Ричард Никсон
Ричард Никсон | |
|---|---|
 Портрет, ок. 1969–1974 гг. | |
| 37-й президент США | |
| В офисе 20 января 1969 г. - 9 августа 1974 г. | |
| Vice President |
|
| Preceded by | Lyndon B. Johnson |
| Succeeded by | Gerald Ford |
| 36th Vice President of the United States | |
| In office January 20, 1953 – January 20, 1961 | |
| President | Dwight D. Eisenhower |
| Preceded by | Alben W. Barkley |
| Succeeded by | Lyndon B. Johnson |
| United States Senator from California | |
| In office December 1, 1950 – January 1, 1953 | |
| Preceded by | Sheridan Downey |
| Succeeded by | Thomas Kuchel |
| Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from California's 12th district | |
| In office January 3, 1947 – November 30, 1950 | |
| Preceded by | Jerry Voorhis |
| Succeeded by | Patrick J. Hillings |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Richard Milhous Nixon January 9, 1913 Yorba Linda, California, U.S. |
| Died | April 22, 1994 (aged 81) New York City, U.S. |
| Resting place | Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum |
| Political party | Republican |
| Spouse | |
| Children | |
| Parents | |
| Education | |
| Occupation |
|
| Signature |  |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance | United States |
| Branch/service | United States Navy |
| Years of service |
|
| Rank |  Commander |
| Battles/wars | |
| Awards | |
Ричард Милхауз Никсон (9 января 1913 — 22 апреля 1994) — 37-й президент США , занимавший этот пост с 1969 по 1974 год. Член Республиканской партии , ранее он был представителем и сенатором от Калифорнии , а также 36-м президентом США. вице-президент с 1953 по 1961 год при президенте Дуайте Д. Эйзенхауэре . Его президентство привело к сокращению участия США в войне во Вьетнаме , разрядке отношений с Советским Союзом и Китаем , высадке Аполлона-11 на Луну, а также созданию Агентства по охране окружающей среды и Управления по безопасности и гигиене труда . Второй срок Никсона закончился досрочно, когда он стал единственным президентом США , ушедшим в отставку в результате Уотергейтского скандала .
Nixon was born into a poor family of Quakers in a small town in Southern California. He graduated from Duke Law School in 1937, practiced law in California, and then moved with his wife Pat to Washington, D.C., in 1942 to work for the federal government. After serving active duty in the Naval Reserve during World War II, he was elected to the House of Representatives in 1946. His work on the Alger Hiss case established his reputation as a leading anti-communist, which elevated him to national prominence. In 1950, he was elected to the Senate. Nixon was the running mate of Eisenhower, the Republican Party's presidential nominee in the 1952 election, and served for eight years as vice president. He narrowly lost the 1960 presidential election to the Democratic Party nominee John F. Kennedy. After his loss in the 1962 race for governor of California, he announced his retirement from political life. However, in 1968, he made another run for the presidency and defeated the Democratic incumbent vice president Хьюберт Хамфри .
Seeking to bring the North Vietnamese to the negotiating table, Nixon ordered military operations and carpet bombing campaigns in Cambodia. He was able to end American combat involvement in Vietnam in 1973 and the military draft the same year. His visit to China in 1972 eventually led to diplomatic relations between the two nations, and he also then concluded the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with the Soviet Union. Domestically, Nixon pushed for the Controlled Substances Act and began the war on drugs. Nixon's first term took place at the height of the American environmental movement and enacted many progressive environmental policy shifts; his administration created the Environmental Protection Agency and passed legislation such as the Endangered Species Act and the Clean Air Acts. He implemented the ratified Twenty-sixth Amendment, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18, and enforced the desegregation of Southern schools. Under Nixon, relations with Native Americans improved, seeing an increase in self-determination for Native Americans and his administration rescinded the termination policy. Nixon imposed wage and price controls for 90 days, began the war on cancer, and presided over the Apollo 11 Moon landing, which signaled the end of the Space Race. He was re-elected in 1972, when he defeated Democratic candidate George McGovern in one of the largest landslide victories in American history.
In his second term, Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses in the Yom Kippur War, a conflict which led to the oil crisis at home. From 1973, ongoing revelations from the Nixon administration's involvement in Watergate eroded his support in Congress and the country. The scandal began with a break-in at the Democratic National Committee office, ordered by administration officials, and escalated despite cover-up efforts by the Nixon administration, of which he was aware. On August 9, 1974, facing almost certain impeachment and removal from office, Nixon resigned. Afterward, he was issued a controversial pardon by his successor, Gerald Ford.
During nearly 20 years of retirement, Nixon wrote ten books and undertook many foreign trips, rehabilitating his image into that of an elder statesman and leading expert on foreign affairs. On April 18, 1994, he suffered a debilitating stroke, and died four days later. Evaluations of his presidency have proven complex, contrasting his presidency's domestic and foreign policy successes with the acrimonious circumstances of his departure.
Early life and education
Richard Milhous Nixon was born on January 9, 1913, in what was then the township precinct of Yorba Linda, California,[2] in a house built by his father, located on his family's lemon ranch.[1][3][4] His parents were Francis A. Nixon and Hannah (Milhous) Nixon. His mother was a Quaker, and his father converted from Methodism to the Quaker faith. Through his mother, Nixon was a descendant of the early English settler Thomas Cornell, who was also an ancestor of Ezra Cornell, the founder of Cornell University, as well as of Jimmy Carter and Bill Gates.[5]
Nixon's upbringing was influenced by Quaker observances of the time such as abstinence from alcohol, dancing, and swearing. He had four brothers: Harold (1909–1933), Donald (1914–1987), Arthur (1918–1925), and Edward (1930–2019).[6] Four of the five Nixon boys were named after kings who had ruled in medieval or historic Great Britain; Richard, for example, was named after Richard the Lionheart.[7]
Nixon's early life was marked by hardship, and he later quoted a saying of Dwight Eisenhower in describing his boyhood: "We were poor, but the glory of it was we didn't know it".[8] The Nixon family ranch failed in 1922, and the family moved to Whittier, California. In an area with many Quakers, Frank Nixon opened a grocery store and gas station.[9] Richard's younger brother Arthur died in 1925 at the age of seven after a short illness.[10] Richard was twelve years old when a spot was found on his lung; with a family history of tuberculosis, he was forbidden to play sports. The spot turned out to be scar tissue from an early bout of pneumonia.[11][12]
Primary and secondary education
Nixon attended East Whittier Elementary School, where he was president of his eighth-grade class.[13] His older brother Harold had attended Whittier High School, which his parents thought resulted in Harold's dissolute lifestyle, before he contracted tuberculosis (that killed him in 1933). They decided to send Nixon to the larger Fullerton Union High School.[14][15] Though he had to ride a school bus an hour each way during his freshman year, he received excellent grades. Later, he lived with an aunt in Fullerton during the week.[16] He played junior varsity football, and seldom missed a practice, though he rarely was used in games.[17] He had greater success as a debater, winning a number of championships and taking his only formal tutelage in public speaking from Fullerton's Head of English, H. Lynn Sheller. Nixon later mused on Sheller's words, "Remember, speaking is conversation...don't shout at people. Talk to them. Converse with them."[18] Nixon said he tried to use a conversational tone as much as possible.[18]
At the start of his junior year in September 1928, Nixon's parents permitted him to transfer to Whittier High School. At Whittier, Nixon lost a bid for student body president, representing his first electoral defeat. At this period of his life, he often rose at 4 a.m. to drive the family truck to Los Angeles to purchase vegetables at the market and then drove to the store to wash and display them before going to school. Harold was diagnosed with tuberculosis the previous year; when their mother took him to Arizona hoping to improve his health, the demands on Nixon increased, causing him to give up football. Nevertheless, Nixon graduated from Whittier High third in his class of 207.[19]
College and law school
Nixon was offered a tuition grant to attend Harvard University, but with Harold's continued illness requiring his mother's care, Richard was needed at the store. He remained in his hometown, and enrolled at Whittier College in September 1930. His expenses at Whittier College were met by his maternal grandfather.[1][20] Nixon played for the basketball team; he also tried out for football, and though he lacked the size to play, he remained on the team as a substitute and was noted for his enthusiasm.[21] Instead of fraternities and sororities, Whittier had literary societies. Nixon was snubbed by the only one for men, the Franklins, many of whom were from prominent families, unlike Nixon. He responded by helping to found a new society, the Orthogonian Society.[22] In addition to the society, his studies, and work at the store, Nixon engaged in several extracurricular activities; he was a champion debater and hard worker.[23] In 1933, he was engaged to Ola Florence Welch, daughter of the Whittier police chief, but they broke up in 1935.[24]
After graduating summa cum laude with a Bachelor of Arts degree in history from Whittier in 1934, Nixon was accepted at the new Duke University School of Law,[25][26] which offered scholarships to top students, including Nixon.[27] It paid high salaries to its professors, many of whom had national or international reputations.[28] The number of scholarships was greatly reduced for second- and third-year students, creating intense competition.[27] Nixon kept his scholarship, was elected president of the Duke Bar Association,[29] inducted into the Order of the Coif,[30] and graduated third in his class in June 1937.[25]
Early career and marriage
After graduating from Duke, Nixon initially hoped to join the FBI. He received no response to his letter of application, and learned years later that he had been hired, but his appointment had been canceled at the last minute due to budget cuts.[31] He was admitted to the California bar in 1937, and began practicing in Whittier with the law firm Wingert and Bewley.[25] His work concentrated on commercial litigation for local petroleum companies and other corporate matters, as well as on wills.[32] Nixon was reluctant to work on divorce cases, disliking frank sexual talk from women.[33] In 1938, he opened up his own branch of Wingert and Bewley in La Habra, California,[34] and became a full partner in the firm the following year.[35] In later years, Nixon proudly said he was the only modern president to have previously worked as a practicing attorney.[33]
In January 1938, Nixon was cast in the Whittier Community Players production of The Dark Tower in which he played opposite his future wife, a high school teacher named Thelma "Pat" Ryan.[25] In his memoirs, Nixon described it as "a case of love at first sight",[36] but apparently for Nixon only, since Pat Ryan turned down the young lawyer several times before agreeing to date him.[37] Once they began their courtship, Ryan was reluctant to marry Nixon; they dated for two years before she assented to his proposal. They wed in a small ceremony on June 21, 1940. After a honeymoon in Mexico, the Nixons began their married life in Whittier.[38] They had two daughters: Tricia, who was born in 1946, and Julie, who was born in 1948.[39]
Military service
In January 1942, the couple moved to Washington, D.C., where Nixon took a job at the Office of Price Administration.[25] In his political campaigns, Nixon suggested that this was his response to Pearl Harbor, but he had sought the position throughout the latter part of 1941. Both Nixon and his wife believed he was limiting his prospects by remaining in Whittier.[40] He was assigned to the tire rationing division, where he was tasked with replying to correspondence. He did not enjoy the role, and four months later applied to join the United States Navy.[41] Though he could have claimed an exemption from the draft as a birthright Quaker, or a deferral due to his government service, Nixon nevertheless sought a commission in the Navy. His application was approved, and he was appointed a lieutenant junior grade in the United States Naval Reserve on June 15, 1942.[42][43]
In October 1942, he was given his first assignment as aide to the commander of the Naval Air Station Ottumwa in Wapello County, Iowa, until May 1943. Seeking more excitement, he requested sea duty; on July 2, 1943, he was assigned to Marine Aircraft Group 25 and the South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command (SCAT), where he supported the logistics of operations in the South Pacific theater during World War II.[44][45][46]
On October 1, 1943, Nixon was promoted to lieutenant.[42] Nixon commanded the SCAT forward detachments at Vella Lavella, Bougainville, and finally at Nissan Island.[42][46] His unit prepared manifests and flight plans for R4D/C-47 operations and supervised the loading and unloading of the transport aircraft. For this service, he received a Navy Letter of Commendation, awarded a Navy Commendation Ribbon, which was later updated to the Navy and Marine Corps Commendation Medal, from his commanding officer for "meritorious and efficient performance of duty as Officer in Charge of the South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command". Upon his return to the U.S., Nixon was appointed the administrative officer of the Alameda Naval Air Station in Alameda, California.
