1968 президентские выборы в США

1968 президентские выборы в США

5 ноября 1968 г.
538 членов Коллегии выборщиков Для победы необходимо 270 голосов выборщиков
Опросы общественного мнения
Оказаться	62.5% 0,3 п.п.
Номинант Ричард Никсон Хьюберт Хамфри Джордж Уоллес Вечеринка республиканец Демократический Американский независимый Home state New York Minnesota Alabama Running mate Spiro Agnew Edmund Muskie Curtis LeMay Electoral vote 301 191 46 States carried 32 13 + DC 5 Popular vote 31,783,783 31,271,839 9,901,118 Percentage 43.4% 42.7% 13.5%
Presidential election results map. Red denotes states won by Nixon/Agnew, blue denotes those won by Humphrey/Muskie, and orange denotes those won by Wallace/LeMay, including a North Carolina faithless elector. Numbers indicate electoral votes cast by each state.
President before election Lyndon B. Johnson Democratic Elected President Richard Nixon Republican

— Президентские выборы в США 1968 года 46-е президентские выборы , состоявшиеся раз в четыре года , состоявшиеся во вторник, 5 ноября 1968 года. Кандидат от Республиканской партии , бывший вице-президент Ричард Никсон , победил как кандидата от Демократической партии , действующего вице-президента Хьюберта Хамфри , так и Американской независимой партии. кандидата от , бывший губернатор Алабамы Джордж Уоллес .

Incumbent president Lyndon B. Johnson had been the early front-runner for the Democratic Party's nomination, but he withdrew from the race after only narrowly winning the New Hampshire primary. Eugene McCarthy, Robert F. Kennedy and Humphrey emerged as the three major candidates in the Democratic primaries until Kennedy was assassinated. His death after midnight on June 6, 1968, continued a streak of high-profile assassinations in the 1960s. Humphrey edged out anti-Vietnam war candidate McCarthy to win the Democratic nomination, sparking numerous anti-war protests. Nixon entered the Republican primaries as the front-runner, defeating liberal New York governor Nelson Rockefeller, conservative governor of California Ronald Reagan, and other candidates to win his party's nomination. Alabama's Democratic former governor, George Wallace, ran on the American Independent Party ticket, campaigning in favor of racial segregation on the basis of "states' rights". The election year was tumultuous and chaotic. It was marked by the убийство Мартина Лютера Кинга-младшего в начале апреля и последующие 54 дня беспорядков по всей стране, убийство Роберта Ф. Кеннеди в начале июня и широкомасштабное сопротивление войне во Вьетнаме в университетских кампусах. Вице-президент Хьюберт Хамфри победил и добился выдвижения от Демократической партии, при этом Хамфри пообещал продолжить войну Джонсона с бедностью и поддержать движение за гражданские права .

The support of civil rights by the Johnson administration hurt Humphrey's image in the South, leading the prominent Democratic governor of Alabama, George Wallace, to mount a third-party challenge to defend racial segregation on the basis of "states' rights". Wallace led his American Independent Party attracting socially conservative voters throughout the South, and encroaching further support from white working-class voters in the Industrial North and Midwest who were attracted to Wallace's economic populism and anti-establishment rhetoric. In doing so, Wallace split the New Deal Coalition, winning over Southern Democrats, as well as former Goldwater supporters who preferred Wallace to Nixon. Nixon chose to take advantage of Democratic infighting by running a more centrist platform aimed at attracting moderate voters as part of his "silent majority" who were alienated by both the liberal agenda that was advocated by Hubert Humphrey and by the ultra-conservative viewpoints of George Wallace on race and civil rights. However, Nixon also employed coded language to combat Wallace in the Upper South, where the electorate was less extreme on the segregation issue. Nixon sought to restore law and order to the nation's cities and provide new leadership in the Vietnam War.

During most of the campaign, Humphrey trailed Nixon significantly in polls taken from late August to early October, with some polls predicting a margin of victory of as high as 16% as late as August. In the final month of the campaign, however, Humphrey managed to narrow Nixon's lead after Wallace's candidacy collapsed and Johnson suspended bombing in the Vietnam War to appease the anti-war movement; the election was considered a tossup by election day. Nixon managed to secure a close victory in the popular vote on election day, with just over 500,000 votes (0.7%) separating him and Humphrey. In the electoral college, however, Nixon's victory was much larger; he carried the tipping point state of California by over 230,000 votes (3.08%), and his overall margin of victory in the electoral college was 110 votes. This election was the first presidential election after the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which began restoring voting rights to Black Americans in the South, where most had been disenfranchised since the early 20th century.

Nixon also became the first non-incumbent vice president to be elected president, something that would not happen again until 2020, when Joe Biden was elected president. This was the last election until 2024 in which the incumbent president was eligible to run again but was not the eventual nominee of their party. Humphrey was the last nominee who did not participate in the primaries as a presidential candidate until Kamala Harris, also in 2024. Nixon's victory also commenced the Republican Party's lock on certain Western states that would vote for them in every election until 1992, allowing them to win the presidency in five of the six presidential elections that took place in that period.

Background

The incumbent in 1968, Lyndon B. Johnson. His second term expired at noon on January 20, 1969.

In the election of 1964, incumbent Democratic U.S. president Lyndon B. Johnson won the largest popular vote landslide in U.S. presidential election history over Republican U.S. Senator Barry Goldwater. During the presidential term that followed, Johnson was able to achieve many political successes, including passage of his Great Society domestic programs (including "War on Poverty" legislation), landmark civil rights legislation, and the continued exploration of space. Despite these significant achievements, Johnson's popular support would be short-lived. Even as Johnson scored legislative victories, the country endured large-scale race riots in the streets of its larger cities, along with a generational revolt of young people and violent debates over foreign policy. The emergence of the hippie counter-culture, the rise of New Left activism, and the emergence of the Black Power movement exacerbated social and cultural clashes between classes, generations, and races. Adding to the national crisis, on April 4, 1968, civil rights leader Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., was assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee, igniting riots of grief and anger across the country. In Washington, D.C., rioting took place within a few blocks of the White House, and the government stationed soldiers with machine guns on the Capitol steps to protect it.

The Vietnam War was the primary reason for the precipitous decline of President Johnson's popularity. He had escalated U.S. commitment so by late 1967 over 500,000 American soldiers were fighting in Vietnam. Draftees made up 42 percent of the military in Vietnam, but suffered 58% of the casualties, as nearly 1000 Americans a month were killed, and many more were injured. Resistance to the war rose as success seemed ever out of reach. The national news media began to focus on the high costs and ambiguous results of escalation, despite Johnson's repeated efforts to downplay the seriousness of the situation.

In early January 1968, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara said the war would be winding down, claiming that the North Vietnamese were losing their will to fight. But, shortly thereafter, the North Vietnamese launched the Tet Offensive, in which they and Communist forces of Vietcong undertook simultaneous attacks on all government strongholds across South Vietnam. Though the uprising ended in a U.S. military victory, the scale of the Tet offensive led many Americans to question whether the war could be "won", or was worth the costs to the U.S. In addition, voters began to mistrust the government's assessment and reporting of the war effort. The Pentagon called for sending several hundred thousand more soldiers to Vietnam, while Johnson's approval ratings fell below 35%. The Secret Service refused to let the president visit American colleges and universities, and prevented him from appearing at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, because it could not guarantee his safety.

Republican Party nomination

Main article: 1968 Republican Party presidential primaries

Republican Party (United States) 1968 Republican Party ticket
Richard Nixon	Spiro Agnew
for President	for Vice President
36th Vice President of the United States (1953–1961)	55th Governor of Maryland (1967–1969)
Campaign

Other major candidates

The following candidates were frequently interviewed by major broadcast networks, were listed in publicly published national polls, or ran a campaign that extended beyond their flying home delegation in the case of favorite sons.

Nixon received 1,679,443 votes in the primaries.

Candidates in this section are sorted by date of withdrawal from the nomination race
Ronald Reagan	Nelson Rockefeller	Harold Stassen	George W. Romney
Governor of California (1967–1975)	Governor of New York (1959–1973)	Former president of the University of Pennsylvania (1948–1953)	Governor of Michigan (1963–1969)
Campaign	Campaign		Campaign
Lost nomination: August 8, 1968 1,696,632 votes	Lost nomination: August 8, 1968 164,340 votes	Lost nomination: August 8, 1968 31,665 votes	Withdrew: February 28, 1968 4,447 votes

Primaries

Richard Nixon campaign rally, July 1968

The front-runner for the Republican nomination was former Vice President Richard Nixon, who formally began campaigning in January 1968. Nixon had worked behind the scenes and was instrumental in Republican gains in Congress and governorships in the 1966 midterm elections. Thus, the party machinery and many of the new congressmen and governors supported him. Still, there was caution in the Republican ranks over Nixon, who had lost the 1960 election to John F. Kennedy and then lost the 1962 California gubernatorial election. Some hoped a more "electable" candidate would emerge. The story of the 1968 Republican primary campaign and nomination may be seen as one Nixon opponent after another entering the race and then dropping out. Nixon was the front runner throughout the contest because of his superior organization, and he easily defeated the rest of the field.

Nixon's first challenger was Michigan Governor George W. Romney. A Gallup poll in mid-1967 showed Nixon with 39%, followed by Romney with 25%. After a fact-finding trip to Vietnam, Romney told Detroit talk show host Lou Gordon that he had been "brainwashed" by the military and the diplomatic corps into supporting the Vietnam War; the remark led to weeks of ridicule in the national news media. Turning against American involvement in Vietnam, Romney planned to run as the anti-war Republican version of Eugene McCarthy. But, following his "brainwashing" comment, Romney's support faded steadily; with polls showing him far behind Nixon, he withdrew from the race on February 28, 1968.

