined might of the two powers would have been exceedingly difficult.[41] Shortly thereafter, however, Henry also signed a pact with Ferdinand II of Aragon. After Pope Julius II created the anti-French Holy League in October 1511,[41] Henry followed Ferdinand's lead and brought England into the new League. An initial joint Anglo-Spanish attack was planned for the spring to recover Aquitaine for England, the start of making Henry's dreams of ruling France a reality.[42] The attack, however, following a formal declaration of war in April 1512, was not led by Henry personally[43] and was a considerable failure; Ferdinand used it simply to further his own ends, and it strained the Anglo-Spanish alliance. Nevertheless, the French were pushed out of Italy soon after, and the alliance survived, with both parties keen to win further victories over the French.[43][44] Henry then pulled off a diplomatic coup by convincing Emperor Maximilian to join the Holy League.[45] Remarkably, Henry had secured the promised title of "Most Christian King of France" from Julius and possibly coronation by the Pope himself in Paris, if only Louis could be defeated.[46]

On 30 June 1513, Henry invaded France, and his troops defeated a French army at the Battle of the Spurs – a relatively minor result, but one which was seized on by the English for propaganda purposes. Soon after, the English took Thérouanne and handed it over to Maximilian; Tournai, a more significant settlement, followed.[47] Henry had led the army personally, complete with a large entourage.[48] His absence from the country, however, had prompted his brother-in-law James IV of Scotland to invade England at the behest of Louis.[49] Nevertheless, the English army, overseen by Queen Catherine, decisively defeated the Scots at the Battle of Flodden on 9 September 1513.[50] Among the dead was the Scottish King, thus ending Scotland's brief involvement in the war.[50] These campaigns had given Henry a taste of the military success he so desired. However, despite initial indications, he decided not to pursue a 1514 campaign. He had been supporting Ferdinand and Maximilian financially during the campaign but had received little in return; England's coffers were now empty.[51] With the replacement of Julius by Pope Leo X, who was inclined to negotiate for peace with France, Henry signed his own treaty with Louis: his sister Mary would become Louis's wife, having previously been pledged to the younger Charles, and peace was secured for eight years, a remarkably long time.[52]
Charles V, the nephew of Henry's wife Catherine, inherited a large empire in Europe, becoming king of Spain in 1516 and Holy Roman Emperor in 1519. When Louis XII of France died in 1515, he was succeeded by his cousin Francis I.[53] These accessions left three relatively young rulers and an opportunity for a clean slate. The careful diplomacy of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey had resulted in the Treaty of London in 1518, aimed at uniting the kingdoms of western Europe in the wake of a new Ottoman threat, and it seemed that peace might be secured.[54] Henry met King Francis on 7 June 1520 at the Field of the Cloth of Gold near Calais for a fortnight of lavish entertainment. Both hoped for friendly relations in place of the wars of the previous decade. The strong air of competition laid to rest any hopes of a renewal of the Treaty of London, however, and conflict was inevitable.[54] Henry had more in common with Charles, whom he met once before and once after Francis. Charles brought his realm into war with France in 1521; Henry offered to mediate, but little was achieved and by the end of the year Henry had aligned England with Charles. He still clung to his previous aim of restoring English lands in France but sought to secure an alliance with Burgundy, then a territorial possession of Charles, and the continued support of the Emperor.[55] A small English attack in the north of France made up little ground. Charles defeated and captured Francis at Pavia and could dictate peace, but he believed he owed Henry nothing. Sensing this, Henry decided to take England out of the war before his ally, signing the Treaty of the More on 30 August 1525.[56]
Marriages
wives of Henry VIII | Family tree of the
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Annulment from Catherine


During his marriage to Catherine of Aragon, Henry conducted an affair with Mary Boleyn, Catherine's lady-in-waiting. There has been speculation that Mary's two children, Henry Carey and Catherine Carey, were fathered by Henry but this has never been proven. King Henry never acknowledged them as he did in the case of Henry FitzRoy.[60] In 1525, as Henry grew more impatient with Catherine's inability to produce the male heir he desired,[61][62] he became enamoured of Mary Boleyn's sister, Anne Boleyn, then a charismatic young woman of 25 in the Queen's entourage.[63] Anne, however, resisted his attempts to seduce her, and refused to become his mistress as her sister had.[64][b] It was in this context that Henry considered his three options for finding a dynastic successor and hence resolving what came to be described at court as the King's "great matter". These options were legitimising Henry FitzRoy, which would need the involvement of the Pope and would be open to challenge; marrying off Mary, his daughter with Catherine, as soon as possible and hoping for a grandson to inherit directly, but Mary was considered unlikely to conceive before Henry's death, or somehow rejecting Catherine and marrying someone else of child-bearing age. Probably seeing the possibility of marrying Anne, the third was ultimately the most attractive possibility to the 34-year-old Henry,[66] and it soon became the King's absorbing desire to annul his marriage to the now 40-year-old Catherine.[67]
Henry's precise motivations and intentions over the coming years are not widely agreed on.[68] Henry himself, at least in the early part of his reign, was a devout and well-informed Catholic to the extent that his 1521 publication Assertio Septem Sacramentorum ("Defence of the Seven Sacraments") earned him the title of Fidei Defensor (Defender of the Faith) from Pope Leo X.[69] The work represented a staunch defence of papal supremacy, albeit one couched in somewhat contingent terms.[69] It is not clear exactly when Henry changed his mind on the issue as he grew more intent on a second marriage. Certainly, by 1527, he had convinced himself that Catherine had produced no male heir because their union was "blighted in the eyes of God".[70] Indeed, in marrying Catherine, his brother's wife, he had acted contrary to Leviticus 20:21, a justification Thomas Cranmer used to declare the marriage null.[71][c] Martin Luther, on the other hand, had initially argued against the annulment, stating that Henry VIII could take a second wife in accordance with his teaching that the Bible allowed for polygamy but not divorce.[71] Henry now believed the Pope had lacked the authority to grant a dispensation from this impediment. It was this argument Henry took to Pope Clement VII in 1527 in the hope of having his marriage to Catherine annulled, forgoing at least one less openly defiant line of attack.[68] In going public, all hope of tempting Catherine to retire to a nunnery or otherwise stay quiet was lost.[72] Henry sent his secretary, William Knight, to appeal directly to the Holy See by way of a deceptively worded draft papal bull. Knight was unsuccessful; the Pope could not be misled so easily.[73]
Other missions concentrated on arranging an ecclesiastical court to meet in England, with a representative from Clement VII. Although Clement agreed to the creation of such a court, he never had any intention of empowering his legate, Lorenzo Campeggio, to decide in Henry's favour.[73] This bias was perhaps the result of pressure from Emperor Charles V, Catherine's nephew, but it is not clear how far this influenced either Campeggio or the Pope. After less than two months of hearing evidence, Clement called the case back to Rome in July 1529, from which it was clear that it would never re-emerge.[73] With the chance for an annulment lost, Cardinal Wolsey bore the blame. He was charged with praemunire in October 1529,[74] and his fall from grace was "sudden and total".[73] Briefly reconciled with Henry (and officially pardoned) in the first half of 1530, he was charged once more in November 1530, this time for treason, but died while awaiting trial.[73][75] After a short period in which Henry took government upon his own shoulders,[76] Thomas More took on the role of Lord Chancellor and chief minister. Intelligent and able, but a devout Catholic and opponent of the annulment,[77] More initially cooperated with the King's new policy, denouncing Wolsey in Parliament.[78]
A year later, Catherine was banished from court, and her rooms were given to Anne Boleyn. Anne was an unusually educated and intellectual woman for her time and was keenly absorbed and engaged with the ideas of the Protestant Reformers, but the extent to which she herself was a committed Protestant is much debated.[65] When Archbishop of Canterbury William Warham died, Anne's influence and the need to find a trustworthy supporter of the annulment had Thomas Cranmer appointed to the vacant position.[77] This was approved by the Pope, unaware of the King's nascent plans for the Church.[79]
Henry was married to Catherine for 24 years. Their divorce has been described as a "deeply wounding and isolating" experience for Henry.[4]
Marriage to Anne Boleyn

In the winter of 1532, Henry met with Francis I at Calais and enlisted Francis's support for his new marriage.[80] Immediately upon returning to Dover in England, Henry, now 41, and Anne went through a secret wedding service.[81] She soon became pregnant, and there was a second wedding service in London on 25 January 1533. On 23 May 1533, Cranmer, sitting in judgment at a special court convened at Dunstable Priory to rule on the validity of the King's marriage to Catherine of Aragon, declared the marriage of Henry and Catherine null and void. Five days later, on 28 May 1533, Cranmer declared the marriage of Henry and Anne to be valid.[82] Catherine was formally stripped of her title as queen, becoming instead "princess dowager" as the widow of Arthur. In her place, Anne was crowned queen consort on 1 June 1533.[83] The Queen gave birth to a daughter slightly prematurely on 7 September 1533. The child was christened Elizabeth, in honour of Henry's mother, Elizabeth of York.[84]
Following the marriage, there was a period of consolidation, taking the form of a series of statutes of the Reformation Parliament aimed at finding solutions to any remaining issues, whilst protecting the new reforms from challenge, convincing the public of their legitimacy, and exposing and dealing with opponents.[85] Although the canon law was dealt with at length by Cranmer and others, these acts were advanced by Thomas Cromwell, Thomas Audley and the Duke of Norfolk and indeed by Henry himself.[86] With this process complete, in May 1532 More resigned as Lord Chancellor, leaving Cromwell as Henry's chief minister.[87] With the Act of Succession 1533, Catherine's daughter, Mary, was declared illegitimate; Henry's marriage to Anne was declared legitimate; and Anne's issue declared to be next in the line of succession.[88] With the Acts of Supremacy in 1534, Parliament recognised the King's status as head of the church in England and, together with the Act in Restraint of Appeals in 1532, abolished the right of appeal to Rome.[89] It was only then that Pope Clement VII took the step of excommunicating the King and Cranmer, although the excommunication was not made official until some time later.[d]
The King and Queen were not pleased with married life. The royal couple enjoyed periods of calm and affection, but Anne refused to play the submissive role expected of her. The vivacity and opinionated intellect that had made her so attractive as an illicit lover made her too independent for the largely ceremonial role of a royal wife and it made her many enemies. For his part, Henry disliked Anne's constant irritability and violent temper. After a false pregnancy or miscarriage in 1534, he saw her failure to give him a son as a betrayal. As early as Christmas 1534, Henry was discussing with Cranmer and Cromwell the chances of leaving Anne without having to return to Catherine.[96] Henry is traditionally believed to have had an affair with Madge Shelton in 1535, although historian Antonia Fraser argues that Henry in fact had an affair with her sister Mary Shelton.[35]
Opposition to Henry's religious policies was at first quickly suppressed in England. Some dissenting monks, including the first Carthusian Martyrs, were executed and many more pilloried. The most prominent resisters included John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, and Thomas More, both of whom refused to take the oath to the King.[97] Neither Henry nor Cromwell sought at that stage to have the men executed; rather, they hoped that the two might change their minds and save themselves. Fisher openly rejected Henry as the Supreme Head of the Church, but More was careful to avoid openly breaking the Treasons Act 1534, which (unlike later acts) did not forbid mere silence. Both men were subsequently convicted of high treason, however – More on the evidence of a single conversation with Richard Rich, the Solicitor General - and both were executed in the summer of 1535.[97]
These suppressions, as well as the Suppression of Religious Houses Act 1535, in turn, contributed to a more general resistance to Henry's reforms, most notably in the Pilgrimage of Grace, a large uprising in northern England in October 1536.[98] Some 20,000 to 40,000 rebels were led by Robert Aske, together with parts of the northern nobility.[99] Henry VIII promised the rebels he would pardon them and thanked them for raising the issues. Aske told the rebels they had been successful and they could disperse and go home.[100] Henry saw the rebels as traitors and did not feel obliged to keep his promises to them, so when further violence occurred after Henry's offer of a pardon he was quick to break his promise of clemency.[101] The leaders, including Aske, were arrested and executed for treason. In total, about 200 rebels were executed, and the disturbances ended.[102]
Execution of Anne Boleyn