In January 1945, he was transferred to the Bureau of Aeronautics office in Philadelphia, where he helped negotiate the termination of World War II contracts, and received his second letter of commendation, from the Secretary of the Navy[47] for "meritorious service, tireless effort, and devotion to duty". Later, Nixon was transferred to other offices to work on contracts and finally to Baltimore.[48] On October 3, 1945, he was promoted to lieutenant commander.[42][47] On March 10, 1946, he was relieved of active duty.[42] On June 1, 1953, he was promoted to commander in the U.S. Naval Reserve, and he retired from the U.S. Naval Reserve on June 6, 1966.[42]
While in the Navy, Nixon became a very good five-card stud poker player, helping finance his first congressional campaign with the winnings. In a 1983 interview, he described turning down an invitation to dine with Charles Lindbergh because he was hosting a game.[49][50]
U.S. House of Representatives (1947–1950)
Republicans in California's 12th congressional district were frustrated by their inability to defeat Democratic representative Jerry Voorhis, and they sought a consensus candidate who would run a strong campaign against him. In 1945, they formed a "Committee of 100" to decide on a candidate, hoping to avoid internal dissensions which had led to previous Voorhis victories. After the committee failed to attract higher-profile candidates, Herman Perry, manager of Whittier's Bank of America branch, suggested Nixon, a family friend with whom he had served on Whittier College's board of trustees before the war. Perry wrote to Nixon in Baltimore, and after a night of excited conversation with his wife, Nixon gave Perry an enthused response. Nixon flew to California and was selected by the committee. When he left the Navy at the start of 1946, Nixon and his wife returned to Whittier, where he began a year of intensive campaigning.[51][52] He contended that Voorhis had been ineffective as a representative and suggested that Voorhis's endorsement by a group linked to Communists meant that Voorhis must have radical views.[53] Nixon won the election, receiving 65,586 votes to Voorhis's 49,994.[54]
In June 1947, Nixon supported the Taft–Hartley Act, a federal law that monitors the activities and power of labor unions, and he served on the Education and Labor Committee. In August 1947, he became one of 19 House members to serve on the Herter Committee,[55] which went to Europe to report on the need for U.S. foreign aid. Nixon was the youngest member of the committee and the only Westerner.[56] Advocacy by Herter Committee members, including Nixon, led to congressional passage of the Marshall Plan.[57]
In his memoirs, Nixon wrote that he joined the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) "at the end of 1947". However, he was already a HUAC member in early February 1947, when he heard "Enemy Number One" Gerhard Eisler and his sister Ruth Fischer testify. On February 18, 1947, Nixon referred to Eisler's belligerence toward HUAC in his maiden speech to the House. Also by early February 1947, fellow U.S. Representative Charles J. Kersten had introduced him to Father John Francis Cronin in Baltimore. Cronin shared with Nixon his 1945 privately circulated paper "The Problem of American Communism in 1945",[58] with much information from the FBI's William C. Sullivan who by 1961 headed domestic intelligence under J. Edgar Hoover.[59]By May 1948, Nixon had co-sponsored the Mundt–Nixon Bill to implement "a new approach to the complicated problem of internal communist subversion ... It provided for registration of all Communist Party members and required a statement of the source of all printed and broadcast material issued by organizations that were found to be Communist fronts." He served as floor manager for the Republican Party. On May 19, 1948, the bill passed the House by 319 to 58, but later it failed to pass the Senate.[60] The Nixon Library cites this bill's passage as Nixon's first significant victory in Congress.[61]
Nixon first gained national attention in August 1948, when his persistence as a House Un-American Activities Committee member helped break the Alger Hiss spy case. While many doubted Whittaker Chambers's allegations that Hiss, a former State Department official, had been a Soviet spy, Nixon believed them to be true and pressed for the committee to continue its investigation. After Hiss filed suit, alleging defamation, Chambers produced documents corroborating his allegations, including paper and microfilm copies that Chambers turned over to House investigators after hiding them overnight in a field; they became known as the "Pumpkin Papers".[62] Hiss was convicted of perjury in 1950 for denying under oath he had passed documents to Chambers.[63] In 1948, Nixon successfully cross-filed as a candidate in his district, winning both major party primaries,[64] and was comfortably reelected.[65]
U.S. Senate (1950–1953)
In 1949, Nixon began to consider running for the United States Senate against the Democratic incumbent, Sheridan Downey,[66] and entered the race in November.[67] Downey, faced with a bitter primary battle with Representative Helen Gahagan Douglas, announced his retirement in March 1950.[68] Nixon and Douglas won the primary elections[69] and engaged in a contentious campaign in which the ongoing Korean War was a major issue.[70] Nixon tried to focus attention on Douglas's liberal voting record. As part of that effort, a "Pink Sheet" was distributed by the Nixon campaign suggesting that Douglas's voting record was similar to that of New York Congressman Vito Marcantonio, reputed to be a communist, and their political views must be nearly identical.[71] Nixon won the election by almost twenty percentage points.[72] During the campaign, Nixon was first called "Tricky Dick" by his opponents for his campaign tactics.[73]
In the Senate, Nixon took a prominent position in opposing global communism, traveling frequently and speaking out against it.[74] He maintained friendly relations with Joseph McCarthy, his fellow anti-communist, controversial U.S. Senate colleague from Wisconsin, but was careful to keep some distance between himself and McCarthy's allegations.[75] Nixon criticized President Harry S. Truman's handling of the Korean War.[74] He supported statehood for Alaska and Hawaii, voted in favor of civil rights for minorities, and supported federal disaster relief for India and Yugoslavia.[76] He voted against price controls and other monetary restrictions, benefits for illegal immigrants, and public power.[76]
Vice presidency (1953–1961)
General Dwight D. Eisenhower was nominated for president by the Republicans in 1952. He had no strong preference for a vice-presidential candidate, and Republican officeholders and party officials met in a "smoke-filled room" and recommended Nixon to the general, who agreed to the senator's selection. Nixon's youth (he was then 39), stance against communism, and political base in California—one of the largest states—were all seen as vote-winners by the leaders. Among the candidates considered along with Nixon were Ohio Senator Robert A. Taft, New Jersey Governor Alfred Driscoll, and Illinois Senator Everett Dirksen.[77][78] On the campaign trail, Eisenhower spoke of his plans for the country, and left the negative campaigning to his running mate.[79]
In mid-September, the Republican ticket faced a major crisis when the media reported that Nixon had a political fund, maintained by his backers, which reimbursed him for political expenses.[80][81] Such a fund was not illegal, but it exposed Nixon to allegations of a potential conflict of interest. With pressure building for Eisenhower to demand Nixon's resignation from the ticket, Nixon went on television to address the nation on September 23, 1952.[82] The address, later named the Checkers speech, was heard by about 60 million Americans, which represented the largest audience ever for a television broadcast at that point.[83] In the speech, Nixon emotionally defended himself, stating that the fund was not secret and that his donors had not received special favors. He painted himself as a patriot and man of modest means, mentioning that his wife had no mink coat; instead, he said, she wore a "respectable Republican cloth coat".[82] The speech was remembered for the gift which Nixon had received, but which he would not give back, which he described as "a little cocker spaniel dog ...sent all the way from Texas. And our little girl—Tricia, the 6-year-old—named it Checkers."[82] The speech prompted a huge public outpouring of support for Nixon.[84] Eisenhower decided to retain him on the ticket,[85] and the ticket was victorious in the November election.[79]
Eisenhower granted Nixon more responsibilities during his term than any previous vice president.[86] Nixon attended Cabinet and National Security Council meetings and chaired them in Eisenhower's absence. A 1953 tour of the Far East succeeded in increasing local goodwill toward the United States, and gave Nixon an appreciation of the region as a potential industrial center. He visited Saigon and Hanoi in French Indochina.[87] On his return to the United States at the end of 1953, Nixon increased the time he devoted to foreign relations.[88]
Biographer Irwin Gellman, who chronicled Nixon's congressional years, said of his vice presidency:
Eisenhower radically altered the role of his running mate by presenting him with critical assignments in both foreign and domestic affairs once he assumed his office. The vice president welcomed the president's initiatives and worked energetically to accomplish White House objectives. Because of the collaboration between these two leaders, Nixon deserves the title, "the first modern vice president".[89]
Despite intense campaigning by Nixon, who reprised his strong attacks on the Democrats, the Republicans lost control of both houses of Congress in the 1954 elections. These losses caused Nixon to contemplate leaving politics once he had served out his term.[90] On September 24, 1955, President Eisenhower suffered a heart attack and his condition was initially believed to be life-threatening. Eisenhower was unable to perform his duties for six weeks. The 25th Amendment to the United States Constitution had not yet been proposed, and the vice president had no formal power to act. Nonetheless, Nixon acted in Eisenhower's stead during this period, presiding over Cabinet meetings and ensuring that aides and Cabinet officers did not seek power.[91] According to Nixon biographer Stephen Ambrose, Nixon had "earned the high praise he received for his conduct during the crisis ... he made no attempt to seize power".[92]
His spirits buoyed, Nixon sought a second term, but some of Eisenhower's aides aimed to displace him. In a December 1955 meeting, Eisenhower proposed that Nixon not run for reelection and instead become a Cabinet officer in a second Eisenhower administration, in order to give him administrative experience before a 1960 presidential run. Nixon believed this would destroy his political career. When Eisenhower announced his reelection bid in February 1956, he hedged on the choice of his running mate, saying it was improper to address that question until he had been renominated. Although no Republican was opposing Eisenhower, Nixon received a substantial number of write-in votes against the president in the 1956 New Hampshire primary election. In late April, the President announced that Nixon would again be his running mate.[93] Eisenhower and Nixon were reelected by a comfortable margin in the November 1956 election.[94]
In early 1957, Nixon undertook another foreign trip, this time to Africa. On his return, he helped shepherd the Civil Rights Act of 1957 through Congress. The bill was weakened in the Senate, and civil rights leaders were divided over whether Eisenhower should sign it. Nixon advised the President to sign the bill, which he did.[95] Eisenhower suffered a mild stroke in November 1957, and Nixon gave a press conference, assuring the nation that the Cabinet was functioning well as a team during Eisenhower's brief illness.[96]
On April 27, 1958, Richard and Pat Nixon reluctantly embarked on a goodwill tour of South America. In Montevideo, Uruguay, Nixon made an impromptu visit to a college campus, where he fielded questions from students on U.S. foreign policy. The trip was uneventful until the Nixon party reached Lima, Peru, where he was met with student demonstrations. Nixon went to the historical campus of National University of San Marcos, the oldest university in the Americas, got out of his car to confront the students, and stayed until forced back into the car by a volley of thrown objects. At his hotel, Nixon faced another mob, and one demonstrator spat on him.[97] In Caracas, Venezuela, Nixon and his wife were spat on by anti-American demonstrators and their limousine was attacked by a pipe-wielding mob.[98] According to Ambrose, Nixon's courageous conduct "caused even some of his bitterest enemies to give him some grudging respect".[99] Reporting to the cabinet after the trip, Nixon claimed there was "absolute proof that [the protestors] were directed and controlled by a central Communist conspiracy." Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother, Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles, both concurred with Nixon.[100]
In July 1959, President Eisenhower sent Nixon to the Soviet Union for the opening of the American National Exhibition in Moscow. On July 24, Nixon was touring the exhibits with Soviet First Secretary and Premier Nikita Khrushchev when the two stopped at a model of an American kitchen and engaged in an impromptu exchange about the merits of capitalism versus communism that became known as the "Kitchen Debate".[101][102]
1960 presidential campaign