Senator Charles Percy was considered another potential threat to Nixon, and had planned on waging an active campaign after securing a role as Illinois's favorite son. Later, however, Percy declined to have his name listed on the ballot for the Illinois presidential primary, as he no longer sought the presidential nomination.

Nixon won a resounding victory in the important New Hampshire primary on March 12, with 78% of the vote. Anti-war Republicans wrote in the name of New York governor Nelson Rockefeller, the de facto leader of the Republican Party's liberal wing, who received 11% of the vote and became Nixon's new challenger. Rockefeller had not originally intended to run, having discounted a campaign for the nomination in 1965, and planned to make United States Senator Jacob Javits, the favorite son, either in preparation of a presidential campaign or to secure him the second spot on the ticket. As Rockefeller warmed to the idea of entering the race, Javits shifted his effort to seeking a third term in the Senate. Nixon led Rockefeller in the polls throughout the primary campaign—though Rockefeller defeated Nixon and Governor John Volpe in the Massachusetts primary on April 30, he otherwise fared poorly in state primaries and conventions. He had declared too late to get his name placed on state primary ballots.

By early spring, California Governor Ronald Reagan, a leader of the Republican Party's conservative wing, had become Nixon's chief rival. In the Nebraska primary on May 14, Nixon won with 70% of the vote to 21% for Reagan and 5% for Rockefeller. While this was a wide margin for Nixon, Reagan remained Nixon's leading challenger. Nixon won the next primary of importance, Oregon, on May 15 with 65% of the vote, and won all the following primaries except for California (June 4), where only Reagan appeared on the ballot. Reagan's victory in California gave him a plurality of the nationwide primary vote, but his poor showing in most other state primaries left him far behind Nixon in the delegate count.

Total popular vote:

• Ronald Reagan: 1,696,632 (37.93%)
• Richard Nixon: 1,679,443 (37.54%)
• James A. Rhodes: 614,492 (13.74%)
• Nelson Rockefeller: 164,340 (3.67%)
• Unpledged: 140,639 (3.14%)
• Eugene McCarthy (write-in): 44,520 (1.00%)
• Harold Stassen: 31,655 (0.71%)
• John Volpe: 31,465 (0.70%)
• Others: 21,456 (0.51%)
• George Wallace (write-in): 15,291 (0.34%)

• Robert F. Kennedy (write-in): 14,524 (0.33%)
• Hubert Humphrey (write-in): 5,698 (0.13)
• Lyndon B. Johnson (write-in): 4,824 (0.11%)
• George W. Romney: 4,447 (0.10%)
• Raymond P. Shafer: 1,223 (0.03%)
• William Scranton: 724 (0.02%)
• Charles H. Percy: 689 (0.02%)
• Barry Goldwater: 598 (0.01%)
• John Lindsay: 591 (0.01%)

Republican Convention

Main article: 1968 Republican National Convention

See also: 1968 Miami riot

As the 1968 Republican National Convention opened on August 5 in Miami Beach, Florida, the Associated Press estimated that Nixon had 656 delegate votes – 11 short of the number he needed to win the nomination. Reagan and Rockefeller were his only remaining opponents and they planned to unite their forces in a "stop-Nixon" movement.

Because Goldwater had done well in the Deep South, delegates to the 1968 Republican National Convention included more Southern conservatives than in past conventions. There seemed potential for the conservative Reagan to be nominated if no victor emerged on the first ballot. Nixon narrowly secured the nomination on the first ballot, with the aid of South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond, who had switched parties in 1964. He selected dark horse Maryland Governor Spiro Agnew as his running mate, a choice which Nixon believed would unite the party, appealing to both Northern moderates and Southerners disaffected with the Democrats. Nixon's first choice for running mate was reportedly his longtime friend and ally Robert Finch, who was the Lieutenant Governor of California at the time. Finch declined that offer, but later accepted an appointment as the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare in Nixon's administration. With Vietnam a key issue, Nixon had strongly considered tapping his 1960 running mate, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., a former U.S. senator, ambassador to the UN, and ambassador twice to South Vietnam.

The Republican Convention Tally

President	(before switches)	(after switches)	Vice President	Vice-Presidential votes
Richard Nixon	692	1238	Spiro Agnew	1119
Nelson Rockefeller	277	93	George W. Romney	186
Ronald Reagan	182	2	John V. Lindsay	10
Ohio governor James A. Rhodes	55	—	Massachusetts senator Edward Brooke	1
Michigan governor George W. Romney	50	—	James A. Rhodes	1
New Jersey senator Clifford Case	22	—	not voting	16
Kansas senator Frank Carlson	20	—	—
Arkansas governor Winthrop Rockefeller	18	—	—
Hawaii senator Hiram Fong	14	—	—
Harold Stassen	2	—	—
New York City mayor John V. Lindsay	1	—	—

As of the 2020 presidential election, 1968 was the last time that two siblings (Nelson and Winthrop Rockefeller) ran against each other in a presidential primary.

Democratic Party nomination

Main article: 1968 Democratic Party presidential primaries

Democratic Party (United States) 1968 Democratic Party ticket
Hubert Humphrey	Edmund Muskie
for President	for Vice President
38th Vice President of the United States (1965–1969)	U.S. Senator from Maine (1959–1980)
Campaign

Other major candidates

The following candidates were frequently interviewed by major broadcast networks, were listed in publicly published national polls, or ran a campaign that extended beyond their home delegation in the case of favorite sons.

Humphrey received 166,463 votes in the primaries.

Candidates in this section are sorted by date of withdrawal from the nomination race
Eugene McCarthy	George McGovern	Channing E. Phillips	Lester Maddox	Robert F. Kennedy	Lyndon B. Johnson
U.S. senator from Minnesota (1959–1971)	U.S. senator from South Dakota (1963–1981)	Reverend at Lincoln Temple from Washington, D.C.	Governor of Georgia (1967–1971)	U.S. senator from New York (1965–1968)	36th President of the United States (1963–1969)
Campaign	Campaign	Campaign		Campaign	Campaign
Lost nomination: August 29, 1968 2,914,933 votes	Lost nomination: August 29, 1968 0 votes	Lost nomination: August 29, 1968 0 votes	Withdrew and endorsed George Wallace: August 28, 1968 0 votes	Assassinated: June 5, 1968 2,305,148 votes	Withdrew: March 31, 1968 383,590 votes

Enter Eugene McCarthy

Because Lyndon B. Johnson had been elected to the presidency only once, in 1964, and had served less than two full years of the term before that, the 22nd Amendment did not disqualify him from running for another term. As a result, it was widely assumed when 1968 began that President Johnson would run for another term, and that he would have little trouble winning the Democratic nomination.

Despite growing opposition to Johnson's policies in Vietnam, it appeared that no prominent Democratic candidate would run against a sitting president of his own party. It was also accepted at the beginning of the year that Johnson's record of domestic accomplishments would overshadow public opposition to the Vietnam War and that he would easily boost his public image after he started campaigning. Even Senator Robert F. Kennedy from New York, an outspoken critic of Johnson's policies, with a large base of support, publicly declined to run against Johnson in the primaries. Poll numbers also suggested that a large share of Americans who opposed the Vietnam War felt the growth of the anti-war hippie movement among younger Americans and violent unrest on college campuses was not helping their cause. On January 30, however, claims by the Johnson administration that a recent troop surge would soon bring an end to the war were severely discredited when the Tet Offensive broke out. Although the American military was eventually able to fend off the attacks, and also inflict heavy losses among the communist opposition, the ability of the North Vietnamese Army and Viet Cong to launch large scale attacks during the Tet Offensive's long duration greatly weakened American support for the military draft and further combat operations in Vietnam. A recorded phone conversation which Johnson had with Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley on January 27 revealed that both men had become aware of Kennedy's private intention to enter the Democratic presidential primaries and that Johnson was willing to accept Daley's offer to run as Humphrey's vice presidential running mate if he were to end his re-election campaign. Daley, whose city would host the 1968 Democratic National Convention, also preferred either Johnson or Humphrey over any other candidate, and stated that Kennedy had met him the week before, and that he was unsuccessful in his attempt to win over Daley's support.

In time, only Senator Eugene McCarthy from Minnesota proved willing to challenge Johnson openly. Running as an anti-war candidate in the New Hampshire primary, McCarthy hoped to pressure the Democrats into publicly opposing the Vietnam War. Since New Hampshire was the first presidential primary of 1968, McCarthy poured most of his limited resources into the state. He was boosted by thousands of young college students, led by youth coordinator Sam Brown, who shaved their beards and cut their hair to be "Clean for Gene". These students organized get-out-the-vote drives, rang doorbells, distributed McCarthy buttons and leaflets, and worked hard in New Hampshire for McCarthy. On March 12, McCarthy won 42 percent of the primary vote, to Johnson's 49 percent, a shockingly strong showing against an incumbent president, which was even more impressive because Johnson had more than 24 supporters running for the Democratic National Convention delegate slots to be filled in the election, while McCarthy's campaign organized more strategically. McCarthy won 20 of the 24 delegates. This gave McCarthy's campaign legitimacy and momentum. Sensing Johnson's vulnerability, Senator Robert F. Kennedy announced his candidacy four days after the New Hampshire primary on March 16. Thereafter, McCarthy and Kennedy engaged in a series of state primaries.

Johnson withdraws

Main article: Withdrawal of Lyndon B. Johnson from the 1968 United States presidential election

On March 31, 1968, following the New Hampshire primary and Kennedy's entry into the election, the president made a televised speech to the nation and said that he was suspending all bombing of North Vietnam in favor of peace talks. After concluding his speech, Johnson announced,

"With America's sons in the fields far away, with America's future under challenge right here at home, with our hopes and the world's hopes for peace in the balance every day, I do not believe that I should devote an hour or a day of my time to any personal partisan causes or to any duties, other than the awesome duties of this office — the presidency of your country. Accordingly, I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President."