On 8 January 1536, news reached the King and Queen that Catherine of Aragon had died. The following day, Henry dressed all in yellow, with a white feather in his bonnet.[103] Queen Anne was pregnant again, and she was aware that there might be consequences if she failed to give birth to a son. Later that month, the King was thrown from his horse in a tournament and was badly injured; it seemed for a time that his life was in danger. When news of this accident reached the Queen, she was sent into shock and miscarried a male child at about 15 weeks' gestation, on the day of Catherine's funeral, 29 January 1536.[104] For most observers, this personal loss was the beginning of the end of this royal marriage.[105]
Although the Boleyn family still held important positions on the Privy Council, Anne had many enemies, including the Duke of Suffolk. Even her own uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, had come to resent her attitude to her power. The Boleyns preferred France over the Emperor as a potential ally, but the King's favour had swung towards the latter (partly because of Cromwell), damaging the family's influence.[106] Also opposed to Anne were supporters of reconciliation with Princess Mary (among them the former supporters of Catherine), who had reached maturity. A second annulment was now a real possibility, although it is commonly believed that it was Cromwell's anti-Boleyn influence that led opponents to look for a way of having her executed.[107][108]
Anne's downfall came shortly after she had recovered from her final miscarriage. Whether it was primarily the result of allegations of conspiracy, adultery, or witchcraft remains a matter of debate among historians.[65] Early signs of a fall from grace included the King's new mistress, the 28-year-old Jane Seymour, being moved into new quarters,[109] and Anne's brother, George Boleyn, being refused the Order of the Garter, which was instead given to Nicholas Carew.[110] Between 30 April and 2 May, five men, including George Boleyn, were arrested on charges of treasonable adultery and accused of having sexual relationships with the Queen. Anne was arrested, accused of treasonous adultery and incest. Although the evidence against them was unconvincing, the accused were found guilty and condemned to death. On 17 May 1536, Henry and Anne's marriage was annulled by Archbishop Cranmer at Lambeth and the accused men were executed.[111][112] Cranmer appears to have had difficulty finding grounds for an annulment and probably based it on the prior liaison between Henry and Anne's sister Mary, which in canon law meant that Henry's marriage to Anne was, like his first marriage, within a forbidden degree of affinity and therefore void.[113] At 8 am on 19 May 1536, Anne was executed on Tower Green.[114]
Marriage to Jane Seymour; domestic and foreign affairs
The day after Anne's execution the 45-year-old Henry became engaged to Seymour, who had been one of the Queen's ladies-in-waiting. They were married ten days later[115] at the Palace of Whitehall, Whitehall, London, in Anne's closet, by Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester.[116]
With Charles V distracted by the internal politics of his many kingdoms and external threats, and Henry and Francis on relatively good terms, domestic and not foreign policy issues had been Henry's priority in the first half of the 1530s. In 1536, for example, Henry granted his assent to the Laws in Wales Act 1535, which legally annexed Wales, uniting England and Wales into a single nation. This was followed by the Second Succession Act (the Succession to the Crown Act 1536), which declared Henry's children by Jane to be next in the line of succession and declared both Mary and Elizabeth illegitimate, thus excluding them from the throne. The King was granted the power to further determine the line of succession in his will, should he have no further issue.[117]
On 12 October 1537, Jane gave birth to a son, Prince Edward, the future Edward VI.[118] The birth was difficult, and Queen Jane died on 24 October 1537 from an infection and was buried in Windsor.[119] The euphoria that had accompanied Edward's birth became sorrow, but it was only over time that Henry came to long for his wife. At the time, Henry recovered quickly from the shock.[120] Measures were immediately put in place to find another wife for Henry, which, at the insistence of Cromwell and the Privy Council, were focused on the European continent.[121]
In 1538, as part of the negotiation of a secret treaty by Cromwell with Charles V, a series of dynastic marriages were proposed: Mary would marry a son of King John III of Portugal, Elizabeth would marry one of the sons of King Ferdinand I of Hungary and the infant Edward would marry one of Charles's daughters. It was suggested the widowed Henry might marry Christina, Dowager Duchess of Milan.[122] However, when Charles and Francis made peace in January 1539, Henry became increasingly paranoid, perhaps as a result of receiving a constant list of threats to the kingdom (real or imaginary, minor or serious) supplied by Cromwell in his role as spymaster.[123] Enriched by the dissolution of the monasteries, Henry used some of his financial reserves to build a series of coastal defences and set some aside for use in the event of a Franco-German invasion.[124]
Marriage to Anne of Cleves

Having considered the matter, Cromwell suggested Anne, the 25-year-old sister of the Duke of Cleves, who was seen as an important ally in case of a Roman Catholic attack on England, for the Duke fell between Lutheranism and Catholicism.[125] Other potential brides included Christina of Denmark, Anna of Lorraine, Louise of Guise and Amalia of Cleves. Hans Holbein the Younger was dispatched to Cleves to paint a portrait of Anne for the King.[126] Despite speculation that Holbein painted her in an overly flattering light, it is more likely that the portrait was accurate; Holbein remained in favour at court.[127] After seeing Holbein's portrait, and urged on by the complimentary description of Anne given by his courtiers, the 49-year-old King agreed to wed Anne.[128]
When Henry met Anne, however, he was much displeased with her appearance. The King was reportedly taken aback and told his courtiers "I promise you, I see no such thing as hath been shown me of her, by pictures and report. I am ashamed that men have praised her as they have done, and I love her not!"[37] Despite his protests, Henry knew that the situation was too far gone and he would have to wed his bride.
The marriage took place in January 1540, but it was never consummated. The morning after their wedding night, Henry complained about his new wife to Cromwell, stating:[129]
"Surely, my lord, I liked her before not well, but now I like her much worse! She is nothing fair, and have very evil smells about her. I took her to be no maid by reason of the closeness of her breasts and other tokens, which, when I felt them, strake me so to the heart, that I had neither will nor courage to prove the rest. I can have none appetite for displeasant airs. I have left her as good a maid and I found her."
Henry wished to annul the marriage as soon as possible so he could marry another.[130][131] Anne did not argue, and confirmed that the marriage had never been consummated.[132] Anne's previous betrothal to Francis of Lorraine provided further grounds for the annulment.[133] The marriage was subsequently dissolved in July 1540, and Anne received the title of "The King's Sister", two houses, and a generous allowance.[132]
Marriage to Catherine Howard (and fall of Thomas Cromwell)
It was soon clear that Henry had fallen for the 17-year-old Catherine Howard, the Duke of Norfolk's niece. This worried Cromwell, for Norfolk was his political opponent.[134]
Shortly after, the religious reformers (and protégés of Cromwell) Robert Barnes, William Jerome and Thomas Garret were burned as heretics.[132] Cromwell, meanwhile, fell out of favour although it is unclear exactly why, for there is little evidence of differences in domestic or foreign policy. Despite his role, he was never formally accused of being responsible for Henry's failed marriage.[135] Cromwell was now surrounded by enemies at court, with Norfolk also able to draw on his niece Catherine's position.[134] Cromwell was charged with treason, selling export licences, granting passports, and drawing up commissions without permission, and may also have been blamed for the failure of the foreign policy that accompanied the attempted marriage to Anne.[136][137] He was subsequently attainted and beheaded.[135]
On 28 July 1540 (the same day Cromwell was executed), Henry married the young Catherine Howard, a first cousin and lady-in-waiting of Anne Boleyn.[138] He was delighted with his new queen and awarded her the lands of Cromwell and a vast array of jewellery.[139] Soon after the marriage, however, Queen Catherine had an affair with the courtier Thomas Culpeper. She also employed Francis Dereham, who had previously been informally engaged to her and had an affair with her prior to her marriage, as her secretary. The Privy Council was informed of her affair with Dereham whilst Henry was away; Thomas Cranmer was dispatched to investigate, and he brought evidence of Queen Catherine's previous affair with Dereham to the King's notice.[140] Though Henry originally refused to believe the allegations, Dereham confessed. It took another meeting of the council, however, before Henry believed the accusations against Dereham and went into a rage, blaming the council before consoling himself in hunting.[141] When questioned, the Queen could have admitted a prior contract to marry Dereham, which would have made her subsequent marriage to Henry invalid, but she instead claimed that Dereham had forced her to enter into an adulterous relationship. Dereham, meanwhile, exposed Catherine's relationship with Culpeper. Culpeper and Dereham were both executed, and Catherine too was beheaded on 13 February 1542.[142]
Marriage to Catherine Parr