In 1960, Nixon launched his first campaign for President of the United States, officially announcing on January 9, 1960.[103] He faced little opposition in the Republican primaries[104] and chose former Massachusetts Senator Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. as his running mate.[105] His Democratic opponent was John F. Kennedy and the race remained close for the duration.[106] Nixon campaigned on his experience, but Kennedy called for new blood and claimed the Eisenhower–Nixon administration had allowed the Soviet Union to overtake the U.S. in quantity and quality of ballistic missiles.[107] While Kennedy faced issues about his Catholicism, Nixon remained a divisive figure to some.[108]
Televised presidential debates made their debut as a political medium during the campaign. In the first of four such debates, Nixon appeared pale, with a five o'clock shadow, in contrast to the photogenic Kennedy.[105] Nixon's performance in the debate was perceived to be mediocre in the visual medium of television, though many people listening on the radio thought Nixon had won.[109] Nixon narrowly lost the election, with Kennedy winning the popular vote by only 112,827 votes (0.2 percent).[105]
There were charges of voter fraud in Texas and Illinois, both states won by Kennedy. Nixon refused to consider contesting the election, feeling a lengthy controversy would diminish the United States in the eyes of the world and that the uncertainty would hurt U.S. interests.[110] At the end of his term of office as vice president in January 1961, Nixon and his family returned to California, where he practiced law and wrote a bestselling book, Six Crises, which included coverage of the Hiss case, Eisenhower's heart attack, and the Fund Crisis, which had been resolved by the Checkers speech.[105][111]
1962 California gubernatorial campaign
Local and national Republican leaders encouraged Nixon to challenge incumbent Pat Brown for governor of California in the 1962 gubernatorial election.[105] Despite initial reluctance, Nixon entered the race.[105] The campaign was clouded by public suspicion that Nixon viewed the office as a stepping stone for another presidential run, some opposition from the far-right of the party, and his own lack of interest in being California's governor.[105] Nixon hoped a successful run would confirm his status as the nation's leading active Republican politician, and ensure he remained a major player in national politics.[112] Instead, he lost to Brown by more than five percentage points, and the defeat was widely believed to be the end of his political career.[105]
In an impromptu concession speech the morning after the election, Nixon blamed the media for favoring his opponent, saying, "You won't have Nixon to kick around anymore because, gentlemen, this is my last press conference."[113] The California defeat was highlighted in the November 11, 1962, episode of Howard K. Smith's ABC News show, Howard K. Smith: News and Comment, titled "The Political Obituary of Richard M. Nixon".[114] Alger Hiss appeared on the program, and many members of the public complained that it was unseemly to give a convicted felon air time to attack a former vice president. The furor drove Smith and his program from the air,[115] and public sympathy for Nixon grew.[114]
Wilderness years
In 1963 the Nixon family traveled to Europe, where Nixon gave press conferences and met with leaders of the countries he visited.[116] The family moved to New York City, where Nixon became a senior partner in the leading law firm Nixon, Mudge, Rose, Guthrie & Alexander.[105] When announcing his California campaign, Nixon had pledged not to run for president in 1964; even if he had not, he believed it would be difficult to defeat Kennedy, or after his assassination, Kennedy's successor, Lyndon Johnson.[117]
In 1964, Nixon won write-in votes in the primaries, and was considered a serious contender by both Gallup polls[118][119] and members of the press.[120] He was even placed on a primary ballot as an active candidate by Oregon's secretary of state.[121] As late as two months before the 1964 Republican National Convention, however, Nixon fulfilled his promise to remain out of the presidential nomination process and instead endorsed Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the eventual Republican nominee. When Goldwater won the nomination, Nixon was selected to introduce him at the convention. Nixon felt that Goldwater was unlikely to win, but campaigned for him loyally. In the 1964 general election, Goldwater lost in a landslide to Johnson and Republicans experienced heavy losses in Congress and among state governors.[122]
Nixon was one of the few leading Republicans not blamed for the disastrous results, and he sought to build on that in the 1966 congressional elections in which he campaigned for many Republicans and sought to regain seats lost in the Johnson landslide. Nixon was credited with helping Republicans win major electoral gains that year.[123]
1968 presidential campaign
At the end of 1967, Nixon told his family he planned to run for president a second time. Pat Nixon did not always enjoy public life,[124] being embarrassed, for example, by the need to reveal how little the family owned in the Checkers speech.[125] She still managed to be supportive of her husband's ambitions. Nixon believed that with the Democrats torn over the issue of the Vietnam War, a Republican had a good chance of winning, although he expected the election to be as close as in 1960.[124]
An exceptionally tumultuous primary election season began as the Tet Offensive was launched in January 1968. President Johnson withdrew as a candidate in March, after an unexpectedly poor showing in the New Hampshire primary. In June, Senator Robert F. Kennedy, a Democratic candidate, was assassinated just moments after his victory in the California primary. On the Republican side, Nixon's main opposition was Michigan Governor George Romney, though New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller and California Governor Ronald Reagan each hoped to be nominated in a brokered convention. Nixon secured the nomination on the first ballot.[126] He was able to secure the nomination to the support of many Southern delegates, after he and his subordinates made concessions to Strom Thurmond and Harry Dent.[127] He selected Maryland Governor Spiro Agnew as his running mate, a choice which Nixon believed would unite the party, appealing both to Northern moderates and to Southerners disaffected with the Democrats.[128]
Nixon's Democratic opponent in the general election was Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who was nominated at a convention marked by violent protests.[129] Throughout the campaign, Nixon portrayed himself as a figure of stability during this period of national unrest and upheaval.[129] He appealed to what he later called the "silent majority" of socially conservative Americans who disliked the hippie counterculture and the anti-war demonstrators. Agnew became an increasingly vocal critic of these groups, solidifying Nixon's position with the right.[130]
Nixon waged a prominent television advertising campaign, meeting with supporters in front of cameras.[131] He stressed that the crime rate was too high, and attacked what he perceived as a surrender of the United States' nuclear superiority by the Democrats.[132] Nixon promised "peace with honor" in the Vietnam War and proclaimed that "new leadership will end the war and win the peace in the Pacific".[133] He did not give specifics of how he hoped to end the war, resulting in media intimations that he must have a "secret plan".[133] His slogan of "Nixon's the One" proved to be effective.[131]
Johnson's negotiators hoped to reach a truce in Vietnam, or at least a cessation of bombings. On October 22, 1968, candidate Nixon received information that Johnson was preparing a so-called "October surprise", abandoning three non-negotiable conditions for a bombing halt, to help elect Humphrey in the last days of the campaign.[134] Whether the Nixon campaign interfered with negotiations between the Johnson administration and the South Vietnamese by engaging Anna Chennault, a fundraiser for the Republican party, remains a controversy.[134] It is not clear whether the government of South Vietnam needed encouragement to opt out of a peace process they considered disadvantageous.[135]
In a three-way race between Nixon, Humphrey, and American Independent Party candidate George Wallace, Nixon defeated Humphrey by only 500,000 votes, a margin almost as close as in 1960, with both elections seeing a gap of less than one percentage point of the popular vote. However, Nixon earned 301 electoral votes to 191 for Humphrey and 46 for Wallace, a majority.[129][136] He became the first non-incumbent vice president to be elected president.[137] In his victory speech, Nixon pledged that his administration would try to bring the divided nation together.[138] Nixon said: "I have received a very gracious message from the Vice President, congratulating me for winning the election. I congratulated him for his gallant and courageous fight against great odds. I also told him that I know exactly how he felt. I know how it feels to lose a close one."[139]
Presidency (1969–1974)
Nixon was inaugurated as president on January 20, 1969, sworn in by his onetime political rival, Chief Justice Earl Warren. Pat Nixon held the family Bibles open at Isaiah 2:4, which reads, "They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks." In his inaugural address, which received almost uniformly positive reviews, Nixon remarked that "the greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker"[140]—a phrase that found a place on his gravestone.[141] He spoke about turning partisan politics into a new age of unity:
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading. We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another, until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.[142]
Foreign policy
China
Nixon laid the groundwork for his overture to China before he became president, writing in Foreign Affairs a year before his election: "There is no place on this small planet for a billion of its potentially most able people to live in angry isolation."[143] Among the reasons that Nixon sought to improve relations with China was in the hope of weakening the Soviet Union and decreasing China's support to the North in the Vietnam War.[144] Nixon ultimately used the idea of gaining leverage against the Soviet Union through relations with China to obtain the support of key conservative figures including Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan.[145]
Assisting him in pursuing relations with China was Henry Kissinger, Nixon's National Security Advisor and future Secretary of State. They collaborated closely, bypassing Cabinet officials. With relations between the Soviet Union and China at a nadir—border clashes between the two took place during Nixon's first year in office—Nixon sent private word to the Chinese that he desired closer relations. A breakthrough came in early 1971, when Chinese Communist Party (CCP) chairman Mao Zedong invited a team of American table tennis players to visit China and play against top Chinese players. Nixon followed up by sending Kissinger to China for clandestine meetings with Chinese officials.[143] On July 15, 1971, with announcements from Washington and Beijing, it was learned that the President would visit China the following February.[146] The secrecy had allowed both sets of leaders time to prepare the political climate in their countries for the visit.[147]
In February 1972, Nixon and his wife traveled to China after Kissinger briefed Nixon for over 40 hours in preparation.[148] Upon touching down, the President and First Lady emerged from Air Force One and were greeted by Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. Nixon made a point of shaking Zhou's hand, something which then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had refused to do in 1954 when the two met in Geneva.[149] More than a hundred television journalists accompanied the president. On Nixon's orders, television was strongly favored over printed publications, as Nixon felt that the medium would capture the visit much better than print. It also gave him the opportunity to snub the print journalists he despised.[149]
Nixon and Kissinger immediately met for an hour with CCP Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou at Mao's official private residence, where they discussed a range of issues.[150] Mao later told his doctor that he had been impressed by Nixon's forthrightness, unlike the leftists and the Soviets.[150] He said he was suspicious of Kissinger,[150] though the National Security Advisor referred to their meeting as his "encounter with history".[149] A formal banquet welcoming the presidential party was given that evening in the Great Hall of the People. The following day, Nixon met with Zhou; the joint communique following this meeting recognized Taiwan as a part of China and looked forward to a peaceful solution to the problem of reunification.[151] When not in meetings, Nixon toured architectural wonders, including the Forbidden City, the Ming tombs, and the Great Wall.[149] Americans took their first glance into everyday Chinese life through the cameras that accompanied Pat Nixon, who toured the city of Beijing and visited communes, schools, factories, and hospitals.[149]
The visit ushered in a new era of US–China relations.[129] Fearing the possibility of a US–China alliance, the Soviet Union yielded to pressure for détente with the United States.[152] This was one component of triangular diplomacy.[153]
Vietnam War