Not discussed publicly at the time was Johnson's concern that he might not survive another term – Johnson's health was poor, and he had already suffered a serious heart attack in 1955. He died on January 22, 1973, two days after the end of the new presidential term. Bleak political forecasts also contributed to Johnson's withdrawal; internal polling by Johnson's campaign in Wisconsin, the next state to hold a primary election, showed the President trailing badly.

President Lyndon B. Johnson delivers a speech on March 31, announcing he will not run for re-election

Historians have debated why Johnson quit a few days after his weak showing in New Hampshire. Jeff Shesol says Johnson wanted out of the White House, but also wanted vindication; when the indicators turned negative, he decided to leave. Lewis L. Gould says that Johnson had neglected the Democratic party, was hurting it by his Vietnam policies, and under-estimated McCarthy's strength until the last minute, when it was too late for Johnson to recover. Randall Bennett Woods said Johnson realized he needed to leave, for the nation to heal. Robert Dallek writes that Johnson had no further domestic goals, and realized that his personality had eroded his popularity. His health was poor, and he was pre-occupied with the Kennedy campaign; his wife was pressing for his retirement, and his base of support continued to shrink. Leaving the race would allow him to pose as a peace-maker. Anthony J. Bennett, however, said Johnson "had been forced out of a re-election race in 1968 by outrage over his policy in Southeast Asia".

In 2009, an AP reporter said that Johnson decided to end his re-election bid after CBS News anchor Walter Cronkite, who was influential, turned against the president's policy in Vietnam. During a CBS News editorial which aired on February 27, Cronkite recommended the US pursue peace negotiations. After watching Cronkite's editorial, Johnson allegedly exclaimed: "If I've lost Cronkite, I've lost Middle America." This quote by Johnson has been disputed for accuracy. Johnson was attending Texas Governor John Connally's birthday gala in Austin, Texas, when Cronkite's editorial aired and did not see the original broadcast. But, Cronkite and CBS News correspondent Bob Schieffer defended reports that the remark had been made. They said that members of Johnson's inner circle, who had watched the editorial with the president, including presidential aide George Christian and journalist Bill Moyers, later confirmed the accuracy of the quote to them. Schieffer, who was a reporter for the Star-Telegram's WBAP television station in Fort Worth, Texas, when Cronkite's editorial aired, acknowledged reports that the president saw the editorial's original broadcast were inaccurate, but claimed the president was able to watch a taping of it the morning after it aired and then made the remark. However, Johnson's January 27, 1968, phone conversion with Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley revealed that the two were trying to feed Robert Kennedy's ego so he would stay in the race, convincing him that the Democratic Party was undergoing a "revolution". They suggested he might earn a spot as vice president.

After Johnson's withdrawal, the Democratic Party quickly split into four factions.

• The first faction consisted of labor unions and big-city party bosses (led by Mayor Richard J. Daley). This group had traditionally controlled the Democratic Party since the days of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and they feared loss of their control over the party. After Johnson's withdrawal this group rallied to support Hubert Humphrey, Johnson's vice-president; it was also believed that President Johnson himself was covertly supporting Humphrey, despite his public claims of neutrality.
• The second faction, which rallied behind Senator Eugene McCarthy, was composed of college students, intellectuals, and upper-middle-class urban whites who had been the early activists against the war in Vietnam; they perceived themselves as the future of the Democratic Party.
• The third group was primarily composed of African Americans and Hispanic Americans, as well as some anti-war groups; these groups rallied behind Senator Robert F. Kennedy.
• The fourth group consisted of white Southern Democrats. Some older voters, remembering the New Deal's positive impact upon the rural South, supported Vice-president Humphrey. Many would rally behind the third-party campaign of former Alabama Governor George Wallace as a "law and order" candidate.

Since the Vietnam War had become the major issue that was dividing the Democratic Party, and Johnson had come to symbolize the war for many liberal Democrats, Johnson believed that he could not win the nomination without a major struggle, and that he would probably lose the election in November to the Republicans. However, by withdrawing from the race, he could avoid the stigma of defeat, and he could keep control of the party machinery by giving the nomination to Humphrey, who had been a loyal vice-president. Milne (2011) argues that, in terms of foreign-policy in the Vietnam War, Johnson at the end wanted Nixon to be president rather than Humphrey, since Johnson agreed with Nixon, rather than Humphrey, on the need to defend South Vietnam from communism. However, Johnson's telephone calls show that Johnson believed the Nixon camp was deliberately sabotaging the Paris peace talks. He told Humphrey, who refused to use allegations based on illegal wiretaps of a presidential candidate. Nixon himself called Johnson and denied the allegations. Dallek concludes that Nixon's advice to Saigon made no difference, and that Humphrey was so closely identified with Johnson's unpopular policies that no last-minute deal with Hanoi could have affected the election.

Contest

Statewide contest by winner: Red = Kennedy, Orange = Smathers, Yellow = Young, Green = Johnson, Blue = McCarthy, Grey = No primary

  Robert Kennedy

  George Smathers

  Stephen Young

  Lyndon Johnson

  Eugene McCarthy

  No primary

After Johnson's withdrawal, Vice President Hubert Humphrey announced his candidacy. Kennedy was successful in four state primaries (Indiana, Nebraska, South Dakota, and California), and McCarthy won six (Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Oregon, New Jersey, and Illinois). However, in primaries where they campaigned directly against one another, Kennedy won four primaries (Indiana, Nebraska, South Dakota, and California), and McCarthy won only one (Oregon). Humphrey did not compete in the primaries, leaving that job to favorite sons who were his surrogates, notably United States Senator George A. Smathers from Florida, United States Senator Stephen M. Young from Ohio, and Governor Roger D. Branigin of Indiana. Instead, Humphrey concentrated on winning the delegates in non-primary states, where party leaders such as Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley controlled the delegate votes in their states. Kennedy defeated Branigin and McCarthy in the Indiana primary on May 7, and then defeated McCarthy in the Nebraska primary on May 14. However, McCarthy upset Kennedy in the Oregon primary on May 28.

After Kennedy's defeat in Oregon, the California primary was seen as crucial to both Kennedy and McCarthy. McCarthy stumped the state's many colleges and universities, where he was treated as a hero for being the first presidential candidate to oppose the war. Kennedy campaigned in the ghettos and barrios of the state's larger cities, where he was mobbed by enthusiastic supporters. Kennedy and McCarthy engaged in a television debate a few days before the primary; it was generally considered a draw. On June 4, Kennedy narrowly defeated McCarthy in California, 46%–42%. However, McCarthy refused to withdraw from the race, and made it clear that he would contest Kennedy in the upcoming New York primary on June 18, where McCarthy had much support from anti-war activists. In the early morning of June 5, after giving his victory speech in Los Angeles, Kennedy was assassinated by Sirhan Sirhan, a 24-year-old Palestinian-Jordanian. Kennedy died 26 hours later at Good Samaritan Hospital. Sirhan admitted his guilt, was convicted of murder, and is still in prison. In recent years some have cast doubt on Sirhan's guilt, including Sirhan himself, who said he was "brainwashed" into killing Kennedy and was a patsy.

Kennedy campaigning in Los Angeles (photo courtesy of John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum, Boston)

Political historians still debate whether Kennedy could have won the Democratic nomination, had he lived. Some historians, such as Theodore H. White and Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., have argued that Kennedy's broad appeal and famed charisma would have convinced the party bosses at the Democratic Convention to give him the nomination. Jack Newfield, author of RFK: A Memoir, stated in a 1998 interview that on the night he was assassinated, "[Kennedy] had a phone conversation with Mayor Daley of Chicago, and Mayor Daley all but promised to throw the Illinois delegates to Bobby at the convention in August 1968. I think he said to me, and Pete Hamill: 'Daley is the ball game, and I think we have Daley.'" However, other writers such as Tom Wicker, who covered the Kennedy campaign for The New York Times, believe that Humphrey's large lead in delegate votes from non-primary states, combined with Senator McCarthy's refusal to quit the race, would have prevented Kennedy from ever winning a majority at the Democratic Convention, and that Humphrey would have been the Democratic nominee, even if Kennedy had lived. The journalist Richard Reeves and historian Michael Beschloss have both written that Humphrey was the likely nominee, and future Democratic National Committee chairman Larry O'Brien wrote in his memoirs that Kennedy's chances of winning the nomination had been slim, even after his win in California.

At the moment of RFK's death, the delegate totals were:

• Hubert Humphrey – 561
• Robert F. Kennedy – 393
• Eugene McCarthy – 258

Total popular vote:

• Eugene McCarthy: 2,914,933 (38.7%)
• Robert F. Kennedy: 2,304,542 (30.6%)
• Stephen M. Young: 549,140 (7.3%)
• Lyndon B. Johnson: 383,048 (5.1%)
• Roger D. Branigin: 238,700 (3.2%)
• George Smathers: 236,242 (3.1%)
• Hubert Humphrey: 166,463 (2.2%)

• Unpledged: 670,328 (8.9%)
• George Wallace: 33,520 (0.4%)
• Richard Nixon (write-in): 13,035 (0.2%)
• Nelson A. Rockefeller: 5,116 (0.1%)
• Ronald Reagan (write-in): 4,987 (0.1%)
• Ted Kennedy: 4,052 (0.1%)
• Others: 10,963 (0.1%)

Democratic Convention and antiwar protests

Robert Kennedy's death altered the dynamics of the race. Although Humphrey appeared the presumptive favorite for the nomination, thanks to his support from the traditional power blocs of the party, he was an unpopular choice with many of the anti-war elements within the party, who identified him with Johnson's controversial position on the Vietnam War. However, Kennedy's delegates failed to unite behind a single candidate who could have prevented Humphrey from getting the nomination. Some of Kennedy's support went to McCarthy, but many of Kennedy's delegates, remembering their bitter primary battles with McCarthy, refused to vote for him. Instead, these delegates rallied around the late-starting candidacy of Senator George McGovern of South Dakota, a Kennedy supporter in the spring primaries who had presidential ambitions himself. This division of the anti-war votes at the Democratic Convention made it easier for Humphrey to gather the delegates he needed to win the nomination.