Henry married his last wife, the wealthy widow Catherine Parr, in July 1543.[143] A reformer at heart, she argued with Henry over religion. Henry remained committed to an idiosyncratic mixture of Catholicism and Protestantism; the reactionary mood that had gained ground after Cromwell's fall had neither eliminated his Protestant streak nor been overcome by it.[144] Parr helped reconcile Henry with his daughters, Mary and Elizabeth.[145] In 1543, the Third Succession Act put them back in the line of succession after Edward. The same act allowed Henry to determine further succession to the throne in his will.[146]
Shrines destroyed and monasteries dissolved
In 1538, the chief minister Thomas Cromwell pursued an extensive campaign against what the government termed "idolatry" practised under the old religion, culminating in September with the dismantling of the shrine of St. Thomas Becket at Canterbury Cathedral. As a consequence, the King was excommunicated by Pope Paul III on 17 December of the same year.[94] In 1540, Henry sanctioned the complete destruction of shrines to saints. In 1542, England's remaining monasteries were all dissolved, and their property transferred to the Crown. Abbots and priors lost their seats in the House of Lords. Consequently, the Lords Spiritual – as members of the clergy with seats in the House of Lords were known – were for the first time outnumbered by the Lords Temporal.[147]
Second invasion of France and the "Rough Wooing" of Scotland

The 1539 alliance between Francis and Charles had soured, eventually degenerating into renewed war. With Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn dead, relations between Charles and Henry improved considerably, and Henry concluded a secret alliance with the Emperor and decided to enter the Italian War in favour of his new ally. An invasion of France was planned for 1543.[148] In preparation for it, Henry moved to eliminate the potential threat of Scotland under his young nephew, James V. The Scots were defeated at Battle of Solway Moss on 24 November 1542,[149] and James died on 15 December. Henry now hoped to unite the crowns of England and Scotland by marrying his son Edward to James's successor, Mary. The Scottish regent Lord Arran agreed to the marriage in the Treaty of Greenwich on 1 July 1543, but it was rejected by the Parliament of Scotland on 11 December. The result was eight years of war between England and Scotland, a campaign later dubbed "the Rough Wooing". Despite several peace treaties, unrest continued in Scotland until Henry's death.[150][151][152]
Despite the early success with Scotland, Henry hesitated to invade France, annoying Charles. Henry finally went to France in June 1544 with a two-pronged attack. One force under Norfolk ineffectively besieged Montreuil. The other, under Suffolk, laid siege to Boulogne. Henry later took personal command, and Boulogne fell on 18 September 1544.[153][150] However, Henry had refused Charles's request to march against Paris. Charles's own campaign fizzled, and he made peace with France that same day.[151] Henry was left alone against France, unable to make peace. Francis attempted to invade England in the summer of 1545 but his forces reached only the Isle of Wight before being repulsed in the Battle of the Solent. Financially exhausted, France and England signed the Treaty of Camp on 7 June 1546. Henry secured Boulogne for eight years. The city was then to be returned to France for 2 million crowns (£750,000). Henry needed the money; the 1544 campaign had cost £650,000, and England was once again facing bankruptcy.[151]
Physical decline and death

Late in life, Henry became obese, with a waist measurement of 54 inches (140 cm), and had to be moved about with the help of mechanical devices. He was covered with painful, pus-filled boils and possibly had gout. His obesity and other medical problems can be traced to the jousting accident on 24 January 1536 in which he suffered a leg wound. The accident reopened and aggravated an injury he had sustained years earlier, to the extent that his doctors found it difficult to treat. The chronic wound festered for the remainder of his life and became ulcerated, preventing him from maintaining the level of physical activity he had previously enjoyed. The jousting accident is also believed to have caused Henry's mood swings, which may have had a dramatic effect on his personality and temperament.[154][155][156]

The theory that Henry had syphilis has been dismissed by most historians.[157][158] Historian Susan Maclean Kybett ascribes his demise to scurvy, which is caused by insufficient vitamin C most often due to a lack of fresh fruit and vegetables in one's diet.[159] A 2010 study suggests that the king may have been of Kell-positive blood type to explain both his physical and mental deterioration, being consistent with some symptoms of the McLeod syndrome, and the high mortality in the pregnancies attributed to him.[160][161]
Henry's obesity hastened his death at the age of 55, on 28 January 1547 in the Palace of Whitehall, on what would have been his father's 90th birthday. The tomb he had planned (with components taken from the tomb intended for Cardinal Wolsey) was only partly constructed and was never completed (the sarcophagus and its base were later removed and used for Lord Nelson's tomb in the crypt of St Paul's Cathedral).[162] Henry was interred in a vault at St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, next to Jane Seymour.[163] Over 100 years later, King Charles I (ruled 1625–1649) was buried in the same vault.[164]
Wives, mistresses, and children
English historian and House of Tudor expert David Starkey describes Henry VIII as follows:
What is extraordinary is that Henry was usually a very good husband. And he liked women – that's why he married so many of them! He was very tender to them, we know that he addressed them as "sweetheart". He was a good lover, he was very generous: the wives were given huge settlements of land and jewels – they were loaded with jewels. He was immensely considerate when they were pregnant. But, once he had fallen out of love... he just cut them off. He just withdrew. He abandoned them. They didn't even know he'd left them.[4]
Name | Birth | Death | Notes |
---|---|---|---|
By Catherine of Aragon (married Palace of Placentia 11 June 1509; annulled 23 May 1533) | |||
Unnamed daughter | 31 January 1510 | stillborn | |
Henry, Duke of Cornwall | 1 January 1511 | 22 February 1511 | died aged almost two months |
Unnamed son | 17 September 1513 | died shortly after birth | |
Unnamed son | November 1514[165] | died shortly after birth | |
Queen Mary I | 18 February 1516 | 17 November 1558 | married Philip II of Spain in 1554; no issue |
Unnamed daughter | 10 November 1518 | stillborn in the 8th month of pregnancy[166] or lived at least one week | |
By Elizabeth Blount (mistress; bore the only illegitimate child Henry VIII acknowledged as his son) | |||
Henry FitzRoy, 1st Duke of Richmond and Somerset | 15 June 1519 | 23 July 1536 | illegitimate; acknowledged by Henry VIII in 1525; no issue |
By Anne Boleyn (married Westminster Abbey 25 January 1533; annulled 17 May 1536) beheaded 19 May 1536 | |||
Queen Elizabeth I | 7 September 1533 | 24 March 1603 | never married; no issue |
Unnamed son | Christmas, 1534[96] | miscarriage or false pregnancy[e] | |
Unnamed son | 1535 | miscarried son[f] | |
Unnamed son | 29 January 1536 | miscarriage of a child, believed male,[g] in the fourth month of pregnancy[167] | |
By Jane Seymour (married Palace of Whitehall 30 May 1536) died 24 October 1537 | |||
King Edward VI | 12 October 1537 | 6 July 1553 | died unmarried, age 15; no issue |
By Anne of Cleves (married Palace of Placentia 6 January 1540) annulled 9 July 1540 | |||
no issue | |||
By Catherine Howard (married Oatlands Palace 28 July 1540; annulled 23 November 1541) beheaded 13 February 1542 | |||
no issue | |||
By Catherine Parr (married Hampton Court Palace 12 July 1543) Henry VIII died 28 January 1547 | |||
no issue |
Succession
Upon Henry's death, he was succeeded by his only surviving son, Edward VI. Since Edward was then only nine years old, he could not rule directly. Instead, Henry's will designated 16 executors to serve on a regency council until Edward reached 18. The executors chose Edward Seymour, 1st Earl of Hertford, elder brother to Jane Seymour (Edward's mother), to be Lord Protector of the Realm. Under provisions of the will, if Edward died childless, the throne was to pass to Mary, Henry VIII's daughter by Catherine of Aragon, and her heirs.
If Mary's issue failed, the crown was to go to Elizabeth, Henry's daughter by Anne Boleyn, and her heirs. Finally, if Elizabeth's line became extinct, the crown was to be inherited by the descendants of Henry VIII's deceased younger sister, Mary, the Greys.
The descendants of Henry's sister Margaret Tudor – the Stuarts, rulers of Scotland – were thereby excluded from the succession.[168] This provision ultimately failed when James VI of Scotland, Margaret's great-grandson, became King of England in 1603.
Edward VI himself would disregard the will and name Jane Grey his successor.
Public image

Henry cultivated the image of a Renaissance man, and his court was a centre of scholarly and artistic innovation and glamorous excess, epitomised by the Field of the Cloth of Gold. He scouted the country for choirboys, taking some directly from Wolsey's choir, and introduced Renaissance music into court. Musicians included Benedict de Opitiis, Richard Sampson, Ambrose Lupo, and Venetian organist Dionisio Memo,[169] and Henry himself kept a considerable collection of instruments. He was skilled on the lute and played the organ, and was a talented player of the virginals.[169] He could also sightread music and sing well.[169] He was an accomplished musician, author, and poet; his best-known piece of music is "Pastime with Good Company" ("The Kynges Ballade"), and he is reputed to have written "Greensleeves" but probably did not.[170]
Henry was an avid gambler and dice player, and excelled at sports, especially jousting, hunting, and real tennis. He was also known for his strong defence of conventional Christian piety.[8] He was involved in the construction and improvement of several significant buildings, including Nonsuch Palace, King's College Chapel, Cambridge, and Westminster Abbey in London. Many of the existing buildings which he improved were properties confiscated from Wolsey, such as Christ Church, Oxford, Hampton Court Palace, the Palace of Whitehall, and Trinity College, Cambridge.
Henry was an intellectual, the first English king with a modern humanist education. He read and wrote English, French, and Latin, and owned a large library. He annotated many books and published one of his own, and he had numerous pamphlets and lectures prepared to support the reformation of the church. Richard Sampson's Oratio (1534), for example, was an argument for absolute obedience to the monarchy and claimed that the English church had always been independent of Rome.[171] At the popular level, theatre and minstrel troupes funded by the crown travelled around the land to promote the new religious practices; the Pope and Catholic priests and monks were mocked as foreign devils, while Henry was hailed as the glorious King of England and as a brave and heroic defender of the true faith.[172] Henry worked hard to present an image of unchallengeable authority and irresistible power.[173]