When Nixon took office, about 300 American soldiers were dying each week in Vietnam,[154] and the war was widely unpopular in the United States, the subject of ongoing violent protests. The Johnson administration had offered to suspend bombing unconditionally in exchange for negotiations, but to no avail. According to Walter Isaacson, Nixon concluded soon after taking office that the Vietnam War could not be won, and he was determined to end it quickly.[155] He sought an arrangement that would permit American forces to withdraw while leaving South Vietnam secure against attack.[156]
Nixon approved a secret B-52 carpet bombing campaign of North Vietnamese and Khmer Rouge positions in Cambodia beginning in March 1969 and code-named Operation Menu, without the consent of Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk.[157][158][159] In mid-1969, Nixon began efforts to negotiate peace with the North Vietnamese, sending a personal letter to their leaders, and peace talks began in Paris. Initial talks did not result in an agreement,[160] and in May 1969 he publicly proposed to withdraw all American troops from South Vietnam provided North Vietnam did so, and suggesting South Vietnam hold internationally supervised elections with Viet Cong participation.[161]
In July 1969, Nixon visited South Vietnam, where he met with his U.S. military commanders and President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu. Amid protests at home demanding an immediate pullout, he implemented a strategy of replacing American troops with Vietnamese troops, known as "Vietnamization".[129] He soon instituted phased U.S. troop withdrawals,[162] but also authorized incursions into Laos, in part to interrupt the Ho Chi Minh trail passing through Laos and Cambodia and used to supply North Vietnamese forces. In March 1970, at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge and negotiated by Pol Pot's then-second-in-command, Nuon Chea, North Vietnamese troops launched an offensive and overran much of Cambodia.[163] Nixon announced the ground invasion of Cambodia on April 30, 1970, against North Vietnamese bases in the east of the country,[164] and further protests erupted against perceived expansion of the conflict, which resulted in Ohio National Guardsmen killing four unarmed students at Kent State University.[165] Nixon's responses to protesters included an impromptu, early morning meeting with them at the Lincoln Memorial on May 9, 1970.[166][167][168] Nixon's campaign promise to curb the war, contrasted with the escalated bombing, led to claims that Nixon had a "credibility gap" on the issue.[162] It is estimated that between 50,000 and 150,000 people were killed during the bombing of Cambodia between 1970 and 1973.[158]
In 1971, excerpts from the "Pentagon Papers", which had been leaked by Daniel Ellsberg, were published by The New York Times and The Washington Post. When news of the leak first appeared, Nixon was inclined to do nothing; the Papers, a history of United States' involvement in Vietnam, mostly concerned the lies of prior administrations and contained few real revelations. He was persuaded by Kissinger that the Papers were more harmful than they appeared, and the President tried to prevent publication, but the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the newspapers.[169]
As U.S. troop withdrawals continued, conscription was phased out by 1973, and the armed forces became all-volunteer.[170] After years of fighting, the Paris Peace Accords were signed at the beginning of 1973. The agreement implemented a cease fire and allowed for the withdrawal of remaining American troops without requiring withdrawal of the 160,000 North Vietnam Army regulars located in the South.[171] Once American combat support ended, there was a brief truce, before fighting resumed, and North Vietnam conquered South Vietnam in 1975.[172]
Latin American policy
Nixon had been a firm supporter of Kennedy during the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion and 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. On taking office in 1969, he stepped up covert operations against Cuba and its president, Fidel Castro. He maintained close relations with the Cuban-American exile community through his friend, Bebe Rebozo, who often suggested ways of irritating Castro. The Soviets and Cubans became concerned, fearing Nixon might attack Cuba and break the understanding between Kennedy and Khrushchev that ended the missile crisis. In August 1970, the Soviets asked Nixon to reaffirm the understanding, which he did, despite his hard line against Castro. The process was not completed before the Soviets began expanding their base at the Cuban port of Cienfuegos in October 1970. A minor confrontation ensued, the Soviets stipulated they would not use Cienfuegos for submarines bearing ballistic missiles, and the final round of diplomatic notes were exchanged in November.[173]
The election of Marxist candidate Salvador Allende as President of Chile in September 1970 spurred a vigorous campaign of covert opposition to him by Nixon and Kissinger.[174]: 25 This began by trying to convince the Chilean congress to confirm Jorge Alessandri as the winner of the election, and then messages to military officers in support of a coup.[174] Other support included strikes organized against Allende and funding for Allende opponents. It was even alleged that "Nixon personally authorized" $700,000 in covert funds to print anti-Allende messages in a prominent Chilean newspaper.[174]: 93 Following an extended period of social, political, and economic unrest, General Augusto Pinochet assumed power in a violent coup d'état on September 11, 1973; among the dead was Allende.[175]
Soviet Union
Nixon used the improving international environment to address the topic of nuclear peace. Following the announcement of his visit to China, the Nixon administration concluded negotiations for him to visit the Soviet Union. The President and First Lady arrived in Moscow on May 22, 1972, and met with Leonid Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Communist Party; Alexei Kosygin, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers; and Nikolai Podgorny, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, among other leading Soviet officials.[176]
Nixon engaged in intense negotiations with Brezhnev.[176] Out of the summit came agreements for increased trade and two landmark arms control treaties: SALT I, the first comprehensive limitation pact signed by the two superpowers,[129] and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which banned the development of systems designed to intercept incoming missiles. Nixon and Brezhnev proclaimed a new era of "peaceful coexistence". A banquet was held that evening at the Kremlin.[176]
Nixon and Kissinger planned to link arms control to détente and to the resolution of other urgent problems through what Nixon called "linkage." David Tal argues:
The linkage between strategic arms limitations and outstanding issues such as the Middle East, Berlin and, foremost, Vietnam thus became central to Nixon's and Kissinger's policy of détente. Through the employment of linkage, they hoped to change the nature and course of U.S. foreign policy, including U.S. nuclear disarmament and arms control policy, and to separate them from those practiced by Nixon's predecessors. They also intended, through linkage, to make U.S. arms control policy part of détente ... His policy of linkage had in fact failed. It failed mainly because it was based on flawed assumptions and false premises, the foremost of which was that the Soviet Union wanted strategic arms limitation agreement much more than the United States did.[177]
Seeking to foster better relations with the United States, China and the Soviet Union both cut back on their diplomatic support for North Vietnam and advised Hanoi to come to terms militarily.[178] Nixon later described his strategy:
I had long believed that an indispensable element of any successful peace initiative in Vietnam was to enlist, if possible, the help of the Soviets and the Chinese. Though rapprochement with China and détente with the Soviet Union were ends in themselves, I also considered them possible means to hasten the end of the war. At worst, Hanoi was bound to feel less confident if Washington was dealing with Moscow and Beijing. At best, if the two major Communist powers decided that they had bigger fish to fry, Hanoi would be pressured into negotiating a settlement we could accept.[179]
In 1973, Nixon encouraged the Export-Import Bank to finance in part a trade deal with the Soviet Union in which Armand Hammer's Occidental Petroleum would export phosphate from Florida to the Soviet Union, and import Soviet ammonia. The deal, valued at $20 billion over 20 years, involved the construction of two major Soviet port facilities at Odessa and Ventspils,[180][181][182] and a pipeline connecting four ammonia plants in the greater Volga region to the port at Odessa.[182] In 1973, Nixon announced his administration was committed to seeking most favored nation trade status with the USSR,[183] which was challenged by Congress in the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.[184]
During the previous two years, Nixon had made considerable progress in U.S.–Soviet relations, and he embarked on a second trip to the Soviet Union in 1974.[185] He arrived in Moscow on June 27 to a welcome ceremony, cheering crowds, and a state dinner at the Grand Kremlin Palace that evening.[185] Nixon and Brezhnev met in Yalta, where they discussed a proposed mutual defense pact, détente, and MIRVs. Nixon considered proposing a comprehensive test-ban treaty, but he felt he would not have time to complete it during his presidency.[185] There were no significant breakthroughs in these negotiations.[185]
Middle Eastern policy
As part of the Nixon Doctrine, the U.S. avoided giving direct combat assistance to its allies and instead gave them assistance to defend themselves. During the Nixon administration, the U.S. greatly increased arms sales to the Middle East, particularly Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia.[186] The Nixon administration strongly supported Israel, an American ally in the Middle East, but the support was not unconditional. Nixon believed Israel should make peace with its Arab neighbors and that the U.S. should encourage it. The president believed that—except during the Suez Crisis—the U.S. had failed to intervene with Israel, and should use the leverage of the large U.S. military aid to Israel to urge the parties to the negotiating table. The Arab-Israeli conflict was not a major focus of Nixon's attention during his first term—for one thing, he felt that no matter what he did, American Jews would oppose his reelection.[a]
On October 6, 1973, an Arab coalition led by Egypt and Syria, supported with arms and materiel by the Soviet Union, attacked Israel in the Yom Kippur War. Israel suffered heavy losses and Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses, cutting through inter-departmental squabbles and bureaucracy and taking personal responsibility for any response by Arab nations. More than a week later, by the time the U.S. and Soviet Union began negotiating a truce, Israel had penetrated deep into enemy territory. The truce negotiations rapidly escalated into a superpower crisis; when Israel gained the upper hand, Egyptian President Sadat requested a joint U.S.–USSR peacekeeping mission, which the U.S. refused. When Soviet Premier Brezhnev threatened to unilaterally enforce any peacekeeping mission militarily, Nixon ordered the U.S. military to DEFCON3,[187] placing all U.S. military personnel and bases on alert for nuclear war. This was the closest the world had come to nuclear war since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Brezhnev backed down as a result of Nixon's actions.[188]
Because Israel's victory was largely due to U.S. support, the Arab OPEC nations retaliated by refusing to sell crude oil to the U.S., resulting in the 1973 oil crisis.[189] The embargo caused gasoline shortages and rationing in the United States in late 1973, and was eventually ended by the oil-producing nations as peace in the Middle East took hold.[190]
After the war, and under Nixon's presidency, the U.S. reestablished relations with Egypt for the first time since 1967. Nixon used the Middle East crisis to restart the stalled Middle East Peace Negotiations; he wrote in a confidential memo to Kissinger on October 20:
I believe that, beyond a doubt, we are now facing the best opportunity we have had in 15 years to build a lasting peace in the Middle East. I am convinced history will hold us responsible if we let this opportunity slip by ... I now consider a permanent Middle East settlement to be the most important final goal to which we must devote ourselves.[191]
Nixon made one of his final international visits as president to the Middle East in June 1974, and became the first president to visit Israel.[192]
Domestic policy
Economy
At the time Nixon took office in 1969, inflation was at 4.7 percent—its highest rate since the Korean War. The Great Society had been enacted under Johnson, which, together with the Vietnam War costs, was causing large budget deficits. Unemployment was low, but interest rates were at their highest in a century.[193] Nixon's major economic goal was to reduce inflation; the most obvious means of doing so was to end the war.[193] This could not be accomplished overnight, and the U.S. economy continued to struggle through 1970, contributing to a lackluster Republican performance in the midterm congressional elections (Democrats controlled both Houses of Congress throughout Nixon's presidency).[194] According to political economist Nigel Bowles in his 2011 study of Nixon's economic record, the new president did little to alter Johnson's policies through the first year of his presidency.[195]