Vice President Hubert Humphrey and U.S. Senator Edmund Muskie wave from the podium at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago

When the 1968 Democratic National Convention opened in Chicago, thousands of young activists from around the nation gathered in the city to protest the Vietnam War. On the evening of August 28, in a clash which was covered on live television, Americans were shocked to see Chicago police brutally beating anti-war protesters in the streets of Chicago in front of the Conrad Hilton Hotel. While the protesters chanted, "The whole world is watching", the police used clubs and tear gas to beat back or arrest the protesters, leaving many of them bloody and dazed. The tear gas wafted into numerous hotel suites; in one of them Vice President Humphrey was watching the proceedings on television. The police said that their actions were justified because numerous police officers were being injured by bottles, rocks, and broken glass that were being thrown at them by the protestors. The protestors had also yelled insults at the police, calling them "pigs" and other epithets. The anti-war and police riot divided the Democratic Party's base: some supported the protestors and felt that the police were being heavy-handed, but others disapproved of the violence and supported the police. Meanwhile, the convention itself was marred by the strong-arm tactics of Chicago's mayor Richard J. Daley (who was seen on television angrily cursing Senator Abraham Ribicoff from Connecticut, who made a speech at the convention denouncing the excesses of the Chicago police). In the end, the nomination itself was anticlimactic, with Vice-president Humphrey handily beating McCarthy and McGovern on the first ballot.

After the delegates nominated Humphrey, the convention then turned to selecting a vice-presidential nominee. The main candidates for this position were Senators Edward M. Kennedy from Massachusetts, Edmund Muskie from Maine, and Fred R. Harris from Oklahoma; Governors Richard Hughes of New Jersey and Terry Sanford of North Carolina; Mayor Joseph Alioto of San Francisco, California; former Deputy Secretary of Defense Cyrus Vance; and Ambassador Sargent Shriver from Maryland. Another idea floated was to tap Republican Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York, one of the most liberal Republicans. Ted Kennedy was Humphrey's first choice, but the senator turned him down. After narrowing it down to Senator Muskie and Senator Harris, Vice-president Humphrey chose Muskie, a moderate and environmentalist from Maine, for the nomination. The convention complied with the request and nominated Senator Muskie as Humphrey's running mate.

The publicity from the anti-war riots crippled Humphrey's campaign from the start, and it never fully recovered. Before 1968 the city of Chicago had been a frequent host for the political conventions of both parties; since 1968 only one national convention has been held there (the Democratic convention of 1996, which nominated Bill Clinton for a second term, while the Democratic convention of 2024 is scheduled to host in Chicago).

Balloting

Presidential tally		Vice Presidential tally
Hubert Humphrey	1759.25	Edmund S. Muskie	1942.5
Eugene McCarthy	601	Not Voting	604.25
George S. McGovern	146.5	Julian Bond	48.5
Channing Phillips	67.5	David Hoeh	4
Daniel K. Moore	17.5	Edward M. Kennedy	3.5
Edward M. Kennedy	12.75	Eugene McCarthy	3.0
Paul W. "Bear" Bryant	1.5	Others	16.25
James H. Gray	0.5
George Wallace	0.5

Source: Keating Holland, "All the Votes... Really", CNN

Endorsements

Hubert Humphrey

• President Lyndon B. Johnson
• Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago
• Former President Harry S. Truman
• Singer/actor Frank Sinatra

Robert F. Kennedy

• Senator Abraham Ribicoff from Connecticut
• Senator George McGovern from South Dakota
• Senator Vance Hartke from Indiana
• Labor Leader Cesar Chavez
• Writer Truman Capote
• Writer Norman Mailer
• Actress Shirley MacLaine
• Actress Stefanie Powers
• Actor Robert Vaughn
• Actor Peter Lawford
• Singer Bobby Darin

Eugene McCarthy

• Representative Don Edwards from California
• Actor Paul Newman
• Actress Tallulah Bankhead
• Playwright Arthur Miller
• Writer William Styron

George McGovern (during convention)

• Senator Abraham Ribicoff from Connecticut
• Governor Harold E. Hughes of Iowa

American Independent Party nomination

See also: George Wallace 1968 presidential campaign

1968 American Independent Party ticket
George Wallace	Curtis LeMay
for President	for Vice President
45th Governor of Alabama (1963–1967)	Chief of Staff of the United States Air Force (1961–1965)
Campaign

The American Independent Party, which was established in 1967 by Bill and Eileen Shearer, nominated former Alabama Governor George Wallace – whose pro-racial segregation policies had been rejected by the mainstream of the Democratic Party – as the party's candidate for president. The impact of the Wallace campaign was substantial, winning the electoral votes of several states in the Deep South. He appeared on the ballot in all fifty states, but not the District of Columbia. Although he did not come close to winning any states outside the South, Wallace was the 1968 presidential candidate who most disproportionately drew his support from among young men. Wallace also proved to be popular among blue-collar workers in the North and Midwest, and he took many votes which might have gone to Humphrey.

Wallace was not expected to win the election – his strategy was to prevent either major party candidate from winning a preliminary majority in the Electoral College. Although Wallace put considerable effort into mounting a serious general election campaign, his presidential bid was also a continuation of Southern efforts to elect unpledged electors that had taken place in every election from 1956 – he had his electors promise to vote not necessarily for him but rather for whomever he directed them to support – his objective was not to move the election into the U.S. House of Representatives where he would have had little influence, but rather to give himself the bargaining power to determine the winner. Wallace's running mate was retired four star General Curtis LeMay.

Prior to deciding on LeMay, Wallace gave serious consideration to former U.S. senator, governor, and Baseball Commissioner A. B. Happy Chandler of Kentucky as his running mate. Chandler and Wallace met a number of times; however, Chandler said that he and Wallace were unable to come to an agreement regarding their positions on racial matters. Chandler had supported the segregationist Dixiecrats in the 1948 presidential elections. However, after being re-elected Governor of Kentucky in 1955, he used National Guard troops to enforce school integration. Other considerations included ABC newscaster Paul Harvey of Oklahoma, former Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson of Utah, former Governor of Arkansas Orval Faubus, and even Kentucky Fried Chicken founder Colonel Sanders.

Wallace's position of withdrawing from Vietnam if the war was "not winnable within 90 days" was overshadowed by LeMay, implying he would use nuclear weapons to win the war.

Other parties and candidates

Also on the ballot in two or more states were black activist Eldridge Cleaver (who was ineligible to take office, as he would have only been 33 years of age on January 20, 1969) for the Peace and Freedom Party; Henning Blomen for the Socialist Labor Party; Fred Halstead for the Socialist Workers Party; E. Harold Munn for the Prohibition Party; and Charlene Mitchell – the first African-American woman to run for president, and the first woman to receive valid votes in a general election – for the Communist Party. Comedians Dick Gregory and Pat Paulsen were notable write-in candidates. A facetious presidential candidate for 1968 was a pig named Pigasus, as a political statement by the Yippies, to illustrate their premise that "one pig's as good as any other".

General election

Polling

See also: Nationwide opinion polling for the 1968 United States presidential election

Polling aggregates

Candidates

  Richard Nixon

  Hubert Humphrey

  George Wallace

  Undecided/Other

Events

  Conventions

hidePoll source	Date	Richard Nixon Republican	Hubert Humphrey Democratic	George Wallace American Ind.	Undecided/Other	Leading by (points)
Election Results	November 5, 1968	43.42%	42.72%	13.53%	0.33%	0.70
Harris	November 4, 1968	40%	43%	13%	4%	3
Gallup	November 4, 1968	42%	40%	14%	4%	2
Harris	November 1, 1968	40%	37%	16%	7%	3
Gallup	October 24, 1968	44%	36%	15%	5%	8
Harris	October 18, 1968	40%	35%	18%	7%	5
Gallup	October 9, 1968	44%	29%	20%	7%	8
Gallup	September 29, 1968	43%	28%	21%	8%	15
Harris	September 23, 1968	39%	31%	21%	9%	8
Gallup	September 11, 1968	43%	31%	19%	7%	12
Harris	August 27, 1968	40%	34%	17%	9%	6
Gallup	August 21, 1968	45%	29%	18%	8%	16
Harris	July 31, 1968	36%	41%	16%	7%	5
Crossley	July 31, 1968	39%	36%	19%	6%	3
Gallup	July 31, 1968	40%	38%	16%	6%	2
Harris	July 20, 1968	35%	37%	17%	11%	2
Gallup	July 11, 1968	35%	40%	16%	9%	5
Harris	June 24, 1968	-	-	-	-	7
Gallup	June 23, 1968	37%	42%	14%	7%	5
Gallup	June 12, 1968	36%	42%	14%	8%	6
Harris	May 23, 1968	37%	41%	14%	8%	4
Gallup	May 12, 1968	39%	36%	14%	11%	3
Harris	May 6, 1968	36%	38%	13%	13%	2
Gallup	April 21, 1968	43%	34%	14%	9%	9
Harris	April 6, 1968	34%	35%	12%	19%	1

Campaign strategies

Nixon developed a "Southern strategy" that was designed to appeal to conservative white southerners, who had traditionally voted Democratic, but were opposed to Johnson and Humphrey's support for the civil rights movement, as well as the rioting that had broken out in most large cities. Wallace, however, won over many of the voters Nixon targeted, effectively splitting that voting bloc. Wallace deliberately targeted many states he had little chance of carrying himself in the hope that by splitting as many votes with Nixon as possible he would give competitive states to Humphrey and, by extension, boost his own chances of denying both opponents an Electoral College majority.