Henry was a large, well-built athlete, over 6 feet [1.8 m] tall, strong, and broad in proportion. His athletic activities were more than pastimes; they were political devices that served multiple goals, enhancing his image, impressing foreign emissaries and rulers, and conveying his ability to suppress any rebellion. He arranged a jousting tournament at Greenwich in 1517 where he wore gilded armour and gilded horse trappings, and outfits of velvet, satin, and cloth of gold with pearls and jewels. It suitably impressed foreign ambassadors, one of whom wrote home that "the wealth and civilisation of the world are here, and those who call the English barbarians appear to me to render themselves such".[174] Henry finally retired from jousting in 1536 after a heavy fall from his horse left him unconscious for two hours, but he continued to sponsor two lavish tournaments a year. He then started gaining weight and lost the trim, athletic figure that had made him so handsome, and his courtiers began dressing in heavily padded clothes to emulate and flatter him. His health rapidly declined near the end of his reign.[175][176][177]
Government
The power of Tudor monarchs, including Henry, was 'whole' and 'entire', ruling, as they claimed, by the grace of God alone.[178] The crown could also rely on the exclusive use of those functions that constituted the royal prerogative. These included acts of diplomacy (including royal marriages), declarations of war, management of the coinage, the issue of royal pardons and the power to summon and dissolve Parliament as and when required.[179] Nevertheless, as evident during Henry's break with Rome, the monarch stayed within established limits, whether legal or financial, that forced him to work closely with both the nobility and Parliament (representing the gentry).[179]

In practice, Tudor monarchs used patronage to maintain a royal court that included formal institutions such as the Privy Council as well as more informal advisers and confidants.[180] Both the rise and fall of court nobles could be swift: Henry did undoubtedly execute at will, burning or beheading two of his wives, 20 peers, four leading public servants, six close attendants and friends, one cardinal (John Fisher) and numerous abbots.[173] Among those who were in favour at any given point in Henry's reign, one could usually be identified as a chief minister,[180] though one of the enduring debates in the historiography of the period has been the extent to which those chief ministers controlled Henry rather than vice versa.[181] In particular, historian G. R. Elton has argued that one such minister, Thomas Cromwell, led a "Tudor revolution in government" independently of the King, whom Elton presented as an opportunistic, essentially lazy participant in the nitty-gritty of politics. Where Henry did intervene personally in the running of the country, Elton argued, he mostly did so to its detriment.[182] The prominence and influence of faction in Henry's court is similarly discussed in the context of at least five episodes of Henry's reign, including the downfall of Anne Boleyn.[183]
From 1514 to 1529, Thomas Wolsey, a cardinal of the established Church, oversaw domestic and foreign policy for the King from his position as Lord Chancellor.[184] Wolsey centralised the national government and extended the jurisdiction of the conciliar courts, particularly the Star Chamber. The Star Chamber's overall structure remained unchanged, but Wolsey used it to provide much-needed reform of the criminal law. The power of the court itself did not outlive Wolsey, however, since no serious administrative reform was undertaken and its role eventually devolved to the localities.[185] Wolsey helped fill the gap left by Henry's declining participation in government (particularly in comparison to his father) but did so mostly by imposing himself in the King's place.[186] His use of these courts to pursue personal grievances, and particularly to treat delinquents as mere examples of a whole class worthy of punishment, angered the rich, who were annoyed as well by his enormous wealth and ostentatious living.[187] Following Wolsey's downfall, Henry took full control of his government, although at court numerous complex factions continued to try to ruin and destroy each other.[188]

Thomas Cromwell also came to define Henry's government. Returning to England from the continent in 1514 or 1515, Cromwell soon entered Wolsey's service. He turned to law, also picking up a good knowledge of the Bible, and was admitted to Gray's Inn in 1524. He became Wolsey's "man of all work".[189] Driven in part by his religious beliefs, Cromwell attempted to reform the body politic of the English government through discussion and consent, and through the vehicle of continuity, not outward change.[190] Many saw him as the man they wanted to bring about their shared aims, including Thomas Audley. By 1531, Cromwell and his associates were already responsible for the drafting of much legislation.[190] Cromwell's first office was that of the master of the King's jewels in 1532, from which he began to invigorate the government finances.[191] By that point, Cromwell's power as an efficient administrator, in a Council full of politicians, exceeded what Wolsey had achieved.[192]
Cromwell did much work through his many offices to remove the tasks of government from the Royal Household (and ideologically from the personal body of the King) and into a public state.[192] But he did so in a haphazard fashion that left several remnants, not least because he needed to retain Henry's support, his own power, and the possibility of actually achieving the plan he set out.[193] Cromwell made the various income streams Henry VII put in place more formal and assigned largely autonomous bodies for their administration.[194] The role of the King's Council was transferred to a reformed Privy Council, much smaller and more efficient than its predecessor.[195] A difference emerged between the King's financial health and the country's, although Cromwell's fall undermined much of his bureaucracy, which required him to keep order among the many new bodies and prevent profligate spending that strained relations as well as finances.[196] Cromwell's reforms ground to a halt in 1539, the initiative lost, and he failed to secure the passage of an enabling act, the Proclamation by the Crown Act 1539.[197] He was executed on 28 July 1540.[198]
Finances

Henry inherited a vast fortune and a prosperous economy from his father, who had been frugal. This fortune is estimated at £1,250,000 (the equivalent of £375 million today).[199] By comparison, Henry VIII's reign was a near disaster financially. He augmented the royal treasury by seizing church lands, but his heavy spending and long periods of mismanagement damaged the economy.[200]
Henry spent much of his wealth on maintaining his court and household, including many of the building works he undertook on royal palaces. He hung 2,000 tapestries in his palaces; by comparison, James V of Scotland hung just 200.[201] Henry took pride in showing off his collection of weapons, which included exotic archery equipment, 2,250 pieces of land ordnance and 6,500 handguns.[202] Tudor monarchs had to fund all government expenses out of their own income. This income came from the crown lands that Henry owned as well as from customs duties like tonnage and poundage, granted by Parliament to the king for life. During Henry's reign the revenues of the Crown remained constant (around £100,000),[203] but were eroded by inflation and rising prices brought about by war. Indeed, war and Henry's dynastic ambitions in Europe exhausted the surplus he had inherited from his father by the mid-1520s.
Henry VII had not involved Parliament in his affairs very much, but Henry VIII had to turn to Parliament during his reign for money, in particular for grants of subsidies to fund his wars. The dissolution of the monasteries provided a means to replenish the treasury, and as a result, the Crown took possession of monastic lands worth £120,000 (£36 million) a year.[204] The Crown had profited by a small amount in 1526 when Wolsey put England onto a gold, rather than silver, standard, and had debased the currency slightly. Cromwell debased the currency more significantly, starting in Ireland in 1540. The English pound halved in value against the Flemish pound between 1540 and 1551 as a result. The nominal profit made was significant, helping to bring income and expenditure together, but it had a catastrophic effect on the country's economy. In part, it helped to bring about a period of very high inflation from 1544 onwards.[205]
Reformation

Henry is generally credited with initiating the English Reformation – the process of transforming England from a Catholic country to a Protestant one – though his progress at the elite and mass levels is disputed,[206] and the precise narrative not widely agreed upon.[68] Certainly, in 1527, Henry, until then an observant and well-informed Catholic, appealed to the Pope for an annulment of his marriage to Catherine.[68] No annulment was immediately forthcoming, since the papacy was now under the control of Charles V, Catherine's nephew.[207] The traditional narrative gives this refusal as the trigger for Henry's rejection of papal supremacy, which he had previously defended. Yet as E. L. Woodward put it, Henry's determination to annul his marriage with Catherine was the occasion rather than the cause of the English Reformation so that "neither too much nor too little" should be made of the annulment.[208] Historian A. F. Pollard has argued that even if Henry had not needed an annulment, he might have come to reject papal control over the governance of England purely for political reasons. Indeed, Henry needed a son to secure the Tudor Dynasty and avert the risk of civil war over disputed succession.[209]
In any case, between 1532 and 1537, Henry instituted a number of statutes that dealt with the relationship between king and pope and hence the structure of the nascent Church of England.[210] These included the Statute in Restraint of Appeals (passed 1533), which extended the charge of praemunire against all who introduced papal bulls into England, potentially exposing them to the death penalty if found guilty.[211] Other acts included the Supplication against the Ordinaries and the Submission of the Clergy, which recognised Royal Supremacy over the church. The Ecclesiastical Appointments Act 1534 required the clergy to elect bishops nominated by the Sovereign. The Act of Supremacy in 1534 declared that the King was "the only Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England" and the Treasons Act 1534 made it high treason, punishable by death, to refuse the Oath of Supremacy acknowledging the King as such. Similarly, following the passage of the Act of Succession 1533, all adults in the kingdom were required to acknowledge the Act's provisions (declaring Henry's marriage to Anne legitimate and his marriage to Catherine illegitimate) by oath;[212] those who refused were subject to imprisonment for life, and any publisher or printer of any literature alleging that the marriage to Anne was invalid subject to the death penalty.[213] Finally, the Peter's Pence Act was passed, and it reiterated that England had "no superior under God, but only your Grace" and that Henry's "imperial crown" had been diminished by "the unreasonable and uncharitable usurpations and exactions" of the Pope.[214] The King had much support from the Church under Cranmer.[215]