Nixon was far more interested in foreign affairs than domestic policies, but he believed that voters tend to focus on their own financial condition and that economic conditions were a threat to his reelection. As part of his "New Federalism" views, he proposed grants to the states, but these proposals were for the most part lost in the congressional budget process. However, Nixon gained political credit for advocating them.[194] In 1970, Congress had granted the president the power to impose wage and price freezes, though the Democratic majorities, knowing Nixon had opposed such controls throughout his career, did not expect Nixon to actually use the authority.[195] With inflation unresolved by August 1971, and an election year looming, Nixon convened a summit of his economic advisers at Camp David. Nixon's options were to limit fiscal and monetary expansionist policies that reduced unemployment or end the dollar's fixed exchange rate; Nixon's dilemma has been cited as an example of the Impossible trinity in international economics.[196][197] He then announced temporary wage and price controls, allowed the dollar to float against other currencies, and ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold.[198] Bowles points out,
by identifying himself with a policy whose purpose was inflation's defeat, Nixon made it difficult for Democratic opponents ... to criticize him. His opponents could offer no alternative policy that was either plausible or believable since the one they favored was one they had designed but which the president had appropriated for himself.[195]
Nixon's policies dampened inflation through 1972, although their aftereffects contributed to inflation during his second term and into the Ford administration.[198] Nixon's decision to end the gold standard in the United States led to the collapse of the Bretton Woods system. According to Thomas Oatley, "the Bretton Woods system collapsed so that Nixon might win the 1972 presidential election."[196]
After Nixon won re-election, inflation was returning.[199] He reimposed price controls in June 1973. The price controls became unpopular with the public and businesspeople, who saw powerful labor unions as preferable to the price board bureaucracy.[199] The controls produced food shortages, as meat disappeared from grocery stores and farmers drowned chickens rather than sell them at a loss.[199] Despite the failure to control inflation, controls were slowly ended, and on April 30, 1974, their statutory authorization lapsed.[199]
Governmental initiatives and organization
Nixon advocated a "New Federalism", which would devolve power to state and local elected officials, though Congress was hostile to these ideas and enacted few of them.[200] He eliminated the Cabinet-level United States Post Office Department, which in 1971 became the government-run United States Postal Service.[201]
Nixon was a late supporter of the conservation movement. Environmental policy had not been a significant issue in the 1968 election, and the candidates were rarely asked for their views on the subject. Nixon broke new ground by discussing environmental policy in his State of the Union speech in 1970. He saw that the first Earth Day in April 1970 presaged a wave of voter interest on the subject, and sought to use that to his benefit; in June he announced the formation of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).[202] He relied on his domestic advisor John Ehrlichman, who favored protection of natural resources, to keep him "out of trouble on environmental issues."[203] Other initiatives supported by Nixon included the Clean Air Act of 1970 and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), and the National Environmental Policy Act required environmental impact statements for many Federal projects.[203][202] Nixon vetoed the Clean Water Act of 1972—objecting not to the policy goals of the legislation but to the amount of money to be spent on them, which he deemed excessive. After Congress overrode his veto, Nixon impounded the funds he deemed unjustifiable.[204]
In 1971, Nixon proposed health insurance reform—a private health insurance employer mandate,[b] federalization of Medicaid for poor families with dependent minor children,[205] and support for health maintenance organizations (HMOs).[206] A limited HMO bill was enacted in 1973.[206] In 1974, Nixon proposed more comprehensive health insurance reform—a private health insurance employer mandate[b] and replacement of Medicaid by state-run health insurance plans available to all, with income-based premiums and cost sharing.[207]
Nixon was concerned about the prevalence of domestic drug use in addition to drug use among American soldiers in Vietnam. He called for a war on drugs and pledged to cut off sources of supply abroad. He also increased funds for education and for rehabilitation facilities.[208]
As one policy initiative, Nixon called for more money for sickle-cell research, treatment, and education in February 1971[209] and signed the National Sickle Cell Anemia Control Act on May 16, 1972.[210][211][c] While Nixon called for increased spending on such high-profile items as sickle-cell disease and for a war on cancer, at the same time he sought to reduce overall spending at the National Institutes of Health.[212]
Civil rights
The Nixon presidency witnessed the first large-scale integration of public schools in the South.[213] Nixon sought a middle way between the segregationist Wallace and liberal Democrats, whose support of integration was alienating some Southern whites.[214] Hopeful of doing well in the South in 1972, he sought to dispose of desegregation as a political issue before then. Soon after his inauguration, he appointed Vice President Agnew to lead a task force, which worked with local leaders—both white and black—to determine how to integrate local schools. Agnew had little interest in the work, and most of it was done by Labor Secretary George Shultz. Federal aid was available, and a meeting with President Nixon was a possible reward for compliant committees. By September 1970, less than ten percent of black children were attending segregated schools. By 1971, however, tensions over desegregation surfaced in Northern cities, with angry protests over the busing of children to schools outside their neighborhood to achieve racial balance. Nixon opposed busing personally but enforced court orders requiring its use.[215]
Some scholars, such as James Morton Turner and John Isenberg, believe that Nixon, who had advocated for civil rights in his 1960 campaign, slowed down desegregation as president, appealing to the racial conservatism of Southern whites, who were angered by the civil rights movement. This, he hoped, would boost his election chances in 1972.[216][217]
In addition to desegregating public schools, Nixon implemented the Philadelphia Plan in 1970—the first significant federal affirmative action program.[218] He also endorsed the Equal Rights Amendment after it passed both houses of Congress in 1972 and went to the states for ratification.[219] He also pushed for African American civil rights and economic equity through a concept known as black capitalism.[220] Nixon had campaigned as an ERA supporter in 1968, though feminists criticized him for doing little to help the ERA or their cause after his election. Nevertheless, he appointed more women to administration positions than Lyndon Johnson had.[221]
Space policy
After a nearly decade-long national effort, the United States won the race to land astronauts on the Moon on July 20, 1969, with the flight of Apollo 11. Nixon spoke with Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin during their moonwalk. He called the conversation "the most historic phone call ever made from the White House".[222]
Nixon was unwilling to keep funding for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) at the high level seen during the 1960s as NASA prepared to send men to the Moon. NASA Administrator Thomas O. Paine drew up ambitious plans for the establishment of a permanent base on the Moon by the end of the 1970s and the launch of a crewed expedition to Mars as early as 1981. Nixon rejected both proposals due to the expense.[223] Nixon also canceled the Air Force Manned Orbital Laboratory program in 1969, because uncrewed spy satellites were a more cost-effective way to achieve the same reconnaissance objective.[224] NASA cancelled the last three planned Apollo lunar missions to place Skylab in orbit more efficiently and free money up for the design and construction of the Space Shuttle.[225]
On May 24, 1972, Nixon approved a five-year cooperative program between NASA and the Soviet space program, culminating in the 1975 joint mission of an American Apollo and Soviet Soyuz spacecraft linking in space.[226]
Reelection, Watergate scandal, and resignation
1972 presidential campaign
Nixon believed his rise to power had peaked at a moment of political realignment. The Democratic "Solid South" had long been a source of frustration to Republican ambitions. Goldwater had won several Southern states by opposing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 but had alienated more moderate Southerners. Nixon's efforts to gain Southern support in 1968 were diluted by Wallace's candidacy. Through his first term, he pursued a Southern Strategy with policies, such as his desegregation plans, that would be broadly acceptable among Southern whites, encouraging them to realign with the Republicans in the aftermath of the civil rights movement. He nominated two Southern conservatives, Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Carswell, to the Supreme Court, but neither was confirmed by the Senate.[227]
Nixon entered his name on the New Hampshire primary ballot on January 5, 1972, effectively announcing his candidacy for reelection.[228] Virtually assured the Republican nomination,[229] the President had initially expected his Democratic opponent to be Massachusetts Senator Edward M. Kennedy (brother of the late President), who was largely removed from contention after the July 1969 Chappaquiddick incident.[230] Instead, Maine Senator Edmund Muskie became the front runner, with South Dakota Senator George McGovern in a close second place.[228]
On June 10, McGovern won the California primary and secured the Democratic nomination.[231] The following month, Nixon was renominated at the 1972 Republican National Convention. He dismissed the Democratic platform as cowardly and divisive.[232] McGovern intended to sharply reduce defense spending[233] and supported amnesty for draft evaders as well as abortion rights. With some of his supporters believed to be in favor of drug legalization, McGovern was perceived as standing for "amnesty, abortion and acid". McGovern was also damaged by his vacillating support for his original running mate, Missouri Senator Thomas Eagleton, dumped from the ticket following revelations that he had received electroshock treatment for depression.[234][235] Nixon was ahead in most polls for the entire election cycle, and was reelected on November 7, 1972, in one of the largest landslide election victories in American history. He defeated McGovern with over 60 percent of the popular vote, losing only in Massachusetts and D.C.[236]
Watergate
The term Watergate has come to encompass an array of clandestine and often illegal activities undertaken by members of the Nixon administration. Those activities included "dirty tricks", such as bugging the offices of political opponents, and the harassment of activist groups and political figures. The activities were brought to light after five men were caught breaking into the Democratic party headquarters at the Watergate complex in Washington, D.C., on June 17, 1972. The Washington Post picked up on the story; reporters Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward relied on an informant known as "Deep Throat"—later revealed to be Mark Felt, associate director at the FBI—to link the men to the Nixon administration. Nixon downplayed the scandal as mere politics, calling news articles biased and misleading. A series of revelations made it clear that the Committee to Re-elect President Nixon, and later the White House, were involved in attempts to sabotage the Democrats. Senior aides such as White House Counsel John Dean faced prosecution; in total 48 officials were convicted of wrongdoing.[129][237][238]
In July 1973, White House aide Alexander Butterfield testified under oath to Congress that Nixon had a secret taping system and recorded his conversations and phone calls in the Oval Office. These tapes were subpoenaed by Watergate Special Counsel Archibald Cox; Nixon provided transcripts of the conversations but not the actual tapes, citing executive privilege. With the White House and Cox at loggerheads, Nixon had Cox fired in October in the "Saturday Night Massacre"; he was replaced by Leon Jaworski. In November, Nixon's lawyers revealed that a tape of conversations held in the White House on June 20, 1972, had an 18+1⁄2 minute gap.[238] Rose Mary Woods, the President's personal secretary, claimed responsibility for the gap, saying that she had accidentally wiped the section while transcribing the tape, but her story was widely mocked. The gap, while not conclusive proof of wrongdoing by the President, cast doubt on Nixon's statement that he had been unaware of the cover-up.[239]
Though Nixon lost much popular support, even from his own party, he rejected accusations of wrongdoing and vowed to stay in office.[238] He admitted he had made mistakes but insisted he had no prior knowledge of the burglary, did not break any laws, and did not learn of the cover-up until early 1973.[240] On October 10, 1973, Vice President Agnew resigned for reasons unrelated to Watergate: he was convicted on charges of bribery, tax evasion and money laundering during his tenure as governor of Maryland. Believing his first choice, John Connally, would not be confirmed by Congress,[241] Nixon chose Gerald Ford, Minority Leader of the House of Representatives, to replace Agnew.[242] One researcher suggests Nixon effectively disengaged from his own administration after Ford was sworn in as vice president on December 6, 1973.[243]