Since he was well behind Nixon in the polls as the campaign began, Humphrey opted for a slashing, fighting campaign style. He repeatedly – and unsuccessfully – challenged Nixon to a televised debate, and he often compared his campaign to the successful underdog effort of President Harry Truman, another Democrat who had trailed in the polls, in the 1948 presidential election. Humphrey predicted that he, like Truman, would surprise the experts and win an upset victory.

Campaign themes

Nixon campaigned on a theme to restore "law and order", which appealed to many voters angry with the hundreds of violent riots that had taken place across the country in the previous few years. Following the murder of Martin Luther King in April 1968, there was massive rioting in inner city areas. The police were overwhelmed and President Johnson decided to call out the U.S. Army. Nixon also opposed forced busing to desegregate schools. Proclaiming himself a supporter of civil rights, he recommended education as the solution rather than militancy. During the campaign, Nixon proposed government tax incentives to African Americans for small businesses and home improvements in their existing neighborhoods.

During the campaign, Nixon also used as a theme his opposition to the decisions of Chief Justice Earl Warren, pledging to "remake the Supreme Court." Many conservatives were critical of Chief Justice Warren for using the Supreme Court to promote liberal policies in the fields of civil rights, civil liberties, and the separation of church and state. Nixon promised that if he were elected president, he would appoint justices who would take a less-active role in creating social policy. In another campaign promise, he pledged to end the draft. During the 1960s, Nixon had been impressed by a paper he had read by Professor Martin Anderson of Columbia University. Anderson had argued in the paper for an end to the draft and the creation of an all-volunteer army. Nixon also saw ending the draft as an effective way to undermine the anti-Vietnam war movement, since he believed affluent college-age youths would stop protesting the war once their own possibility of having to fight in it was gone.

Humphrey, meanwhile, promised to continue and expand the Great Society welfare programs started by President Johnson, and to continue the Johnson Administration's "War on poverty". He also promised to continue the efforts of presidents Kennedy and Johnson, and the Supreme Court, in promoting the expansion of civil rights and civil liberties for minority groups. However, Humphrey also felt constrained for most of his campaign in voicing any opposition to the Vietnam War policies of President Johnson, due to his fear that Johnson would reject any peace proposals he made and undermine his campaign. As a result, early in his campaign Humphrey often found himself the target of anti-war protestors, some of whom heckled and disrupted his campaign rallies.

Humphrey's comeback and the October surprise

After the Democratic Convention in late August, Humphrey trailed Nixon by double digits in most polls, and his chances seemed hopeless. Many within Humphrey's campaign saw their real goal as avoiding the potential humiliation of finishing behind Wallace in the electoral college vote (if not necessarily the popular vote), rather than having any serious chance of defeating Nixon. According to Time magazine, "The old Democratic coalition was disintegrating, with untold numbers of blue-collar workers responding to Wallace's blandishments, Negroes threatening to sit out the election, liberals disaffected over the Vietnam War, the South lost. The war chest was almost empty, and the party's machinery, neglected by Lyndon Johnson, creaked in disrepair." Calling for "the politics of joy", and using the still-powerful labor unions as his base, Humphrey fought back. To distance himself from Johnson, and to take advantage of the Democratic plurality in voter registration, Humphrey stopped being identified in ads as "Vice-President Hubert Humphrey", instead being labelled "Democratic candidate Hubert Humphrey".

Humphrey attacked Wallace as a racist bigot who appealed to the darker impulses of Americans. Wallace had been rising in the polls as a result of tailoring his message to audiences outside of his southern strongholds by using anti-establishment rhetoric and attacks on "concentrated wealth", with Wallace's polling numbers peaking at 21% nationally in late September and early October. However, Wallace's momentum went into reverse after he selected Curtis LeMay as his running mate. Curtis LeMay's suggestion of using tactical nuclear weapons in Vietnam conjured up the worst memories of the 1964 Goldwater campaign. Labor unions also undertook a major effort to win back union members who were supporting Wallace, with some substantial success. Polling numbers that had showed Wallace winning almost one-half of union members in the summer of 1968 went increasingly into sharp decline as the election campaign progressed into the fall up to early November election day. As election day approached and Wallace's support in the North, Midwest and West began to wane, Humphrey finally began to climb in the polls.

In October, Humphrey—who was rising sharply in the polls due to the sharp decline of the Wallace polling—began to distance himself publicly from the Johnson administration on the Vietnam War, calling for a bombing halt. The key turning point for Humphrey's campaign came when President Johnson officially announced a bombing halt, and even a possible peace deal, the weekend before the election. The "Halloween Peace" gave Humphrey's campaign a badly needed boost. In addition, Senator Eugene McCarthy finally endorsed a vote for Humphrey in late October after previously refusing to do so, and by election day the polls were reporting a dead heat.

Possible sabotage of peace talks

The Nixon campaign had anticipated a possible "October surprise", a peace agreement produced by the Paris negotiations; as such an agreement would be a boost to Humphrey, Nixon thwarted any last-minute chances of a "Halloween Peace". Nixon told campaign aide and his future White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman to put a "monkey wrench" into an early end to the war. Johnson was enraged and said that Nixon had "blood on his hands", and that Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen agreed with Johnson that such action was "treason". Defense Secretary Clark Clifford considered the moves an illegal violation of the Logan Act. A former director of the Nixon Library called it a "covert action" which "laid the skulduggery of his presidency".

Bryce Harlow, former Eisenhower White House staff member, claimed to have "a double agent working in the White House... I kept Nixon informed." Harlow and Nixon's future National Security Advisor and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who was friendly with both campaigns and guaranteed a job in either a Humphrey or Nixon administration, separately predicted Johnson's "bombing halt": "The word is out that we are making an effort to throw the election to Humphrey. Nixon has been told of it", Democratic senator George Smathers informed Johnson.

Nixon asked Anna Chennault to be his "channel to Mr. Thieu" to advise him to refuse participation in the talks, in what is sometimes described as the "Anna Chennault Affair". Thieu was promised a better deal under a Nixon administration. Chennault agreed and periodically reported to John Mitchell that Thieu had no intention of attending a peace conference. On November 2, Chennault informed Bùi Diễm, the South Vietnamese ambassador: "I have just heard from my boss in Albuquerque who says his boss [Nixon] is going to win. And you tell your boss [Thieu] to hold on a while longer." In 1997, Chennault admitted that, "I was constantly in touch with Nixon and Mitchell". The effort also involved Texas Senator John Tower and Kissinger, who traveled to Paris on behalf of the Nixon campaign. William Bundy stated that Kissinger obtained "no useful inside information" from his trip to Paris, and "almost any experienced Hanoi watcher might have come to the same conclusion". While Kissinger may have "hinted that his advice was based on contacts with the Paris delegation", this sort of "self-promotion ... is at worst a minor and not uncommon practice, quite different from getting and reporting real secrets".

Johnson learned of the Nixon-Chennault effort because the NSA was intercepting communications in Vietnam. In response, Johnson ordered NSA surveillance of Chennault and wire-tapped the South Vietnamese embassy and members of the Nixon campaign. He did not leak the information to the public because he did not want to "shock America" with the revelation, nor reveal that the NSA was intercepting communications in Vietnam. Johnson did make information available to Humphrey, but at this point Humphrey thought he was going to win the election, so he did not reveal the information to the public. Humphrey later regretted this as a mistake. The South Vietnamese government withdrew from peace negotiations, and Nixon publicly offered to go to Saigon to help the negotiations. A promising "peace bump" ended up in "shambles" for the Democratic Party.

The claim of sabotage of peace talks between the United States and South Vietnam from Nixon has been disputed by historian Luke Nichter in his 2023 book The Year That Broke Politics: Collusion and Chaos in the Presidential Election of 1968.

Election

The election on November 5, 1968, proved to be extremely close, and it was not until the following morning that the television news networks were able to declare Nixon the winner. The key states proved to be California, Ohio, and Illinois, all of which Nixon won by three percentage points or less. Had Humphrey carried all three of these states, he would have won the election. Had he carried only two of them or just California among them, George Wallace would have succeeded in his aim of preventing an electoral college majority for any candidate, and the decision would have been given to the House of Representatives, at the time controlled by the Democratic Party. Nixon won the popular vote with a plurality of 512,000 votes, or a victory margin of about one percentage point. In the electoral college Nixon's victory was larger, as he carried 32 states with 301 electoral votes, compared to Humphrey's 13 states and 191 electoral votes and Wallace's five states and 46 electoral votes.

Richard Nixon was able to win the Electoral College, dominating several regions in the Western United States, Midwest, Upland South, and portions of the Northeast, while winning the popular vote by a relatively small 511,944 votes over Democratic nominee Hubert Humphrey. Democratic nominee Hubert Humphrey performed relatively well in the Northeast and Upper Midwest. Wallace finished last with five states in the Deep South; he is the most recent third-party candidate to win any states. This is the first time that the Republican popular vote margin was under 5 points since 1896.

Out of all the states that Nixon had previously carried in 1960, Maine and Washington were the only two states that did not vote for Nixon again in 1968, although Nixon would carry them four years later during his re-election campaign in 1972. He also carried eight states that voted for John F. Kennedy in 1960: Illinois, New Jersey, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, New Mexico, Nevada and Delaware. This was the last time until 1988 that the state of Washington voted Democratic and until 1992 that Connecticut, Maine, and Michigan voted Democratic in the general election. Nixon was also the last Republican candidate to win a presidential election without carrying Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas. This is the first time which the Republican candidate captured the White House without carrying Michigan, Minnesota, Maine and Pennsylvania. He would be the last Republican candidate to carry Minnesota (four years later, in 1972), as of 2020. This is also the first time since 1916 that Minnesota voted for the candidate who did not eventually win.