To Cromwell's annoyance, Henry insisted on parliamentary time to discuss questions of faith, which he achieved through the Duke of Norfolk. This led to the passing of the Act of Six Articles, whereby six major questions were all answered by asserting the religious orthodoxy, thus restraining the reform movement in England.[131] It was followed by the beginnings of a reformed liturgy and of the Book of Common Prayer, which would take until 1549 to complete.[216] But this victory for religious conservatives did not convert into much change in personnel, and Cranmer remained in his position.[217] Overall, the rest of Henry's reign saw a subtle movement away from religious orthodoxy, helped in part by the deaths of prominent figures from before the break with Rome, especially the executions of Thomas More and John Fisher in 1535 for refusing to renounce papal authority. Henry established a new political theology of obedience to the crown that continued for the next decade. It reflected Martin Luther's new interpretation of the fourth commandment ("Honour thy father and mother"), brought to England by William Tyndale. The founding of royal authority on the Ten Commandments was another important shift: reformers within the Church used the Commandments' emphasis on faith and the word of God, while conservatives emphasised the need for dedication to God and doing good. The reformers' efforts lay behind the publication of the Great Bible in 1539 in English.[218] Protestant Reformers still faced persecution, particularly over objections to Henry's annulment. Many fled abroad, including the influential Tyndale,[219] who was eventually executed and his body burned at Henry's behest.
When taxes once payable to Rome were transferred to the Crown, Cromwell saw the need to assess the taxable value of the Church's extensive holdings as they stood in 1535. The result was an extensive compendium, the Valor Ecclesiasticus.[220] In September 1535, Cromwell commissioned a more general visitation of religious institutions, to be undertaken by four appointee visitors. The visitation focused almost exclusively on the country's religious houses, with largely negative conclusions.[221] In addition to reporting back to Cromwell, the visitors made the lives of the monks more difficult by enforcing strict behavioural standards. The result was to encourage self-dissolution.[222] In any case, the evidence Cromwell gathered led swiftly to the beginning of the state-enforced dissolution of the monasteries, with all religious houses worth less than £200 vested by statute in the crown in January 1536.[223] After a short pause, surviving religious houses were transferred one by one to the Crown and new owners, and the dissolution confirmed by a further statute in 1539. By January 1540 no such houses remained; 800 had been dissolved. The process had been efficient, with minimal resistance, and brought the crown some £90,000 a year.[224] The extent to which the dissolution of all houses was planned from the start is debated by historians; there is some evidence that major houses were originally intended only to be reformed.[225] Cromwell's actions transferred a fifth of England's landed wealth to new hands. The programme was designed primarily to create a landed gentry beholden to the crown, which would use the lands much more efficiently.[226] Although little opposition to the supremacy could be found in England's religious houses, they had links to the international church and were an obstacle to further religious reform.[227]
Response to the reforms was mixed. The religious houses had been the only support of the impoverished,[228] and the reforms alienated much of the populace outside London, helping to provoke the great northern rising of 1536–37, known as the Pilgrimage of Grace.[229] Elsewhere the changes were accepted and welcomed, and those who clung to Catholic rites kept quiet or moved in secrecy. They reemerged during the reign of Henry's daughter Mary (1553–58).
Military

Помимо постоянных гарнизонов в Бервике , Кале и Карлайле , постоянная армия Англии насчитывала всего несколько сотен человек. Это было немного немного увеличено Генри. [ 230 ] Сила вторжения Генри в 1513 году, около 30 000 человек, состояли из Биллменов и Лонгбоумэнов , в то время как другие европейские народы переезжали на ручные оружия и пикман , но разница в возможностях была на данном этапе, а не значительные, а силы Генри имели новую броню и оружие. Их также поддержали артиллерию Battlefield и War Wagon , [ 231 ] Относительно новые инновации и несколько крупных и дорогих осадных пистолетов. [ 232 ] Сила вторжения 1544 года были аналогично оборудованными и организованными, хотя командование на поле битвы было проложено с герцогами Саффолка и Норфолка, которые в последнем случае дали катастрофические результаты в Монтре. [ 150 ]
Брейт Генри с Римом нанес угрозу крупномасштабного вторжения французского или испанского. [ 93 ] Чтобы защитить от этого, в 1538 году он начал строить цепочку дорогих, современных защит вдоль южного и восточного побережья Британии, от Кента до Корнуолла , в основном построенного из материала, полученного в результате сноса монастырей . [ 233 ] Генриха VIII Они были известны как форты устройства . Он также укрепил существующие крепости при прибрежной обороне, такие как замок Дувр , и, в Дувре, пустоте рва и форт Архиклиффа , которые он посещал в течение нескольких месяцев, чтобы контролировать. [ 93 ] У Уолси было много лет до того, как провели переписи, необходимые для капитального ремонта системы ополчения , но реформа не было. [ 234 ] В 1538–39 гг. Кромвель пересмотрел сборы Шира , но его работа в основном служила, чтобы продемонстрировать, насколько они неадекватны в организации. [ 93 ] Строительные работы, в том числе в Berwick, наряду с реформой ополченцев и сборов, были в конечном итоге завершены под королевой Марией. [ 235 ]

Генри традиционно называют одним из основателей Королевского флота . [ 236 ] Технологически, Генри инвестировал в большую пушку в свои военные корабли, идея, которая была проведена в других странах, чтобы заменить более мелкие змеиные в использовании. [ 236 ] Он также лично флиртовал с проектированием кораблей. Его вклад в более крупные сосуды, если таковые имеются, неизвестен, но считается, что он повлиял на дизайн рябных норм и подобных галеров. [ 237 ] Генри также отвечал за создание постоянного флота с поддержкой якорь и верфи. [ 236 ] Тактически, правление Генри увидела, как военно -морской флот ушел от тактики посадки, чтобы вместо этого использовать стрелок. [ 238 ] Военно -морской флот Тюдоров был увеличен с семи кораблей до 50 [ 239 ] ( Мэри Роуз среди них), и Генри отвечал за создание «Совета по морским причинам», чтобы контролировать обслуживание и эксплуатацию военно -морского флота, став основой для более позднего адмиралтейства . [ 240 ]
Ирландия