On November 17, 1973, during a televised question-and-answer session[244] with 400 Associated Press managing editors, Nixon said, "People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook. I've earned everything I've got."[245]
The legal battle over the tapes continued through early 1974, and in April Nixon announced the release of 1,200 pages of transcripts of White House conversations between himself and his aides. The House Judiciary Committee opened impeachment hearings against the President on May 9, 1974, which were televised on the major TV networks. These hearings culminated in votes for impeachment.[240] On July 24, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the full tapes, not just selected transcripts, must be released.[246]
The scandal grew to involve a slew of additional allegations against the President, ranging from the improper use of government agencies to accepting gifts in office and his personal finances and taxes; Nixon repeatedly stated his willingness to pay any outstanding taxes due, and later paid $465,000 (equivalent to $2.9 million in 2023) in back taxes in 1974.[247]
Even with support diminished by the continuing series of revelations, Nixon hoped to fight the charges. But one of the new tapes, recorded soon after the break-in, demonstrated that Nixon had been told of the White House connection to the Watergate burglaries soon after they took place, and had approved plans to thwart the investigation. In a statement accompanying the release of what became known as the "Smoking Gun Tape" on August 5, 1974, Nixon accepted blame for misleading the country about when he had been told of White House involvement, stating that he had had a lapse of memory.[248] Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott, Senator Barry Goldwater, and House Minority Leader John Jacob Rhodes met with Nixon soon after. Rhodes told Nixon he faced certain impeachment in the House. Scott and Goldwater told the president that he had, at most, only 15 votes in his favor in the Senate, far fewer than the 34 needed to avoid removal from office.[249]
Resignation
In light of his loss of political support and the near-certainty that he would be impeached and removed from office, Nixon resigned the presidency on August 9, 1974, after addressing the nation on television the previous evening.[240] The resignation speech was delivered from the Oval Office and was carried live on radio and television. Nixon said he was resigning for the good of the country and asked the nation to support the new president, Gerald Ford. Nixon went on to review the accomplishments of his presidency, especially in foreign policy.[250] He defended his record as president, quoting from Theodore Roosevelt's 1910 speech Citizenship in a Republic:
Sometimes I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, "whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes up short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly".[251]
Nixon's speech received generally favorable initial responses from network commentators, with only Roger Mudd of CBS stating that Nixon had not admitted wrongdoing.[252] It was termed "a masterpiece" by Conrad Black, one of his biographers. Black opined that "What was intended to be an unprecedented humiliation for any American president, Nixon converted into a virtual parliamentary acknowledgement of almost blameless insufficiency of legislative support to continue. He left while devoting half his address to a recitation of his accomplishments in office."[253]
Post-presidency (1974–1994)
Pardon and illness
Following his resignation, the Nixons flew to their home La Casa Pacifica in San Clemente, California.[254] According to his biographer, Jonathan Aitken, "Nixon was a soul in torment" after his resignation.[255] Congress had funded Nixon's transition costs, including some salary expenses, though reducing the appropriation from $850,000 to $200,000. With some of his staff still with him, Nixon was at his desk by 7:00 a.m. with little to do.[255] His former press secretary, Ron Ziegler, sat with him alone for hours each day.[256]
Nixon's resignation had not put an end to the desire among many to see him punished. The Ford White House considered a pardon of Nixon, even though it would be unpopular in the country. Nixon, contacted by Ford emissaries, was initially reluctant to accept the pardon, but then agreed to do so. Ford insisted on a statement of contrition, but Nixon felt he had not committed any crimes and should not have to issue such a document. Ford eventually agreed, and on September 8, 1974, he granted Nixon a "full, free, and absolute pardon", which ended any possibility of an indictment. Nixon then released a statement:
I was wrong in not acting more decisively and more forthrightly in dealing with Watergate, particularly when it reached the stage of judicial proceedings and grew from a political scandal into a national tragedy. No words can describe the depth of my regret and pain at the anguish my mistakes over Watergate have caused the nation and the presidency, a nation I so deeply love, and an institution I so greatly respect.[257][258]
In October 1974, Nixon fell ill with phlebitis. Told by his doctors that he could either be operated on or die, a reluctant Nixon chose surgery, and President Ford visited him in the hospital. Nixon was under subpoena for the trial of three of his former aides—Dean, Haldeman, and John Ehrlichman—and The Washington Post, disbelieving his illness, printed a cartoon showing Nixon with a cast on the "wrong foot". Judge John Sirica excused Nixon's presence despite the defendants' objections.[259] Congress instructed Ford to retain Nixon's presidential papers—beginning a three-decade legal battle over the documents that was eventually won by the former president and his estate.[260] Nixon was in the hospital when the 1974 midterm elections were held, and Watergate and the pardon were contributing factors to the Republican loss of 49 seats in the House and four in the Senate.[261]
Return to public life
In December 1974, Nixon began planning his comeback despite the considerable ill will against him in the country. He wrote in his diary, referring to himself and Pat,
So be it. We will see it through. We've had tough times before and we can take the tougher ones that we will have to go through now. That is perhaps what we were made for—to be able to take punishment beyond what anyone in this office has had before particularly after leaving office. This is a test of character and we must not fail the test.[262]
By early 1975, Nixon's health was improving. He maintained an office in a Coast Guard station 300 yards (270 m) from his home, at first taking a golf cart and later walking the route each day; he mainly worked on his memoirs.[263] He had hoped to wait before writing his memoirs; the fact that his assets were being eaten away by expenses and lawyer fees compelled him to begin work quickly.[264] He was handicapped in this work by the end of his transition allowance in February, which compelled him to part with many of his staff, including Ziegler.[265] In August of that year, he met with British talk-show host and producer David Frost, who paid him $600,000 (equivalent to $3.4 million in 2023) for a series of sit-down interviews, filmed and aired in 1977.[266] They began on the topic of foreign policy, recounting the leaders he had known, but the most remembered section of the interviews was that on Watergate. Nixon admitted he had "let down the country" and that "I brought myself down. I gave them a sword and they stuck it in. And they twisted it with relish. And, I guess, if I'd been in their position, I'd have done the same thing."[267] The interviews garnered 45–50 million viewers—becoming the most-watched program of its kind in television history.[268]
The interviews helped improve Nixon's financial position—at one point in early 1975 he had only $500 in the bank—as did the sale of his Key Biscayne property to a trust set up by wealthy friends of Nixon, such as Bebe Rebozo.[269] In February 1976, Nixon visited China at the personal invitation of Mao. Nixon had wanted to return to China but chose to wait until after Ford's own visit in 1975.[270] Nixon remained neutral in the close 1976 primary battle between Ford and Reagan. Ford won, but was defeated by Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter in the general election. The Carter administration had little use for Nixon and blocked his planned trip to Australia, causing the government of Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser to withhold its official invitation.[271]
In 1976, Nixon was disbarred by the New York State Bar Association for obstruction of justice in the Watergate affair. He chose not to present any defense.[272] In early 1978, he visited the United Kingdom; there, he was shunned by American diplomats, most ministers of the James Callaghan government, and two former prime ministers, Harold Macmillan and Edward Heath. He was welcomed, however, by the Leader of the Opposition, Margaret Thatcher, as well as by former prime ministers Lord Home and Sir Harold Wilson. Nixon addressed the Oxford Union regarding Watergate:
[Some people] felt that on this matter that I had not handled it properly, and they were right. I screwed it up and I paid the price.[273][274]
Author and elder statesman
In 1978, Nixon published his memoirs, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, the first of ten books he was to author in his retirement.[254] John A. Farrell deemed it one of the better presidential memoirs, candid and capturing its author's voice; he deemed its rise up the bestseller lists justified.[275] Nixon visited the White House in 1979, invited by Carter for the state dinner for Chinese Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping. Carter had not wanted to invite Nixon, but Deng had said he would visit Nixon in California if the former president was not invited. Nixon had a private meeting with Deng and visited Beijing again in mid-1979.[276]
On August 10, 1979, the Nixons purchased a 12‐room condominium occupying the seventh floor of 817 Fifth Avenue New York City[277] after being rejected by two Manhattan co-ops.[278] When the deposed Shah of Iran died in Egypt in July 1980, Nixon defied the State Department, which intended to send no U.S. representative, by attending the funeral. Though Nixon had no official credentials, as a former president he was seen as the American presence at its former ally's funeral.[279] Nixon supported Ronald Reagan for president in 1980, making television appearances portraying himself as, in biographer Stephen Ambrose's words, "the senior statesman above the fray".[280] He wrote guest articles for many publications both during the campaign and after Reagan's victory.[281] After eighteen months in the New York City townhouse, Nixon and his wife moved in 1981 to Saddle River, New Jersey.[254]
Throughout the 1980s, Nixon maintained an ambitious schedule of speaking engagements and writing,[254] traveled, and met with many foreign leaders, especially those of Third World countries. He joined former Presidents Ford and Carter as representatives of the United States at the funeral of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat.[254] On a trip to the Middle East, Nixon made his views known regarding Saudi Arabia and Libya, which attracted significant U.S. media attention; The Washington Post ran stories on Nixon's "rehabilitation".[282] Nixon visited the Soviet Union in 1986 and on his return sent President Reagan a lengthy memorandum containing foreign policy suggestions and his personal impressions of Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev.[254] Following this trip, Nixon was ranked in a Gallup poll as one of the ten most admired men in the world.[283]
In 1986, Nixon addressed a convention of newspaper publishers, impressing his audience with his tour d'horizon of the world.[284] At the time, political pundit Elizabeth Drew wrote, "Even when he was wrong, Nixon still showed that he knew a great deal and had a capacious memory, as well as the capacity to speak with apparent authority, enough to impress people who had little regard for him in earlier times."[284] Newsweek ran a story on "Nixon's comeback" with the headline "He's back".[285]
On July 19, 1990, the Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace in Yorba Linda, California, opened as a private institution with the Nixons in attendance. They were joined by a large crowd of people, including Presidents Ford, Reagan, and George H. W. Bush, as well as their wives, Betty, Nancy, and Barbara.[286] In January 1994, the former president founded the Nixon Center (today the Center for the National Interest), a Washington policy think tank and conference center.[287][288]
Pat Nixon died on June 22, 1993, of emphysema and lung cancer. Her funeral services were held on the grounds of the Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace. Former President Nixon was distraught throughout the interment and delivered a tribute to her inside the library building.[289]
Death and funeral