Remarkably, Nixon won the election despite winning only two of the six states (Arizona and South Carolina) won by Republican Barry Goldwater four years earlier. He remains the only presidential candidate to win in spite of defending such a low number of his own party's states. All of the remaining four States carried by Goldwater were carried by Wallace in 1968. They would be won by Nixon in 1972. Four of the fives states won by Wallace had voted for Goldwater.

Of the 3,130 counties/districts/independent cities making returns, Nixon won in 1,859 (59.39%) while Humphrey carried 693 (22.14%). Wallace was victorious in 578 counties (18.47%), all of which (with one exception of Pemiscot County, Missouri) were located in the South.

Nixon said that Humphrey left a gracious message congratulating him, noting, "I know exactly how he felt. I know how it feels to lose a close one."

Results

Election results by county.

  Richard Nixon

  Hubert Humphrey

  George Wallace

Results by congressional district.

Nixon's victory is often considered a realigning election in American politics. From 1932 to 1964, the Democratic Party was undoubtedly the majority party, winning seven out of nine presidential elections, and their agenda influenced policies undertaken by the Republican Eisenhower administration. The 1968 election reversed the situation completely. From 1968 until 2004, Republicans won seven out of ten presidential elections, and its policies clearly affected those enacted by the Democratic Clinton administration via the Third Way.

The election was a seismic event in the long-term realignment in Democratic Party support, especially in the South. Nationwide, the bitter splits over civil rights, the new left, the Vietnam War, and other "culture wars" were slow to heal. Democrats could no longer count on white Southern support for the presidency, as Republicans made major gains in suburban areas and areas filled with Northern migrants. The rural Democratic "courthouse cliques" in the South lost power. While Democrats controlled local and state politics in the South, Republicans usually won the presidential vote. Some estimates suggest that Humphrey won less than ten percent of the white vote in the former Confederacy, although other sources have placed this figure closer to twenty percent. Nevertheless, there is little doubt that a majority of Humphreyʼs support in the former Confederacy came from black voters, who were now voting in full force. From 1968 until 2004, only two Democrats were elected president, both native Southerners – Jimmy Carter of Georgia and Bill Clinton of Arkansas. Not until 2008 did a Northern Democrat, Barack Obama of Illinois, again win a presidential election. In 2020, another Northern Democrat, Joe Biden of Delaware, won a presidential election.

Another important result of this election was that it led to several reforms in how the Democratic Party chose its presidential nominees. In 1969, the McGovern–Fraser Commission adopted a set of rules for the states to follow in selecting convention delegates. These rules reduced the influence of party leaders on the nominating process and provided greater representation for minorities, women, and youth. The reforms led most states to adopt laws requiring primary elections, instead of party leaders, to choose delegates.

After 1968, the only way to win the party's presidential nomination became through the primary process; Humphrey turned out to be the last nominee of either major party to win his party's nomination without having directly competed in the primaries. Interestingly, this remains the most recent presidential election in which the incumbent president was not nominated for a presidential term despite being eligible, and the only such election to occur after the Twenty-second Amendment came into effect. It is also the last election in which any third-party candidate won an entire state's electoral votes, with Wallace carrying five states. This is one of two times in American history that a former vice president and an incumbent vice president were major party nominees, after 1800. As of 2022, this is the last time that all 50 states and the District of Columbia would vote under a winner-take-all system. Maine would begin allocating its electoral votes by congressional district in 1972 and Nebraska would begin doing the same in 1992.

This election was the last time until 1992 that the Democratic nominee won Connecticut, Maine, and Michigan and the last until 1988 that Washington voted Democratic, and the last time a Republican won the presidency without winning Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas. It was also the first time since 1888 that bellwether Coös County, New Hampshire did not support the winning candidate. Nixon became the first Republican to win without Minnesota, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Maine. Minnesota had not voted for the losing candidate since 1916. This is the only election where Alabama and Arkansas voted for Independent candidate while Ohio voted Republican and West Virginia voted Democrat.

This was the first time since 1928 that North Carolina voted for a Republican, and the first since 1912 (only the second and final time since 1852) that Maine and Vermont did not support the same party. Similarly, it is the second of two times that Oregon and Washington did not support the same party since 1920 (the other being in 1948). By losing New York, Nixon became the third victorious candidate to lose his home state, which also occurred in 1844, 1916, and 2016. This election and 1916 are the only times a winning presidential and vice-presidential each lost their home states.

Despite the narrow (0.7%) difference in the popular vote, Humphrey took only 35.5% of the electoral vote. This disparity prompted the introduction of the Bayh–Celler amendment in Congress, which would have replaced the Electoral College with a direct election of the presidency. The effort was not successful and the Electoral College is still in force.

Results

Electoral results

Presidential candidate	Party	Home state	Popular vote		Electoral vote	Running mate
			Count	Percentage		Vice-presidential candidate	Home state	Electoral vote
Richard Nixon	Republican	New York	31,783,783	43.42%	301	Spiro Agnew	Maryland	301
Hubert Humphrey	Democratic	Minnesota	31,271,839	42.72%	191	Edmund Muskie	Maine	191
George Wallace	American Independent	Alabama	9,901,118	13.53%	46	Curtis LeMay	California	46
Other			243,259	0.33%	—	Other		—
Total			73,199,999	100%	538			538
Needed to win					270			270

Source (Popular Vote): Leip, David. "1968 Presidential Election Results". Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections. Retrieved August 7, 2005. Source (Electoral Vote): "Electoral College Box Scores 1789–1996". National Archives and Records Administration. Retrieved August 7, 2005.

Popular vote Nixon   43.42% Humphrey   42.72% Wallace   13.53% Others   0.33%

Electoral vote Nixon   55.95% Humphrey   35.50% Уоллес   8.55%

География результатов

• 
  Результаты по округам, заштрихованы в зависимости от процента голосов победившего кандидата.
• 
  Результаты по округам, заштрихованы в зависимости от процента голосов победившего кандидата.

Картографическая галерея

• 
  Результаты президентских выборов по округам
• 
  Результаты республиканских президентских выборов по округам
• 
  Результаты демократических президентских выборов по округам
• 
  Результаты независимых президентских выборов в США по округам
• 
  «Другие» результаты президентских выборов по округам
• 
  Картограмма результатов президентских выборов по округам
• 
  Картограмма результатов республиканских президентских выборов по округам
• 
  Картограмма результатов президентских выборов Демократической партии по округам
• 
  Картограмма результатов независимых президентских выборов в США по округам
• 
  Картограмма результатов президентских выборов «Другие» по округам

Результаты по штатам

Источник:

Штаты/округа, выигранные Никсоном / Агнью

Штаты/округа, выигранные Хамфри / Маски

Штаты/округа, выигранные Уоллесом / ЛеМэем

		Ричард Никсон республиканец			Хьюберт Х. Хамфри Демократический			Джордж Уоллес Американский независимый			Допуск		Допуск качать	Штат Всего
Состояние	избирательный голоса	#	%	избирательный голоса	#	%	избирательный голоса	#	%	избирательный голоса	#	%	%	#
Алабама	10	146,923	13.99	-	196,579	18.72	-	691,425	65.86	10	-494,846	-47.13	-83.8%	1,049,917	АЛ
Аляска	3	37,600	45.28	3	35,411	42.65	-	10,024	12.07	-	2,189	2.64	34.5%	83,035	И
Аризона	5	266,721	54.78	5	170,514	35.02	-	46,573	9.56	-	96,207	19.76	18.8%	486,936	ТО
Арканзас	6	189,062	31.01	-	184,901	30.33	-	235,627	38.65	6	-46,565	-7.64	13.1%	609,590	АР
Калифорния	40	3,467,664	47.82	40	3,244,318	44.74	-	487,270	6.72	-	223,346	3.08	21.4%	7,251,587	ЧТО
Колорадо	6	409,345	50.46	6	335,174	41.32	-	60,813	7.50	-	74,171	9.14	32.2%	811,199	СО
Коннектикут	8	556,721	44.32	-	621,561	49.48	8	76,650	6.10	-	-64,840	-5.16	29.5%	1,256,232	Коннектикут
Делавэр	3	96,714	45.12	3	89,194	41.61	-	28,459	13.28	-	7,520	3.51	25.7%	214,367	ИЗ
округ Колумбия	3	31,012	18.18	-	139,566	81.82	3	-	-	-	-108,554	-63.64	7.4%	170,578	округ Колумбия
Флорида	14	886,804	40.53	14	676,794	30.93	-	624,207	28.53	-	210,010	9.60	11.9%	2,187,805	Флорида
Грузия	12	380,111	30.40	-	334,440	26.75	-	535,550	42.83	12	-155,439	-12.43	-11.9%	1,250,266	Джорджия
Гавайи	4	91,425	38.70	-	141,324	59.83	4	3,469	1.47	-	-49,899	-21.12	36.4%	236,218	ПРИВЕТ
Айдахо	4	165,369	56.79	4	89,273	30.66	-	36,541	12.55	-	76,096	26.13	28.0%	291,183	ИДЕНТИФИКАТОР
Иллинойс	26	2,174,774	47.08	26	2,039,814	44.15	-	390,958	8.46	-	134,960	2.92	21.9%	4,619,749	ТО
Индиана	13	1,067,885	50.29	13	806,659	37.99	-	243,108	11.45	-	261,226	12.30	24.7%	2,123,597	В
Айова	9	619,106	53.01	9	476,699	40.82	-	66,422	5.69	-	142,407	12.19	36.2%	1,167,931	Я
Канзас	7	478,674	54.84	7	302,996	34.72	-	88,921	10.19	-	175,678	20.13	29.2%	872,783	КС
Кентукки	9	462,411	43.79	9	397,541	37.65	-	193,098	18.29	-	64,870	6.14	34.5%	1,055,893	этот
Луизиана	10	257,535	23.47	-	309,615	28.21	-	530,300	48.32	10	-220,685	-20.11	-18.4%	1,097,450	ТО
Мэн	4	169,254	43.07	-	217,312	55.30	4	6,370	1.62	-	-48,058	-12.23	25.4%	392,936	МНЕ
Мэриленд	10	517,995	41.94	-	538,310	43.59	10	178,734	14.47	-	-20,315	-1.64	29.3%	1,235,039	доктор медицинских наук
Массачусетс	14	766,844	32.89	-	1,469,218	63.01	14	87,088	3.73	-	-702,374	-30.12	22.6%	2,331,752	И
Мичиган	21	1,370,665	41.46	-	1,593,082	48.18	21	331,968	10.04	-	-222,417	-6.73	26.9%	3,306,250	МНЕ
Миннесота	10	658,643	41.46	-	857,738	54.00	10	68,931	4.34	-	-199,095	-12.53	15.2%	1,588,510	Миннесота
Миссисипи	7	88,516	13.52	-	150,644	23.02	-	415,349	63.46	7	-264,705	-40.44	-4.7%	654,509	РС
Миссури	12	811,932	44.87	12	791,444	43.74	-	206,126	11.39	-	20,488	1.13	29.2%	1,809,502	МО
Монтана	4	138,835	50.60	4	114,117	41.59	-	20,015	7.29	-	24,718	9.01	27.4%	274,404	МТ
Небраска	5	321,163	59.82	5	170,784	31.81	-	44,904	8.36	-	150,379	28.01	33.2%	536,851	NE
Невада	3	73,188	47.46	3	60,598	39.29	-	20,432	13.25	-	12,590	8.16	25.3%	154,218	НВ
Нью-Гэмпшир	4	154,903	52.10	4	130,589	43.93	-	11,173	3.76	-	24,314	8.18	36.0%	297,298	Нью-Хэмпшир
Нью-Джерси	17	1,325,467	46.10	17	1,264,206	43.97	-	262,187	9.12	-	61,261	2.13	33.9%	2,875,395	Нью-Джерси
Нью-Мексико	4	169,692	51.85	4	130,081	39.75	-	25,737	7.86	-	39,611	12.10	31.1%	327,281	Нью-Мексико
Нью-Йорк	43	3,007,932	44.30	-	3,378,470	49.76	43	358,864	5.29	-	-370,538	-5.46	31.8%	6,790,066	Нью-Йорк
Северная Каролина	13	627,192	39.51	12	464,113	29.24	-	496,188	31.26	1	131,004	8.25	20.6%	1,587,493	Северная Каролина
Северная Дакота	4	138,669	55.94	4	94,769	38.23	-	14,244	5.75	-	43,900	17.71	33.8%	247,882	без даты
Огайо	26	1,791,014	45.23	26	1,700,586	42.95	-	467,495	11.81	-	90,428	2.28	28.2%	3,959,698	ОЙ
Оклахома	8	449,697	47.68	8	301,658	31.99	-	191,731	20.33	-	148,039	15.70	27.2%	943,086	ХОРОШО
Орегон	6	408,433	49.83	6	358,866	43.78	-	49,683	6.06	-	49,567	6.05	33.8%	819,622	ИЛИ
Пенсильвания	29	2,090,017	44.02	-	2,259,405	47.59	29	378,582	7.97	-	-169,388	-3.57	26.6%	4,747,928	Хорошо
Род-Айленд	4	122,359	31.78	-	246,518	64.03	4	15,678	4.07	-	-124,159	-32.25	29.5%	385,000	РИ
Южная Каролина	8	254,062	38.09	8	197,486	29.61	-	215,430	32.30	-	38,632	5.79	-12.0%	666,982	СК
Южная Дакота	4	149,841	53.27	4	118,023	41.96	-	13,400	4.76	-	31,818	11.31	22.5%	281,264	СД
Теннесси	11	472,592	37.85	11	351,233	28.13	-	424,792	34.02	-	47,800	3.83	14.8%	1,248,617	ТН
Техас	25	1,227,844	39.87	-	1,266,804	41.14	25	584,269	18.97	-	-38,960	-1.27	25.6%	3,079,406	Техас
Юта	4	238,728	56.49	4	156,665	37.07	-	26,906	6.37	-	82,063	19.42	29.1%	422,568	ВНЕ
Вермонт	3	85,142	52.75	3	70,255	43.53	-	5,104	3.16	-	14,887	9.22	41.8%	161,404	ВТ
Вирджиния	12	590,319	43.36	12	442,387	32.49	-	321,833	23.64	-	147,932	10.87	18.2%	1,361,491	И
Вашингтон	9	588,510	45.12	-	616,037	47.23	9	96,990	7.44	-	-27,527	-2.11	22.5%	1,304,281	Вашингтон
Западная Вирджиния	7	307,555	40.78	-	374,091	49.60	7	72,560	9.62	-	-66,536	-8.82	27.1%	754,206	Западная Вирджиния
Висконсин	12	809,997	47.89	12	748,804	44.27	-	127,835	7.56	-	61,193	3.62	28.0%	1,691,538	Висконсин
Вайоминг	3	70,927	55.76	3	45,173	35.51	-	11,105	8.73	-	25,754	20.25	33.4%	127,205	МЫ
ИТОГО:	538	31,783,783	43.42	301	31,271,839	42.72	191	9,901,118	13.53	46	511,944	0.70	23.3%	73,199,998	НАС

Штаты, перешедшие от демократической партии к республиканской

• Аляска
• Калифорния
• Колорадо
• Делавэр
• Флорида
• Айдахо
• Иллинойс
• Индиана
• Айова
• Канзас
• Кентукки
• Миссури
• Монтана
• Небраска
• Невада
• Нью-Мексико
• Нью-Гэмпшир
• Нью-Джерси
• Северная Каролина
• Северная Дакота
• Огайо
• Оклахома
• Орегон
• Южная Дакота
• Теннесси
• Юта
• Вирджиния
• Вермонт
• Висконсин
• Вайоминг

Штаты, перешедшие от республиканцев к американским независимым

• Грузия
• Луизиана
• Алабама
• Миссисипи

Штаты, перешедшие от демократической к американской независимой

• Арканзас

Близкие состояния

Штаты, в которых перевес в победе составил менее 5 процентных пунктов (223 голоса выборщиков):

1. Миссури , 1,13% (20 488 голосов)
2. Техас , 1,27% (38 960 голосов)
3. Мэриленд , 1,64% (20 315 голосов)
4. Вашингтон , 2,11% (27 527 голосов)
5. Нью-Джерси , 2,13% (61 261 голос)
6. Огайо , 2,28% (90 428 голосов) (переломный момент для победы Никсона)
7. Аляска , 2,64% (2189 голосов)
8. Иллинойс , 2,92% (134 960 голосов) (штат переломного момента для победы Хамфри)
9. Калифорния , 3,08% (223 346 голосов)
10. Делавэр , 3,51% (7520 голосов)
11. Пенсильвания , 3,57% (169 388 голосов)
12. Висконсин , 3,62% (61 193 голоса)
13. Теннесси , 3,83% (47 800 голосов)

Штаты, в которых перевес в победе составил более 5 процентных пунктов, но менее 10 процентных пунктов (155 голосов выборщиков):

1. Кентукки , 5,14% (64 870 голосов)
2. Коннектикут , 5,16% (64 840 голосов)
3. Нью-Йорк , 5,46% (370 538 голосов)
4. Южная Каролина , 5,79% (38 632 голоса)
5. Орегон , 6,05% (49 567 голосов)
6. Мичиган , 6,73% (222 417 голосов)
7. Арканзас , 7,64% (46 565 голосов)
8. Невада , 8,17% (12 590 голосов)
9. Нью-Гэмпшир , 8,17% (24 314 голосов)
10. Северная Каролина , 8,25% (131 004 голоса)
11. Западная Вирджиния , 8,82% (66 536 голосов)
12. Монтана , 9,01% (24 718 голосов)
13. Колорадо , 9,14% (74 171 голос)
14. Вермонт , 9,22% (14 887 голосов)
15. Флорида , 9,60% (210 010 голосов)

Примечания: В Алабаме Уоллес был официальным кандидатом от Демократической партии, в то время как Хамфри баллотировался в список недолговечной Национальной демократической партии Алабамы , лояльной ему как официальный кандидат от Демократической партии.

В Северной Каролине один из курфюрстов Никсона проголосовал за Джорджа Уоллеса (президента) и Кертиса Лемэя (вице-президента).

Статистика

Округа с наибольшим процентом голосов (республиканцы)

1. Округ Хукер, Небраска 87,94%
2. Округ Джексон, Кентукки 84,09%
3. Округ Макинтош, Северная Дакота 82,65%
4. Округ Макферсон, Южная Дакота 80,34%
5. Округ Су, штат Айова 80,04%

Округа с наибольшим процентом голосов (демократические)

1. Округ Дюваль, Техас 88,74%
2. Округ Джим Хогг, Техас 82,06%
3. Вашингтон, округ Колумбия 81,82%
4. Округ Уэбб, Техас 79,65%
5. Округ Саффолк, Массачусетс 75,62%

Округа с наибольшим процентом голосов (американские независимые)

1. Округ Женева, Алабама 91,73%
2. Округ Джордж, штат Миссисипи 91,20%
3. Округ Ламар, Алабама 88,25%
4. Округ Калхун, Миссисипи 87,80%
5. Округ Холмс, Флорида 87,21%

Национальная демография избирателей

Выборочные участки NBC, выборы 1968 года
	% Хамфри	% Никсона	% Уоллес
Город с высоким доходом	32	63	5
Город со средним доходом	43	44	13
Город с низким доходом	69	19	12
Сельский (все доходы)	33	46	21
Афро-американские кварталы	94	5	1
Итальянские кварталы	51	39	10
Славянские кварталы	65	24	11
Еврейские кварталы	81	17	2
Объединенные в профсоюзы кварталы	61	29	10

Источник: Ежеквартальный еженедельный отчет Конгресса. «Групповой анализ президентских выборов 1968 года», XXVI, № 48 (ноябрь 1968 года), с. 3218.