В начале царствования Генри Ирландия была эффективно разделена на три зоны: бледное , где английское правление было безрассудно; Ленстер и Мюнстер , так называемая «послушная земля» англо-ирландских сверстников; и гэльский Коннот и Ольстер , с просто номинальным английским правилом. [ 241 ] До 1513 года Генри продолжал политику своего отца, чтобы позволить ирландским лордам править во имя короля и принимать крутые подразделения между общинами. [ 242 ] Однако, после смерти 8 -го графа Килдэра , губернатора Ирландии, ирландская политика в сочетании с более амбициозным Генри, чтобы вызвать неприятности. Когда Томас Батлер, 7 -й граф Ормонд , умер, Генри признал одного преемника на английских, валлийских и шотландских землях Ормонда, в то время как в Ирландии другой взял под контроль. Преемник Килдэра, 9 -й граф, был заменен в качестве лорда лейтенанта Ирландии графом Суррея в 1520 году. [ 243 ] Амбициозные цели Суррея были дорогими, но неэффективными; Английское правило оказалось в ловушке между победой ирландских лордов с дипломатией, как это предпочтило Генри и Уолси, и широкой военной оккупацией, предложенной Сурреем. [ 244 ] Суррей был отозван в 1521 году, когда Пирс Батлер - один из заявителей на граф Ормонда - назначен на его место. Батлер оказался неспособным контролировать оппозицию, в том числе Килдэр. Килдэр был назначен главным губернатором в 1524 году, возобновляя свой спор с Батлером, который раньше был в затишье. Тем временем граф Десмонд , англо-ирландский сверстник, обратил свою поддержку Ричарду де Ла Поле в качестве претендента на английский трон; Когда в 1528 году Килдэр не смог предпринять подходящие действия против него, Килдэр снова был удален с его поста. [ 245 ]
Ситуация Десмонда была решена после его смерти в 1529 году, за которым последовал период неопределенности. Это было фактически закончилось назначением Генри Фицрой, герцога Ричмонда и сына короля, в качестве лорда лейтенанта. Ричмонд никогда раньше не посещал Ирландию, его назначение перерыва с прошлой политикой. [ 246 ] [ 247 ] Какое -то время это выглядело так, как будто мир может быть восстановлен с возвращением Килдэра в Ирландию для управления племенами, но эффект был ограниченным, и ирландский парламент вскоре стал неэффективным. [ 248 ] Ирландия начала получать внимание Кромвеля, у которого были сторонники Ормонда и Десмонда. Килдэр, с другой стороны, был вызван в Лондон; После некоторого колебания он отправился в Лондон в 1534 году, где ему предъявлены обвинения в измене. [ 248 ] Его сын, Томас, лорд Оффали , был более откровенным, осуждая царя и возглавлял «католический крестовый поход» против Генри, который к этому времени был погрязком в семейных проблемах. У Оффали был убит архиепископа Дублинского и осажденного Дублина. Оффали руководил смесью бледно -джентри и ирландских племен, хотя он не смог заручиться поддержкой лорда Дарси , сочувствующего или Чарльза V. То, что фактически было гражданской войной, закончилась вмешательством 2000 английских войск - крупной армии ирландцев Стандарты - и казнь Оффали (его отец уже был мертв) и его дяди. [ 249 ] [ 250 ]
Хотя восстание Оффали последовало решимость более внимательно управлять Ирландией, Генри опасался вытянутого конфликта с племенами, и королевская комиссия рекомендовала, чтобы единственные отношения с племенами должны были быть обещаниями мира, их земля защищенная от Расширение английского. Человеком, который возглавил эти усилия, был Энтони Сент -Леже , как лорд -заместитель Ирландии , который останется на пост прошлой смерти Генри. [ 251 ] До перерыва с Римом, широко считалось, что Ирландия была папской владением, предоставленным как простое количество английского короля, поэтому в 1542 году Генри утверждал претензии Англии в Королевстве Ирландии, свободного от папского повелителя . Это изменение, однако, также допустило политику мирного примирения и расширения: лорды Ирландии предоставили бы свои земли королю, прежде чем их возвращают в качестве искац. Стимулом выполнить просьбу Генри была сопровождающая барония и, следовательно, право сидеть в ирландском доме лордов, который должен был бежать параллельно с Англией. [ 252 ] Ирландский закон племен не соответствовал такой договоренности, потому что вождь не имел необходимых прав; Это сделало прогресс извилистым, и план был заброшен в 1543 году, чтобы не быть заменен. [ 253 ]
Историография
Сложности и масштаб наследия Генри гарантировали, что, по словам Беттерджи и Фримана, «на протяжении веков Генри хвалили и оскорбляли, но его никогда не игнорировали». [ 181 ] В 1950 -х годах историк Джон Д. Макки подытожил личность Генри и ее влияние на его достижения и популярность:
Уважение, даже популярность, которую он имел от своего народа, не было незаслуженным ... он сохранил развитие Англии в соответствии с некоторыми из самых энергичных, хотя и не самых благородных сил дня. Его высокая смелость - высшая, когда все заболело - его командный интеллект, его признательность факта и его инстинкт правила перенесли его страну через опасное время перемен, и само высокомерие спасло его народ от войн, которые поразили другие земли. Смутно вспоминая войны роз, смутно сообщили о солонтах и страданиях в Европе, народ Англии знал, что в Генрих у них был великий король. [ 254 ]
Особое внимание современной историографии - это степень, в которой события жизни Генри (включая его браки, внешнюю политику и религиозные изменения) были результатом его собственной инициативы и, если они были, были ли они результатом оппортунизма или из принципиальное начинание Генри. [ 181 ] Традиционная интерпретация этих событий была предоставлена историком А.Ф. Поллардом , который в 1902 году представил свой собственный, в значительной степени положительный взгляд на короля, похвалив его, «как король и государственный деятель, которые, какими бы ни были его личные неудачи Парламентская демократия и империя ». [ 181 ] Интерпретация Полларда оставалась доминирующей интерпретацией жизни Генри до публикации докторской диссертации Гр Элтона в 1953 году.
Книга Элтона 1977 года о Тюдорской революции в правительстве поддерживала позитивную интерпретацию Полларда генрического периода в целом, но переосмыслил сам Генри как последователь, а не лидер. Для Элтона именно Кромвель, а не Генри, который предпринял изменения в правительстве - Генри был проницательным, но не хватало видения, чтобы следовать сложному плану. [ 181 ] Другими словами, Генри был немного больше, чем «эго-ориентированное чудовище», чье правление »было обязано его успехам и добродетелям лучшим и большим людям; Большая часть его ужасов и неудач выросла более непосредственно от [короля]». [ 255 ]
Хотя с тех пор центральные принципы диссертации Элтона были допрошены, он последовательно обеспечивал отправную точку для гораздо более поздней работы, в том числе со стороны JJ Scarrisbrick , его ученика. Скардбрик в значительной степени уважал Элтона к способностям Кромвеля, но вернул агентство Генри, который, как считается, в конечном итоге направил и сформировал политику. [ 181 ] Что касается скакал, Генри был грозным, очаровательным человеком, который «носил регистрацию с великолепным убеждением». [ 256 ] Однако эффект достоверности Генри этой способностью был в значительной степени негативным в глазах Скарисбрика: для скакала, генкийский период был одним из потрясений и разрушений, и ответственным, достойным вины, чем похвала. [ 181 ] Даже среди более недавних биографов, в том числе Дэвида Погрузки , Дэвида Старки и Джона Гая , в конечном итоге было мало консенсуса по степени, в которой Генри был ответственен за изменения, которые он наблюдал, или оценку тех, кого он действительно принес. [ 181 ]
Это отсутствие ясности в отношении контроля Генри над событиями способствовало различию в качествах, приписываемых ему: религиозным консервативным или опасным радикалам; любитель красоты или жестокого разрушителя бесценных артефактов; друг и покровитель или предатель окружающих; Рыцарство воплощение или безжалостное шовинисты. [ 181 ] Один традиционный подход, предпочитаемый Starkey и другими, состоит в том, чтобы разделить правление Генри на две половинки, первого Генри, в котором преобладают положительные качества (политически инклюзивные, благочестивые, спортивные, но и интеллектуальные), который руководил периодом стабильности и спокойствия, а также Последний «хулигающий тиран», который руководил периодом драматических, иногда причудливых, изменений. [ 180 ] [ 257 ] Другие писатели пытались объединить разрозненную личность Генри в единое целое; Например, Лейси Болдуин Смит считала его эгоистичным пограничным невротиком, данным для больших приступах и глубоких и опасных подозрений, с механическим и обычным, но глубоко придерживающимся благочестием и в лучшем случае с посредственным интеллектом. [ 258 ]
Стиль и руки
Во время его правления было внесено много изменений в королевский стиль. Первоначально Генри использовал стиль «Генри восьмой, по милости Божьей, царь Англии , Франции и лорда Ирландии ». В 1521 году, в соответствии с грантом от папы Лео X, вознаграждения Генри за его защиту семи таинств , Королевский стиль стал «Генри -восьмой по милости Божьей, царя Англии и Франции, защитником веры и лорда Ирландии ". После отлучения Генри, папа Павел III отменил грант титула «Защитник веры», но акт парламента ( 35 Hen. 8. C. 3) заявил, что он остается действительным; И это продолжается в королевском использовании до сегодняшнего дня, о чем свидетельствуют буквы FID DEF или FD во всех британских монетах. Девиз Генри был «Лоял Кёр» («Истинное сердце»), и у него это вышило на своей одежде в виде символа сердца и со словом «лояльный». Его эмблема была Тюдор Роуз и Бофорт Поркуллис . Генри Как король, руки были такими же, как и те, которые использовались его предшественниками, так как Генрих IV : Ежеквартально, лазурный три флаурс-де-лисы или (для Франции) и Гулс Три Льва Пассантрант в бледном или (для Англии) .
В 1535 году Генри добавил «фразу превосходства» в королевский стиль, который стал «Генри -восьмым, по милости Бога, царя Англии и Франции, защитника веры, Властелин Ирландии и церкви Англии на земле Высшая голова ». В 1536 году фраза «Англиканской церкви» изменилась на «церкви Англии, а также в Ирландии ». В 1541 году Генри заставил ирландский парламент изменить титул «Повелитель Ирландии» на «Король Ирландии» с Законом Короны Ирландии 1542 Лорд действует как простой представитель. Причина, по которой ирландцы считали папу их повелителем, заключалась в том, что Ирландия изначально была передана королю Генрию II из Англии папой Адрианом IV в 12 -м веке как феодальная территория под папским повелителем. Заседание ирландского парламента, которое провозгласило Генриха VIII королем Ирландии, была первой встречей, на которой присутствовали гэльские ирландские вождей, а также англо-ирландские аристократы. Стиль «Генри восьмой, по милости Бога, царя Англии, Франции и Ирландии, защитника веры и церкви Англии, а также Ирландии в высшей главе Земли» оставался в использовании до конца правления Генри.
Генеалогическая таблица
Смотрите также
- Cestui это
- Культурные изображения Генриха VIII
- Семейное древо английских монархов
- История иностранных отношений Соединенного Королевства
- Инвентарь Генриха VIII
- Список английских монархов
- Период Тюдоров
- Mouldwarp
Примечания