Nixon suffered a severe stroke on April 18, 1994, while preparing to eat dinner in his home at Park Ridge, New Jersey.[290] A blood clot resulting from the atrial fibrillation he had suffered for many years had formed in his upper heart, broken off, and traveled to his brain.[291] He was taken to NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital in Manhattan, initially alert but unable to speak or to move his right arm or leg.[290] Damage to the brain caused swelling (cerebral edema), and Nixon slipped into a deep coma. He died at 9:08 p.m. on April 22, 1994, with his daughters at his bedside. He was 81 years old.[290]
Nixon's funeral took place on April 27, 1994, in Yorba Linda, California. Eulogists at the Nixon Library ceremony included President Bill Clinton, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole, California Governor Pete Wilson, and the Reverend Billy Graham. Also in attendance were former Presidents Ford, Carter, Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and their wives.[292]
Richard Nixon was buried beside his wife Pat on the grounds of the Nixon Library. He was survived by his two daughters, Tricia and Julie, and four grandchildren.[290] In keeping with his wishes, his funeral was not a full state funeral, though his body did lie in repose in the Nixon Library lobby from April 26 to the morning of the funeral service.[293] Mourners waited in line for up to eight hours in chilly, wet weather to pay their respects.[294] At its peak, the line to pass by Nixon's casket was three miles long with an estimated 42,000 people waiting.[295]
John F. Stacks of Time magazine said of Nixon shortly after his death,
An outsize energy and determination drove him on to recover and rebuild after every self-created disaster that he faced. To reclaim a respected place in American public life after his resignation, he kept traveling and thinking and talking to the world's leaders ... and by the time Bill Clinton came to the White House [in 1993], Nixon had virtually cemented his role as an elder statesman. Clinton, whose wife served on the staff of the committee that voted to impeach Nixon, met openly with him and regularly sought his advice.[296]
Том Уикер из «Нью-Йорк Таймс» отметил, что с Никсоном мог сравниться только Франклин Рузвельт в том, что он был пять раз номинирован в списке крупных партий, и, цитируя прощальную речь Никсона в 1962 году, написал:
Лицо Ричарда Никсона, покрытое тенью бороды, нос с трамплина и вдовий пик, руки, вытянутые в знаке V, так часто изображались и карикатурно изображались, его присутствие стало таким знакомым в этой стране, что он так часто находился в пылу споров, что было трудно осознать, что стране действительно «больше не придется иметь дело с Никсоном». [297]
Эмброуз сказал о реакции на смерть Никсона: «К всеобщему изумлению, кроме него самого, он наш любимый старший государственный деятель». [298]
После смерти Никсона в новостях упоминались Уотергейт и его отставка, но большая часть сообщений была в пользу бывшего президента. Газета Dallas Morning News заявила: «История в конечном итоге должна показать, что, несмотря на его недостатки, он был одним из наших самых дальновидных руководителей». [299] Некоторых это оскорбило; обозреватель Рассел Бейкер пожаловался на «групповой заговор с целью предоставить ему отпущение грехов». [300] Карикатурист Джефф Котерба из Omaha World-Herald изобразил Историю перед чистым холстом, своим героем Никсоном, в то время как Америка с нетерпением наблюдает за ней. Художник призывает публику сесть; работа займет некоторое время, поскольку «этот портрет немного сложнее большинства». [301] Хантер С. Томпсон написал резкую статью, осуждающую Никсона для журнала Rolling Stone , под названием «Он был мошенником» (которая также появилась месяц спустя в The Atlantic ). [302] В своей статье Томпсон охарактеризовал Никсона как «политического монстра прямо из Гренделя и очень опасного врага». [302]
Наследие
Историк и политолог Джеймс МакГрегор Бернс спросил Никсона: «Как можно оценивать такого своеобразного президента, такого блестящего и такого морально неполноценного?» [303] Оценки его президентства оказались сложными: успехи его президентства во внутренней и внешней политике противопоставлялись резким обстоятельствам его ухода. [303] По словам Эмброуза, «Никсон хотел, чтобы о нем судили по тому, чего он достиг. Его будут помнить за кошмар, через который он провел страну во время своего второго срока, и за свою отставку». [304] Ирвин Геллман, который ведет хронику карьеры Никсона в Конгрессе, предполагает: «Он выделялся среди своих коллег в Конгрессе, являясь примером успеха в беспокойную эпоху, человеком, который проводил разумный антикоммунистический курс против чрезмерного Маккарти». [305] Эйткен считает, что «Никсона как человека и как государственного деятеля чрезмерно оклеветали за его недостатки и недостаточно признали за его достоинства. Однако даже в духе исторического ревизионизма простой вердикт невозможен». [306]
Никсон считал свою политику в отношении Вьетнама, Китая и Советского Союза центральной для своего места в истории. [186] Бывший оппонент Никсона Джордж Макговерн в 1983 году заметил: «У президента Никсона, вероятно, был более практичный подход к двум сверхдержавам, Китаю и Советскому Союзу, чем у любого другого президента со времен Второй мировой войны… За исключением его непростительного продолжения войны». во Вьетнаме Никсон действительно получит высокие оценки в истории». [307] Политолог Юсси Ханхимяки не согласен, заявляя, что дипломатия Никсона была просто продолжением времен холодной войны политики сдерживания дипломатическими, а не военными средствами. [186] Историк Кристофер Эндрю заключает, что «Никсон был великим государственным деятелем на мировой арене, а также жалким практиком избирательной политики на внутренней арене. Коммунистический Китай и Советский Союз». [308]
Позиции Никсона во внутренних делах приписывают принятие и обеспечение соблюдения экологического и нормативного законодательства. В статье 2011 года о Никсоне и окружающей среде историк Пол Чарльз Милаццо указывает на создание Никсоном Агентства по охране окружающей среды США (EPA) и на обеспечение соблюдения им таких законов, как Закон об исчезающих видах 1973 года , заявляя, что «хотя это и нежелательное и непризнанное , экологическое наследие Ричарда Никсона в безопасности». [309] Сам Никсон не считал экологические достижения, которых он добился на своем посту, важной частью своего наследия; некоторые историки утверждают, что его выбор был обусловлен скорее политической целесообразностью, чем сильными защитниками окружающей среды . [203] Никсона Некоторые историки говорят, что Южная стратегия превратила юг Соединенных Штатов в оплот республиканцев, в то время как другие считают, что экономические факторы более важны для перемен. [227] На протяжении всей своей карьеры Никсон вывел свою партию из-под контроля изоляционистов и как конгрессмен был убедительным сторонником сдерживания советского коммунизма. [310]
Историк Кейт В. Олсон написал, что Никсон оставил в наследство фундаментальное недоверие к правительству, коренящееся во Вьетнаме и Уотергейте. [311] Во время импичмента Биллу Клинтону в 1998 году обе стороны пытались использовать Никсона и Уотергейт в своих интересах: республиканцы предполагали, что проступок Клинтона был сопоставим с проступком Никсона, в то время как демократы утверждали, что действия Никсона были гораздо более серьезными, чем действия Клинтона. [312] На какое-то время власть президента уменьшилась, поскольку Конгресс принял ограничительный закон после Уотергейта. Олсон предполагает, что принятые после терактов 11 сентября законы восстановили власть президента. [311]
По словам его биографа Герберта Пармета, «роль Никсона заключалась в том, чтобы направить Республиканскую партию по среднему курсу, где-то между конкурентными импульсами Рокфеллеров, Голдуотеров и Рейганов». [313]
Личность и общественный имидж
Карьера Никсона часто зависела от его личности и восприятия ее обществом. Редакционные карикатуристы и комики часто преувеличивали его внешность и манеры до такой степени, что грань между человеком и карикатурой становилась все более размытой. Его часто изображали с небритыми щеками, опущенными плечами и нахмуренным потным лбом. [314]
Никсон имел сложную личность, одновременно очень скрытную и неуклюжую, но при этом поразительно задумчивую о себе. Он был склонен дистанцироваться от людей и был формальным во всех отношениях, носил пальто и галстук, даже когда был дома один. [315] Биограф Никсона Конрад Блэк описал его как «движимого», но в то же время «в некотором смысле неловкого самого себя». [316] По мнению Блэка, Никсон
думал, что он обречен быть оклеветанным, обманутым, несправедливо преследуемым, непонятым, недооцененным и подвергнутым испытаниям Иова , но что, применив свою могучую волю, упорство и усердие, он в конечном итоге одержит победу. [317]
Никсон иногда злоупотреблял алкоголем, особенно в 1970 году. Ему также прописывали снотворное. По словам Рэя Прайса , Никсон иногда брал их вместе. Никсон также принимал дилантин , рекомендованный Джеком Дрейфусом . Это лекарство обычно назначают для лечения и предотвращения судорог, но в случае Никсона оно предназначалось для лечения депрессии. Его периодические излишества, особенно в стрессовые времена, такие как во время Аполлона-13 , беспокоили Прайса и других, в том числе тогдашнего советника Эрлихмана и давнего камердинера Маноло Санчеса . [318] Писатель и бывший британский политик Дэвид Оуэн считал Никсона алкоголиком . [319] [320]
Биограф Элизабет Дрю охарактеризовала Никсона как «умного, талантливого человека, но самого своеобразного и преследуемого из президентов». [321] В своем отчете о президентстве Никсона автор Ричард Ривз описал Никсона как «странного человека неудобной застенчивости, который лучше всего действовал наедине со своими мыслями». [322] Президентство Никсона было обречено из-за его личности, утверждает Ривз:
Он предполагал в людях самое худшее и выявлял в них самое худшее... Он цеплялся за идею быть «крутым». Он думал, что именно это привело его на грань величия. Но именно это его предало. Он не мог открыться другим людям и не мог открыться величию. [323]
В октябре 1999 года был выпущен том аудиозаписей Белого дома 1971 года, которые содержали несколько заявлений Никсона, которые считались уничижительными по отношению к евреям. [324] В одном из разговоров с Х.Р. Холдеманом Никсон сказал, что Вашингтон «полон евреев» и что «большинство евреев нелояльны», сделав исключение для некоторых из своих главных помощников. [325] Затем он добавил: «Но, Боб, вообще говоря, ты не можешь доверять этим ублюдкам. Они нападают на тебя. Я ошибаюсь или прав?» [325] В другом месте записей 1971 года Никсон отрицает свой антисемит, говоря: «Если у кого-то, кто сидел в этом кресле, когда-либо была причина быть антисемитом, то у меня были… А у меня нет, вы понимаете, о чем я?» [325]
Никсон считал, что дистанцирование между собой и другими людьми было необходимо ему, когда он продвигался в своей политической карьере и стал президентом. Даже Бебе Ребозо , по некоторым сведениям, его ближайший друг, не называл его по имени. Никсон сказал об этом:
Я не верю, что даже с близкими друзьями можно распускать волосы, рассказывать то, то и другое, говоря: «Ну и дела, я не мог спать…» Я считаю, что вам следует держать свои проблемы при себе. Я такой. Некоторые люди другие. Некоторые люди думают, что это хорошая терапия — посидеть с близким другом и, знаете ли, просто выплеснуть свои кишки… [и] раскрыть свою внутреннюю психику — независимо от того, были ли они на грудном вскармливании или на искусственном вскармливании. Не я. Ни за что. [326]
Когда Никсону сказали, что большинство американцев чувствовали, что не знали его даже в конце его карьеры, он ответил: «Да, это правда. И им не обязательно знать». [326]
Книги
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1960). Шесть кризисов , Даблдей, ISBN 978-0-385-00125-0 .
- Цитаты будущего председателя: Ричарда Милхауса Никсона , под редакцией М.Б. Шнаппера (Вашингтон: Public Relations Press , 1968)
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1978). РН: Мемуары Ричарда Никсона , Саймона и Шустера, ISBN 978-0-671-70741-5 .
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1980). Настоящая война , Сиджвик и Джексон Лтд. ISBN 978-0-283-98650-5 .
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1982). Лидеры , Рэндом Хаус ISBN 978-0-446-51249-7 .
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1984). Настоящий мир , Сиджвик и Джексон Лтд. ISBN 978-0-283-99076-2 .
| Внешние видео | |
|---|---|
 Часть первая из интервью Booknotes с Никсоном о программе «Лови момент» , 23 февраля 1992 г. | |
| Часть вторая интервью Booknotes , 1 марта 1992 г. |
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1987). Вьетнамов больше нет , Издательство Arbor House. ISBN 978-0-87795-668-6 .
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1988). 1999: Победа без войны , Саймон и Шустер. ISBN 978-0-671-62712-6 .
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1990). На арене: мемуары о победе, поражении и обновлении , Саймон и Шустер. ISBN 978-0-671-72318-7 .
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1992). Воспользуйтесь моментом: вызов Америки в мире одной сверхдержавы , Саймон и Шустер. ISBN 978-0-671-74343-7 .
- Никсон, Ричард М. (1994). За пределами мира , Random House. ISBN 978-0-679-43323-1 .
См. также
- Культурные изображения Ричарда Никсона
- Избирательная история Ричарда Никсона
- Никсон (фильм)
- Переход президента Ричарда Никсона
Примечания
- ^ Блэк , стр. 583–585. В 1972 году Никсон увеличил свой процент еврейских голосов более чем вдвое: с 17 до 35 процентов. Меркли , с. 68 .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б добровольно для сотрудников
- ^ особенно см. страницу 2 (после вводного материала), на которой гистограмма отображает финансирование NHLBI исследований серповидноклеточных клеток с 1972 по 2001 финансовый год на общую сумму 923 миллиона долларов за эти тридцать лет, начиная с 10 миллионов долларов в 1972 году, затем около 15 миллионов долларов в год. по 1976 год, около 20 миллионов долларов на 1977 год и т. д.