Демография избирателей на Юге

Выборочные участки NBC, выборы 1968 года: только юг
	% Хамфри	% Никсона	% Уоллес
Городские кварталы со средним доходом	28	40	32
Городские кварталы с низким доходом	57	18	25
Сельский (все доходы)	29	30	41
Афро-американские кварталы	95	3	2
Латиноамериканские кварталы	92	7	1

Источник: Ежеквартальный еженедельный отчет Конгресса. «Групповой анализ президентских выборов 1968 года», XXVI, № 48 (ноябрь 1968 года), с. 3218.

Предполагаемый возрастной состав населения

По оценкам Бюро переписи населения США в октябре 1968 года, из всего населения право голоса имели 121,5 миллиона человек, включая военнослужащих, независимо от того, служили они внутри страны или за рубежом. Если включить гражданское и военное население, проживавшее в Соединенных Штатах, оно оценивалось в 120 миллионов человек. По оценкам, с учетом гражданского населения право голоса будут иметь 118,5 миллиона человек.

См. также

• 1968 выборы в Палату представителей США.
• 1968 выборы в Сенат США.
• 1968 выборы губернатора США.
• История Соединенных Штатов (1964–1980)
• История Демократической партии США
• История Республиканской партии США
• Список президентов США
• Первая инаугурация Ричарда Никсона

Источники

• Уайт, Теодор Х. (1970). Становление президента 1968 . Карманные книги.

Дальнейшее чтение

• Эмброуз, Стивен Э. (1987). Никсон: Образование политика: 1962–1972 гг .
• Бумхауэр, Рэй Э. «Хорошая борьба: президентская кампания Джона Бартлоу Мартина и Хьюберта Хамфри в 1968 году». Исторический журнал Индианы (2020) 116 № 1, стр. 1–29.
• Браун, Стюарт Джерри. Президентство под судом: кампания Роберта Кеннеди 1968 года и после нее. U. Press of Hawaii, 1972. 155 стр.
• Бёрнер, Дэвид, и Уэст, Томас Р. Факел передан: братья Кеннеди и американский либерализм. (1984). 307 стр.
• Картер, Дэн Т. (1995). Политика ярости: Джордж Уоллес, истоки нового консерватизма и трансформация американской политики . ЛГУ Пресс. ISBN  978-0-8071-2597-7 .
• Честер, Льюис; Ходжсон, Годфри; Пейдж, Брюс (1969). Американская мелодрама: Президентская кампания 1968 года . Викинг Пресс. ISBN  978-0-670-11991-2 .
• Коффи, Джастин П. Спиро Агнью и подъем правых республиканцев (ABC-CLIO, 2015).
• Коэн, Майкл А. Американский водоворот: выборы 1968 года и политика разделения (Oxford UP, 2016) отрывок и онлайн-обзор
• Конверс, Филип Э .; Миллер, Уоррен Э .; Раск, Джеррольд Г.; Вулф, Артур К. (1969). «Преемственность и изменения в американской политике: партии и проблемы на выборах 1968 года». Американский обзор политической науки . 63 (4): 1083–1105. дои : 10.2307/1955073 . JSTOR   1955073 . S2CID   54762012 .
• Гулд, Льюис Л. (1993). 1968: Выборы, изменившие Америку . Иван Р. Ди. ISBN  978-1-56663-010-8 .
• Херцог, Артур . Маккарти на пост президента (1969)
• Фарбер, Дэвид (1988). Чикаго '68 . Издательство Чикагского университета. ISBN  978-0-226-23800-5 .
• Джеймисон, Патрик Э. «Наблюдение за президентством Линдона Б. Джонсона в речи о выходе 31 марта 1968 года». Ежеквартальный журнал президентских исследований, том 29, № 1, 1999 г., стр. 134+.
• Джонстон, Эндрю и Эндрю Прист, ред. Президентские выборы в США и внешняя политика: кандидаты, кампании и глобальная политика от Рузвельта до Билла Клинтона (2017), стр. 177–202. онлайн
• Кимбалл, Уоррен Ф. «Выборы 1968 года». Дипломатическая история 2004 28 (4): 513–528. ISSN   0145-2096 Полный текст онлайн в SwetsWise, Ingenta и Ebsco. Комментарии других лиц на стр. 563–576; ответ, стр. 577.
• Когин, Михаил (весна 1966 г.). «Уоллес и средний класс». Общественное мнение Ежеквартально . 30 (1): 98. дои : 10.1086/267384 .
• ЛаФербер, Уолтер . Смертельная ставка: LBJ, Вьетнам и выборы 1968 года (2005), краткий обзор
• Лешер, Стефан. Джордж Уоллес: американский популист. (1994). 587 стр.
• Лихтенштейн, Нельсон, изд. Политические профили: годы Джонсона . 1976. Краткие биографии более 400 ключевых политиков.
• Лонгли, Кайл. LBJ 1968: Власть, политика и президентство в год потрясений в Америке (2018) Отрывок из книги
• Майер, Джереми Д. (2002). «Никсон преодолевает негативную реакцию на победу: расовая политика в президентской кампании 1968 года». Историк . 64 (3): 351–366. дои : 10.1111/j.1540-6563.2002.tb01487.x . S2CID   143272460 .
• Нельсон, Майкл. Устойчивая Америка: избрание Никсона в 1968 году, направление инакомыслия и разделение правительства (University Press of Kansas; 2014) 360 страниц
• Нельсон, Майкл. «Историческое президентство: утраченное доверие: Демократическая партия, война во Вьетнаме и выборы 1968 года». Ежеквартальный журнал президентских исследований 48.3 (2018): 570–585.
• Нихтер, Люк. Год, который сломал политику: сговор и хаос на президентских выборах 1968 года (Yale University Press, 2023) Шесть ученых оценивают эту книгу, и Нихтер отвечает
• О'Мара, Маргарет. Решающие вторники: четыре выбора, которые сформировали двадцатый век (2015), сравнивает 1912, 1932, 1968, 1992 годы с точки зрения социальной, экономической и политической истории.
• Ричардсон, Дарси Г. (2002). Разделенная нация: президентская кампания 1968 года . iUniverse. ISBN  978-0-595-23699-2 .
• Восхождение, Джордж (1997). Чисто для Джина: президентская кампания Юджина Маккарти 1968 года . Издательство Прагер. ISBN  978-0-275-95841-1 .
• Сэвидж, Шон Дж. (2004). JFK, LBJ и Демократическая партия . SUNY Олбани Пресс. ISBN  978-0-7914-6169-3 .
• Шлезингер, Артур М. младший (1978). Роберт Кеннеди и его времена . Хоутон Миффлин. ISBN  978-0-395-24897-3 .
• Шумахер, Михаэль. Соревнование: выборы 1968 года и война за душу Америки (U of Minnesota Press, 2018), онлайн-обзор, 540 стр.
• Шесол, Джефф. Взаимное презрение: Линдон Джонсон, Роберт Кеннеди и вражда, определившая десятилетие (1997)
• Маленький, Мелвин. «Выборы 1968 года», Diplomatic History (2004) 28 № 4, стр. 513–528, по вопросам внешней политики онлайн.
• Сольберг, Карл. Хьюберт Хамфри (2003), отрывок из научной биографии и текстовый поиск
• Время. «Армия Уоллеса: Коалиция разочарования», Time, 18 октября 1968 г.
• Унгер, Ирвин; Унгер, Деби (1988). Поворотный момент: 1968 год . Скрибнера. ISBN  978-0-684-18696-2 .
• Вудс, Рэндалл. LBJ: Архитектор американских амбиций (2006)

Первоисточники

• Гэллап, Джордж Х. , изд. Опрос Gallup: общественное мнение, 1935–1971 гг . 3 тома. Random House, 1972. пресс-релизы;
• Хамфри, Хьюберт Х. (1976). Воспитание общественного человека: моя жизнь и политика . Даблдэй. ISBN  978-0-8166-1897-2 .
• Маккарти, Юджин. Год народа (1969), мемуары
• Макгиннисс, Джо (1969). Продажа президента 1968 . Трайдент Пресс. ISBN  978-0-671-82249-1 . ; отчет из первых рук
• Никсон, Ричард М. (1978). РН: Мемуары Ричарда Никсона . Саймон и Шустер. ISBN  978-0-671-70741-5 . онлайн
• Уайт, Теодор Х. (1969). Становление президента — 1968 год . Атенеум. ISBN  978-0-224-61796-3 . , знаменитый репортаж американского журналиста
• Честер, Эдвард В. Путеводитель по политическим платформам (1977) онлайн
• Портер, Кирк Х. и Дональд Брюс Джонсон, ред. Национальные партийные платформы, 1840-1972 (1973)

Внешние ссылки

• Страница с видео о выборах 1968 года на Избирательной стене
• Всенародное голосование 1968 года по округам
• Всенародное голосование 1968 года по штатам
• Всенародное голосование штатов 1968 года (со гистограммами)
• Рекламные ролики предвыборной кампании 1968 года.
• «Записи LBJ обвиняют Никсона в государственной измене» . Новости Эй-Би-Си. 5 декабря 2008 г. (видео).
• Выборы 1968 года при подсчете голосов