- ^ Генри Редские годы датируются 22 апреля. [ 1 ] [ 2 ]
- ^ Для аргументов в пользу контрастной точки зрения - то есть, что сам Генри инициировал период воздержания, потенциально после короткого романа - см. Бернард, GW (2010). Энн Болейн: роковые достопримечательности . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-3001-6245-5 . . [ 65 ]
- ^ «И если мужчина возьмет жену своего брата, это нечистая вещь: он обнаружил наготу своего брата; они будут бездетными».
- ^ 11 июля 1533 года Папа Клемент VII «вынесенный приговор против короля», объявив его отлученным, если он не уберет женщину, которую он взял в жену, и не забрал свою королеву в течение всего октября следующим образом ». [ 90 ] Клемент умер 25 сентября 1534 года. 30 августа 1535 года новый папа, Павел III , собрал быка от церкви, который начал «Qui Qui Immobilis». [ 91 ] [ 92 ] Гр Элтон устанавливает дату, когда бык стал официальным, как ноябрь 1538 года. [ 93 ] 17 декабря 1538 года Папа Павел III выпустил дальнейшего быка, который начал «сперму Redemptor Noster», возобновляя казнь быка 30 августа 1535 года, который был приостановлен в надежде на его поправку. [ 94 ] [ 95 ] Оба быка напечатаны Берч Бернет, История Реформации Английской церкви, издание 1865 года, том 4, стр. 318ff и в кнопках, дипломат и привилегии римских понтификов Турина (1857) Том 6, с. 195
- ^ Eustace Chapuys написал Чарльзу V 28 января, сообщив, что Энн была беременна. В письме от Джорджа Тейлора Леди Лисле от 27 апреля 1534 года говорится: «Королева хороша живот, молясь нашему Господу отправить нам принца». В июле брат Энны, лорд Рохфорд, был отправлен на дипломатическую миссию во Францию, чтобы попросить отложить встречу между Генрихом VIII и Фрэнсисом I из -за состояния Энны: «Будучи так далеко с ребенком, она не могла пересечь море Король ". Chapuys поддерживает это в письме от 27 июля, где он ссылается на беременность Анны. Мы не знаем, что случилось с этой беременностью, поскольку нет никаких доказательств результата. Dewhurst пишет о том, как беременность могла привести к выкинуту или мертворождению, но нет никаких доказательств в поддержку этого, поэтому он задается вопросом, был ли это случай псевдоциза, ложная беременность, вызванная стрессом, которого была Анна - давление предоставить сыну. Чапейс написал 27 сентября 1534 года: «С тех пор, как король начал сомневаться, была ли его леди энченте или нет, он возобновил и увеличил любовь, которую он раньше испытывал к прекрасной девице суда». Мюриэль Сент -Клер Бирн, редактор Lisle Letters, считает, что это была ложная беременность.
- ^ Единственным доказательством выкидыша в 1535 году является предложение от письма от Уильяма Кингстона к лорду Лисле 24 июня 1535 года, когда Кингстон говорит, что «ее благодать столь же справедливой живот, как я когда -либо видел». Тем не менее, Dewhurst считает, что в датировании этого письма возникает ошибка, поскольку редактор Lisle Letters заявляет, что это письмо на самом деле с 1533 или 1534 года, потому что в нем также относится Кристофер Гарнис, который умер в октябре 1534 года.
- ^ Чапейс сообщил Карлу V 10 февраля 1536 года, что Энн Болейн выкинула в день похорон Кэтрин Арагона: «В день погребения [Екатерины Арагона] у наложни Ребенок мужского пола, которого она не родила 3 1/2 месяца ».
Ссылки
- ^ «Глава пятая: Таблица Реднал Год английского суверена». Руководство Sweet & Maxwell по юридическим отчетам и законам (четвертое изд.). Лондон: Гид сладкого и Максвелла. 1962. с. 27
- ^ Чейни, кр ; Джонс, Майкл , ред. (2000). Справочник дат для студентов британской истории . Королевского исторического общества Руководства и справочники . Тол. 4 (Пересмотренный изд.). Кембридж: издательство Кембриджского университета. С. 37–38. ISBN 978-0-521-77095-8 .
- ^ Гай 2000 , с. 41
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный в Старки, Дэвид . «Шесть жен Генриха VIII. О серии. За кулисами» . Тринадцать.org . Пбс . Получено 17 июля 2020 года .
- ^ Ives 2006 , с. 28–36.
- ^ Montefiore 2008 , p. 129
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный Crofton 2006 , p. 128
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- ^ Гиббс, викарий, изд. (1912). Полный пэры, том III . Пресса Святой Екатерины. п. 443. Под приводом герцога Корнуолл, который был его титулом, когда он сменил своего брата в качестве принца Уэльского.
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- ^ Фрейзер, Антония (1993). «Плантагенет спуск Генри и его королев». Жены Генриха VIII . Винтажные книги.
- ^ Ансельм. Генеалогическая и хронологическая история Королевского дома Франции . Полет. 2. с. 741.
- ^ Фрейзер, Антония (1993). "Энн из Кливса". Жены Генриха VIII . Винтажные книги.
- ^ Cruz & Suzuki 2009 , p. 132.
- ^ Смит 1971 , с. 70
- ^ Crofton 2006 , p. 51
- ^ Scarisbrick 1997 , p.
- ^ Вейр 2002 , с. 160.
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный в Ганн, Стивен (сентябрь 2010 г.). «Энн Болейн: Фатальные достопримечательности (обзор)» . Отзывы в истории . Получено 5 апреля 2013 года .
- ^ Загрузка 2009 , с. 88–89.
- ^ Бригден 2000 , с. 114
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный в дюймовый Elton 1977 , с. 103–107
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- ^ Филлипс, Родерик (1991). Отсутствие узел: короткая история развода . Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-5214-2370-0 .
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный Коул, Уильям Грэм (2015). Секс в христианстве и психоанализе . Routledge. ISBN 978-1-3173-5977-7 .
- ^ Загрузка 2009 , с. 91–92.
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный в дюймовый и Elton 1977 , с. 109–111
- ^ Локьер, Роджер (2014). Тюдор и Стюарт Британия: 1485–1714 . Routledge. п. 46. ISBN 978-1-3178-6882-8 Полем Получено 13 июля 2014 года .
Король не имел дальнейшего использования для Вулси, который не смог закупить аннулирование своего брака, и он вызвал парламент, чтобы акт достижения был принят против кардинала. Однако этот акт не был необходим, поскольку Вулси также был приказан предстать перед судьями общего права и ответить на обвинение, что, опубликовав его быков назначения в качестве папского легата, который он нарушил статут Прамюнира.
- ^ Haigh 1993 , с. 92ff.
- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 116
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный Лош, Ричард Р. (2002). Многочисленные лица веры: руководство по мировым религиям и христианским традициям . Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. п. 106. ISBN 978-0-8028-0521-8 .
- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 123.
- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 175–176.
- ^ Уильямс 1971 , с. 123.
- ^ Starkey 2003 , с. 462–464.
- ^ Уильямс 1971 , с. 124
- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 178.
- ^ Уильямс 1971 , с. 128–131.
- ^ Бернард 2005 , с. 68–71.
- ^ Бернард 2005 , с. 68
- ^ Уильямс 1971 , с. 136
- ^ Бернард 2005 , с. 69
- ^ Бернард 2005 , с. 69–71.
- ^ Gairdner, James , ed. (1882). «Генрих VIII: Приложение» . Письма и документы, иностранные и домашние, Генрих VIII, том 6: 1533 . Институт исторических исследований . Получено 9 ноября 2014 года .
- ^ Черчилль 1966 , с. 51
- ^ Gairdner, James , ed. (1886). «Генрих VIII: август 1535, 26–31» . Письма и документы, иностранные и домашние, Генрих VIII, том 9: август - декабрь 1535 года . Институт исторических исследований . Получено 9 ноября 2014 года .
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный в дюймовый Элтон 1977 , с. 282
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный Scarisbrick 1997 , p
- ^ Gairdner, James , ed. (1893). «Генрих VIII: декабрь 1538 г. 16–20» . Письма и документы, иностранные и внутренние, Генрих VIII, том 13 Часть 2: август - декабрь 1538 года . Институт исторических исследований . Получено 9 ноября 2014 года .
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный Williams 1971 , p. 138.
- ^ Jump up to: а беременный Elton 1977 , с. 192–194
- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 262–263.
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- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 262
- ^ Лицензия, Эми (2017). "Темные дни" . Екатерина Арагона: интимная жизнь истинной жены Генриха VIII . Amberley Publishing . ISBN 978-1-4456-5670-0 .
- ^ Scarisbrick 1997 , p.
- ^ Уильямс 1971 , с. 141.
- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 250–251.
- ^ Уилсон, Дерек (2012). Краткая история английской реформации . Констебль и Робинсон. п. 92. ISBN 978-1-8490-1825-8 Полем Получено 13 июля 2014 года .
Кромвель, с его обычной целеустремленной (и безжалостной) эффективностью, организовал опрос обвиняемого, их испытания и их казни. Крэнмер был абсолютно разрушен «откровением» проступков королевы. Он написал королю, выражающему свои трудности в поверии ее вины. Но он встал в очередь и произнес об аннулирование второго брака Генри на основании предварительного контракта Анны с другой.
- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 252–253.
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- ^ Элтон 1977 , с. 275
- ^ Scarisbrick 1997 , pp. 355–256.
- ^ «Генрих VIII: февраль 1538 г., 11–15 страниц 88–100 писем и документов, иностранные и внутренние, Генрих VIII, том 13 Часть 1, январь - июль 1538 года» . Британская история онлайн . HMSO 1892 . Получено 11 декабря 2022 года .
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- ^ Фаркухар 2001 , с. 75
- ^ Scarisbrick 1997 , p.
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- ^ Murphy 2016 , с. 13–51.
- ^ Загрузка 2009 , с. 76–77.
- ^ «Авария, которая превратила Генриха VIII в тирана» . Независимый . Великобритания 18 апреля 2009 г. Получено 25 августа 2010 года .
- ^ Сон, Эмили (11 марта 2011 г.). «Сумасшедший король Генрих VIII объяснил» . Discovery.com. Архивировано из оригинала 30 июня 2011 года . Получено 25 марта 2011 года .
- ^ Икрам, Мухаммед Кайзер; Саджад, Фазл Хаким; Salardini, Arash (2016). «Голова, которая носит корону: Генрих VIII и черепно -мозговая травма». Журнал клинической нейробиологии . 28 : 16–19. doi : 10.1016/j.jocn.2015.10.035 . ISSN 0967-5868 . PMID 26857293 . S2CID 4394559 .
- ^ Hays 2010 , с. 68
- ^ Рассел, Гарет (2016). Молодой, проклятый и справедливый . п. 130.
- ^ «Имена в новостях: Генрих VIII назвал жертвой цинги» . Los Angeles Times . 30 августа 1989.
- ^ "Может ли аномалия группы крови объяснить проблемы Генриха VIII?" Полем SMU News . США: Южный методистский университет. 7 марта 2011 года . Получено 6 февраля 2024 года .
- ^ Уитли, Катрина Бэнкс; Крамер, Кира (2010). «Новое объяснение репродуктивных проблем и упадка среднего возраста Генриха VIII». Исторический журнал . 52 (4): 827. DOI : 10.1017/S0018246X10000452 . ISSN 0018-246X . S2CID 159499333 .
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- ^ Дин и каноны Виндзора. «Последнее место отдыха Генриха VIII» (PDF) . Виндзорский замок: Колледж Святого Георгия. Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 2 мая 2013 года . Получено 12 марта 2013 года .
- ^ По словам Джона Дьюхерста в предполагаемых выкидышах Екатерины Арагона и Энн Болейн: 1984, с. 52 , венецианский посол написал своему Сенату в ноябре, что «королева была доставлена из мертворожденного ребенка восьми месяцев в очень большом горе всего суда», Хрониклер Холиншед сообщил, что «в ноябре была королева Доставлен от принца, который жил вскоре после этого », и Джон Стоу написал« тем временем, в ноябрь, королева была доставлена из принца, который жил вскоре после этого ».
- ^ Starkey 2003 , p. 160.
- ^ Starkey 2003 , p. 553.
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- Ганн, Стивен (1991). «Турниры и ранние рыцарства в тудоре». История сегодня . 41 (6): 543–560. ISSN 0018-2753 .
- Гай, Джон (1997). Тюдорская монархия . Арнольд издатели. ISBN 978-0-3406-5219-0 .
- —— (2000). Тюдоры: очень короткое введение . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-1916-0651-9 .
- Hays, JN (2010). Бремя болезней: эпидемии и реакция человека в западной истории . Рутгерс Университет Пресс. ISBN 978-0-8135-4613-1 .
- Харт, Келли (2009). Любовницы Генриха VIII . История пресса. ISBN 978-0-7524-4835-0 .
- Холл, Эдвард (1904) [1548]. Чарльз Уибли (ред.). Триумфальное правление Генриха VIII . TC & EC Джек. OCLC 644934802 .
- Хай, Кристофер (1993). Английские Реформации: религия, политика и общество при Тюдоров . Кларендон Пресс. ISBN 978-0-1982-2162-3 .
- Хибберт, Кристофер ; Вайнреб, Бен ; Кей, Джулия; Keay, John (2010). Лондонская энциклопедия (3 -е изд.). Макмиллан. ISBN 978-1-4050-4925-2 .
- Хатчинсон, Роберт (2012). Молодой Генрих: Восстание Генриха VIII . Макмиллан. ISBN 978-1-2500-1261-6 .
- Айвз, Эрик (2005). Жизнь и смерть Энн Болейн: «Самый счастливый» . Оксфорд: Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4051-3463-7 .
- —— (2006). «Будет ли настоящий Генрих VIII, пожалуйста, встать?». История сегодня . 56 (2): 28–36. ISSN 0018-2753 .
- Лемберг, Стэнфорд Э. (1970). Парламент Реформации, 1529–1536 . Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-5210-7655-5 .
- Lipscomb, Suzannah (2009). "Кто был Генри?" Полем История сегодня . 59 (4).
- Загрузки, Дэвид (2009). Генрих VIII: суд, церковь и конфликт . Национальный архив. ISBN 978-1-9056-1542-1 .
- Meyer, GJ (2010). Тюдоры: полная история самой известной династии Англии . Presidio Press. ISBN 978-0-3853-4076-2 .
- Montefiore, Simon Sebag (2008). Монстры истории: 101 злодеи от Влада Импалера до Адольфа Гитлера . Querkus Publishing Plc. ISBN 978-1-4351-0937-7 .
- Моррис, Т.А. (1999). Правительство Тюдоров . Routledge. ISBN 978-0-2039-8167-2 Полем Получено 20 марта 2013 года .
- Мерфи, Нил (2016). «Насилие, колонизация и завоевание Генриха VIII во Франции, 1544–1546» . Прошлое и настоящее (233): 13–51. doi : 10.1093/pastj/gtw018 .
- Поллард, AF (1905). Генрих VIII . Longmans, Green & Company.
- Рекс, Ричард (1996). «Кризис послушания: Слово Божье и Реформация Генри». Исторический журнал . 39 (4): 863–894. doi : 10.1017/s0018246x00024687 . JSTOR 2639860 . S2CID 159649932 .
- Scarisbrck, JJ (1968). Генрих VII Калифорнийский университет. ISBN 978-0-5200-1130-4 .
- Экран, JJ (1997). Генрих VIII (2 -е изд.). Йельский университет прессы. ISBN 0-3000-7158-2 .
- Смит, Лейси Болдуин (1971). Генрих VIII: Маска королевской власти . Оскар Чикаго. ISBN 978-0-8973-3056-5 .
- Спалдинг, Томас Альфред (1894). Дома лордов . TF Unwin . Получено 9 июня 2024 года .
- Starkey, David (2003). Шесть жен: королевы Генриха VIII . Чатто и Виндус. ISBN 978-0-7011-7298-5 .
- —— (2008). Генри: Добродетельный принц . HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-0072-8783-3 .
- Stöber, Karen (2007). Поздние средневековые монастыри и их покровители: Англия и Уэльс, ок. 1300–1540 . Бойделл Пресс. ISBN 978-1-8438-3284-3 .
- Томас, Андреа (2005). Принлийская Мэджисти: Суд Джеймса V из Шотландии 1528–1542 гг . John Donald Publishers Ltd. ISBN 978-0-8597-6611-1 .
- Турли, Саймон (1993). Королевские дворцы Тюдоров Англии . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-3000-5420-0 .
- Вейр, Элисон (1991). Шесть жен Генриха VIII . Grove Press. ISBN 0-8021-3683-4 .
- —— (2002). Генрих VIII: Король и его суд . Random House Digital, Inc. ISBN 0-3454-3708-X .
- Уильямс, Джеймс (2005). «Охота и королевский образ Генриха VIII». Спорт в истории . 25 (1): 41–59. doi : 10.1080/17460260500073082 . ISSN 1746-0263 . S2CID 161663183 .
- Уильямс, Невилл (1971). Генрих VIII и его суд . Macmillan Publishing Co. ISBN 978-0-0262-9100-2 .
Дальнейшее чтение
Биографический
- Эшли, Майк (2002). Британские короли и королевы . Запуск прессы. ISBN 0-7867-1104-3 .
- Боул, Джон (1964). Генрих VIII: изучение власти в действии . Литтл, Браун и Компания. ASIN B000OJX9RI .
- Эриксон, Каролли (1984). Хозяйка Энн: Исключительная жизнь Энн Болейн . Саммит книги. ASIN B002RTJWA6 .
- Кресси, Дэвид (1982). «Зрелище и власть: Аполлон и Соломон в суде Генриха VIII». История сегодня . 32 (ОКТ): 16–22. ISSN 0018-2753 .
- Гарднер, Джеймс (1903). «Генрих VIII» . Кембриджская современная история . Тол. 2
- Грейвс, Майкл (2003). Генрих VIII . Пирсон Лонгман. ISBN 978-0-5823-8110-0 .
- Айвз, EW (2004). «Генрих VIII (1491–1547)». Оксфордский словарь национальной биографии . Оксфордский словарь национальной биографии (онлайн -ред.). Издательство Оксфордского университета. doi : 10.1093/ref: ODNB/12955 . ( Требуется членство в публичной библиотеке в Великобритании .)
- Поллард, Альберт Фредерик (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica . Тол. 13 (11 -е изд.). С. 287–290.
- Рекс, Ричард (1993). Генрих VIII и английская Реформация . Макмиллан международное высшее образование. ISBN 978-1-3492-2586-6 .
- Ридли, Джаспер (1985). Генрих VIII . Викинг. ISBN 978-0-6708-0699-7 .
- Starkey, David (2002). Правление Генриха VIII: личности и политики . Случайный дом. ISBN 978-0-0994-4510-4 .
- ——;; Доран, Сьюзен (2009). Генрих VIII: Человек и монарх . Британская библиотечная публикация. ISBN 978-0-7123-5025-9 .
- Тайтлер, Патрик Фрейзер (1837). Жизнь короля Генриха восьмого . Эдинбург: Оливер и Бойд . Получено 17 августа 2008 года .
- Уилкинсон, Жозефина (2009). Мэри Болейн: Истинная история о любимой любовнице Генриха VIII (2 -е изд.). Amberley Publishing. ISBN 978-0-3000-7158-0 .
- Вейр, Элисон (1996). Дети Генриха VIII . Баллантические книги. ISBN 978-0-3453-9118-6 .
- Вудинг, Люси (2015). Генрих VIII (2 -е изд.). Routledge . ISBN 978-1-1388-3141-4 .
Научные исследования
- Бернард, GW (1986). Война, налогообложение и восстание в ранней Тюдорской Англии: Генрих VIII, Wolsey и дружелюбный грант 1525 года .
- —— (1998). «Создание религиозной политики, 1533–1546 гг.: Генрих VIII и поиск среднего пути». Исторический журнал . 41 (2): 321–349. doi : 10.1017/s0018246x98007778 . ISSN 0018-246X . JSTOR 2640109 . S2CID 159952187 .
- Буш, М.Л. (2007). «Плате Тюдоров и паломничество благодати». Исторические исследования . 80 (207): 47–72. doi : 10.1111/j.1468-2281.2006.00351.x . ISSN 0950-3471 .
- Доран, Сьюзен (2009). Тюдорские хроники: 1485–1603 . Sterling Publishing. С. 78–203. ISBN 978-1-4351-0939-1 . 0
- Элтон, Гр (1962) [1953]. Тюдорская революция в правительстве: административные изменения в правлении Генриха VIII (пересмотренный изд.). Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-5210-9235-7 .
- Гай, Джон (2013), Дети Генриха VIII , издательство Оксфордского университета
- Head, David M. (1982). «Шотландская политика Генриха VIII: переоценка». Шотландский исторический обзор . 61 (1): 1–24. ISSN 0036-9241 .
- Хоак, Дейл (2005). «Политика, религия и английская реформация, 1533–1547 гг.: Некоторые проблемы и проблемы». История компас (3). ISSN 1478-0542 .
- Линдси, Карен (1995). Разведенные, обезглавленные, выжили: феминистская переосмысление жен Генриха VIII . Чтение, MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co. ISBN 0-2016-0895-2 .
- Macculloch, Diarmaid, ed. (1995). Правление Генриха VIII: политика, политика и благочестие .
- Mackie, JD (1952). Более ранние Тюдоры, 1485–1558 .
- Moorhouse, Джеффри (2003). Паломничество благодати: восстание, которое потрясло трон Генриха VIII . Феникс. ISBN 978-1-8421-2666-0 .
- —— (2007). Великий военно -морской флот Гарри: как Генрих VIII дал Англии моря .
- —— (2009). Последнее божественное офис: Генрих VIII и роспуск монастырей .
- Славин, Артур Дж., Эд. (1968). Генрих VIII и английская Реформация .
- Смит, Х. Мейнард (1948). Генрих VIII и Реформация .
- Стаббс, Уильям (1886). « Царствование Генриха VIII.: (7 июня 1881 года.) ». Семнадцать лекций по изучению средневековой и современной истории и родственных предметов : 241–265. Wikidata Q107248000 .
- —— (1886). « Парламент при Генрихе VIII.: (9 июня 1881 года.) ». Семнадцать лекций по изучению средневековой и современной истории и родственных предметов : 266–291. Wikidata Q107248047 .
- Турли, Саймон (1991). «Дворцы для модерного короля Риш». История сегодня . 41 (6).
- Вагнер, Джон А. (2003). Босворт Филд для Кровавой Мэри: энциклопедия ранних Тюдоров . Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 1-5735-6540-7 .
- Уокер, Грег (2005). Написание под тиранией: английская литература и генрическая реформация .
- Вернхэм, Ричард Брюс (1966), до Армады: рост английской внешней политики, 1485–1588 . История внешней политики
Историография
- Коулман, Кристопер; Starkey, David, eds. (1986). Революция пересмотрела: пересмотр в истории правительства и администрации Тюдоров .
- Фокс, Алистер; Парень, Джон, ред. (1986). Переоценка эпоха Генрика: гуманизм, политика и реформа 1500–1550 .
- Head, David M. (1997). « Если Лев знал свою собственную силу»: образ Генриха VIII и его историков ». Международный обзор социальных наук . 72 (3–4): 94–109. ISSN 0278-2308 .
- Маршалл, Питер (2009). «(Re) Определение английской реформации» (PDF) . Журнал британских исследований . 48 (3): 564–585. doi : 10.1086/600128 .
- О'Дей, Розмари (2015), Дебаты по английской реформации (2 -е изд.)
- ——, ред. (2010), Routledge Companion to Tudor Age
- Ранкин, Марк; Хайли, Кристофер; Король, Джон Н., ред. (2009), Генрих VIII и его последствия: литература, политика и искусство , издательство Кембриджского университета
Первичные источники
- Письма и документы, иностранные и внутренние, правления Генриха VIII (36 томов, 1862–1908))
- Дуглас, Дэвид Чарльз ; Уильямс, Ch, Eds. (1996), Английские исторические документы, 1485–1558 , OCLC 247046009
- Харрисон, Уильям ; Edelen, Georges (1995) [1557]. Описание Англии: классический современный рассказ о социальной жизни Тюдоров . Dover Publications Inc. ISBN 978-0-4862-8275-6 .
- Лютер, Мартин (1918) [1 сентября 1525 г.]. "1521–1530". В Смит, сохранился ; Джейкобс, Чарльз М. (ред.). Переписка Лютера и другие современные буквы . Тол. 2. Лютеранское публикационное общество.
- Николас, Николас Харрис , изд. (1827), Тайные кошельки Генриха VIII, 1529–1532 , Лондон: Пикеринг
Внешние ссылки


Работы, связанные с автором: Генрих VIII в Wikisource
Работы, связанные с «преследованиями протестантов Генриха VIII», в книге мучеников Фокса в Wikisource
- Генрих VIII на официальном сайте британской монархии
- Генрих VIII на официальном сайте The Royal Collection Trust
- Бесплатные результаты Генриха VIII в Международном проекте библиотеки музыкальных результатов (IMSLP)
- Бесплатные результаты Генриха VIII в библиотеке хоровой общественной достояния (Choralwiki)
- Работы Генриха VIII в Project Gutenberg
- Работает у Генриха VIII в интернет -архиве
- Работы Генриха VIII в Librivox (аудиокниги общественного достояния)
- Портреты короля Генриха VIII в Национальной портретной галерее, Лондон
- Генрих VII
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