Ссылки
Цитаты
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с «Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона» (PDF) . 21 сентября 2015 г. Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 21 сентября 2015 г.
- ^ «Ричард Никсон в отчетах переписи населения США» . Национальный архив . 15 августа 2016 г. Проверено 31 августа 2022 г.
- ^ NPS, место рождения Никсона .
- ^ Феррис , с. 209.
- ^ Рейтвизнер, Уильям Аддамс . «Предки сенатора Джона Форбса Керри (р. 1943)» . Архивировано из оригинала 27 апреля 2019 года . Проверено 31 августа 2016 г.
- ^ Библиотека Никсона, Детство .
- ^ Эйткен , с. 11.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 12.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 21.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , с. 41.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 27.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , стр. 56–57.
- ^ Блэк , с. 16.
- ^ Моррис , с. 89.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 17–19.
- ^ Моррис , с. 91.
- ^ Моррис , с. 92.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Эйткен , с. 28.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 20–23.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 23–24.
- ^ Геллман , с. 15.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 24–25.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , с. 61.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 58–63.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д и Библиотека Никсона, студент и моряк .
- ^ «Отпраздновано 100-летие со дня рождения Ричарда М. Никсона '34» . Колледж Уиттиер . 9 января 2013 года . Проверено 29 марта 2024 г.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Амвросий 1987 , стр. 33–34.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 67.
- ^ Пармет , с. 81.
- ^ Библиотека Никсона, Путеводитель по семейным коллекциям .
- ^ Эйткен , с. 76.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 79–82.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Моррис , с. 193.
- ^ Блэк , с. 44.
- ^ Блэк , с. 43.
- ^ Никсон 1978 , с. 23.
- ^ Фаррелл , стр. 385–393.
- ^ Фаррелл , стр. 37, 402.
- ^ Библиотека Никсона, Семья Никсона .
- ^ Моррис , стр. 124–126.
- ^ Корницер , стр. 143–144.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 96–97.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 58–60.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Армстронг , с. 81.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Черный , с. 62.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 112.
- ^ Чад, Норман (16 июня 2019 г.). «Для президентов США покер — главное событие» . Вашингтон Пост .
- ^ Пайджич, Боб (25 декабря 2012 г.). «Люди действия — Ричард «Большой блеф» Никсон» . Карточный игрок .
- ^ Пармет , стр. 91–96.
- ^ Геллман , стр. 27–28.
- ^ Пармет , стр. 111–113.
- ^ Геллман , с. 82.
- ^ «Итоговый отчет Специального комитета Палаты представителей по иностранной помощи об иностранной помощи» (PDF) . Фонд Маршалла. 1 мая 1948 года. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 21 декабря 2015 года . Проверено 30 мая 2020 г.
- ^ Геллман , стр. 105–107, 125–126.
- ^ Моррис , с. 365.
- ^ Кронин, Джон Фрэнсис (29 октября 1945 г.). «Проблема американского коммунизма в 1945 году: факты и рекомендации» (PDF) . Конфиденциальное исследование частного обращения. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 14 мая 2013 г. Проверено 26 июля 2017 г.
- ^ Эмброуз, Стивен Э. (18 марта 2014 г.). Никсон, Том I: Образование политика, 1913–1962 гг . Саймон и Шустер. стр. 144–147. ISBN 978-1-4767-4588-6 . Проверено 26 июля 2017 г.
- ^ Никсон, 1978 г. , баллотирование в Конгресс: 1946 г.
- ^ «Хронология» . Библиотека Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 3 апреля 2017 года . Проверено 2 апреля 2017 г.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 129–135.
- ^ Геллман , стр. 239–241.
- ^ Моррис , с. 381.
- ^ Библиотека Никсона, конгрессмен .
- ^ Геллман , с. 282.
- ^ Моррис , с. 535.
- ^ Геллман , стр. 296–297.
- ^ Геллман , с. 304.
- ^ Геллман , с. 310.
- ^ Моррис , с. 581.
- ^ Геллман , с. 335.
- ^ Геллман , с. 303.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Библиотека Никсона, сенатор .
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , стр. 211, 311–312.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Черный , с. 178.
- ^ Геллман , стр. 440–441.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 205–206.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Эйткен , стр. 222–223.
- ^ Джон В. Мальсбергер, «Дуайт Эйзенхауэр, Ричард Никсон и кризис фондов 1952 года», Historian, 73 (осень 2011 г.), стр. 526–47.
- ^ Корницер , с. 191.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Эйткен , стр. 210–217.
- ^ Томпсон , стр. 291.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 218.
- ^ Моррис , с. 846.
- ^ Джон В. Мальсбергер, Генерал и политик: Дуайт Эйзенхауэр, Ричард Никсон и американская политика (2014)
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 225–227.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , с. 342.
- ^ Геллман, Ирвин. «Вице-президентство Ричарда Никсона: исследования без рукописей Никсона» в Small , стр. 102–120.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , стр. 357–358.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 256–258.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , стр. 375–376.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 237–241.
- ^ Пармет , с. 294.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 349–352.
- ^ Блэк , с. 355.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , стр. 465–469.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , стр. 469–479.
- ^ Амвросий 1987 , с. 463.
- ^ Рабе, Стивен Г. (1988). Эйзенхауэр и Латинская Америка: внешняя политика антикоммунизма . Чапел-Хилл: Пресса Университета Северной Каролины. п. 102 . ISBN 978-0-8078-4204-1 .
- ^ Фаррелл , стр. 1394–1400.
- ^ «Ричард Никсон и Никита Хрущев устроили «кухонные дебаты» » . Канал «История» . Проверено 7 ноября 2023 г.
- ^ «Никсон делает это официальным». Солнце пустыни . 9 января 1960 года.
- ^ UPI 1960 в обзоре .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д и ж г час я Библиотека Никсона, вице-президент .
- ^ Музей радиовещательных коммуникаций, «Дебаты Кеннеди-Никсона» .
- ^ Сталь и 25 мая 2003 г.
- ^ Костелло, Уильям (24 июня 1960 г.). Факты о Никсоне . Викинг взрослый. ISBN 978-0670018918 .
- ^ Фонер , с. 843.
- ^ Карлсон и 17 ноября 2000 г.
- ^ Блэк , с. 431.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 432–433.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 304–305.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Амвросий 1987 , с. 673.
- ^ Музей радиовещательной связи, «Смит, Ховард К.» .
- ^ Блэк , с. 446.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 297, 321.
- ^ Гэллап, Джордж (5 апреля 1964 г.). «42% рейтинга Республиканской партии на подножке ложи» . Бостон Глобус . п. 32 . Проверено 17 мая 2022 г.
- ^ Гэллап, Джордж (3 января 1964 г.). «Джонсон лидирует Никсона со счетом 3 к 1 в последних президентских опросах» . Рекламодатель Монтгомери . п. 3 . Проверено 17 мая 2022 г.
- ^ «Голдуотер считает, что праймериз в Калифорнии и Орегоне имеют решающее значение для его шансов…» The New York Times . 12 марта 1964 года . Проверено 15 августа 2021 г.
- ^ «РОКФЕЛЛЕР ВЫИГРЫВАЕТ ПЕРВИЧНЫЕ ПЕРВИЧНЫЕ В ОРЕГОНЕ, РАЗРУШАЮЩАЯ ЛОЖА…» The New York Times . 16 мая 1964 года . Проверено 12 августа 2021 г.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 321–322.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 323–326.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Пармет , с. 502.
- ^ Моррис , стр. 410–411.
- ^ Пармет , стр. 503–508.
- ^ Перлштейн, Рик (2008). Никсонленд: восхождение к власти президента и распад Америки . Нью-Йорк: Скрибнер . стр. 295–303. ISBN 978-0-7432-4302-5 .
- ^ Пармет , с. 509.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д и ж г Библиотека Никсона, президент .
- ^ Морроу и 30 сентября 1996 г.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Блэк , стр. 513–514.
- ^ Блэк , с. 550.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Шульцингер , с. 413.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б «Недоразумение с гаечным ключом» . Фонд Ричарда Никсона . 2 июня 2017 года. Архивировано из оригинала 6 июня 2017 года . Проверено 12 ноября 2017 г.
- ↑ Никсон пытался испортить мирные переговоры Джонсона во Вьетнаме в 1968 году, показаны заметки, архивированные 7 марта 2017 года, в Wayback Machine , The New York Times , раздел политики, Питер Бейкер, 2 января 2017 года. См. также заметки HR Холдемана от октября 2017 года. 22, 1968. Архивировано 5 февраля 2017 года в Wayback Machine , The New York Times , 31 декабря 2016 года, где перепечатываются четыре страницы заметок Холдемана.
- ^ Блэк , с. 558.
- ^ Азари, Юлия (20 августа 2020 г.). «Байдену пришлось бороться за выдвижение на пост президента. Но большинству вице-президентов приходится это делать» . ПятьТридцатьВосемь .
- ^ Эванс и Новак , стр. 33–34.
- ^ UPI 1968 в обзоре .
- ^ Блэк , стр. 567–568.
- ^ Фрик , с. 189.
- ^ UPI 1969 в обзоре .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Миллер Центр .
- ^ Лэмптон, Дэвид М. (2024). Живые отношения США и Китая: от холодной войны к холодной войне . Лэнхэм, доктор медицины: Роуман и Литтлфилд . п. 23. ISBN 978-1-5381-8725-8 .
- ^ Минами, Казуши (2024). Народная дипломатия: как американцы и китайцы изменили американо-китайские отношения во время холодной войны . Итака, Нью-Йорк: Издательство Корнельского университета . п. 38. ISBN 9781501774157 .
- ^ Амвросий 1989 , с. 453.
- ^ Гох, Эвелин. «Китайская карта» в Small , стр. 425–443.
- ^ Блэк , с. 778.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д и PBS, Визит Никсона .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Блэк , стр. 780–782.
- ^ Амвросий 1989 , с. 516.
- ^ Даллек , с. 300.
- ^ «Международные отношения Соединенных Штатов, 1969–1976 годы, том I. Основы внешней политики, 1969–1972 годы» . 2001-2009.state.gov .
- ^ «Смерти и потери во Вьетнамской войне по месяцам» . Американская военная библиотека. Архивировано из оригинала 4 декабря 2013 года . Проверено 22 июня 2012 г.
- ^ Дрю , с. 65.
- ^ Блэк , с. 569.
- ^ Блэк , с. 591.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Оуэн, Тейлор; Кирнан, Бен (октябрь 2006 г.). «Бомбы над Камбоджей» (PDF) . Морж . стр. 32–36. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 20 апреля 2016 г. Проверено 29 января 2012 г. Позже Кирнан и Оуэн пересмотрели свою оценку 2,7 миллиона тонн американских бомб, сброшенных на Камбоджу, до ранее принятой цифры примерно в 500 000 тонн: См. Кирнан, Бен ; Оуэн, Тейлор (26 апреля 2015 г.). «Создаем больше врагов, чем убиваем? Подсчитываем тоннаж американских бомб, сброшенных на Лаос и Камбоджу, и взвешиваем их последствия» . Азиатско-Тихоокеанский журнал . Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 12 сентября 2015 г. Проверено 15 ноября 2016 г.
- ^ Клаймер, Кентон (2013). Соединенные Штаты и Камбоджа, 1969–2000 годы: сложные отношения . Рутледж . стр. 14–16. ISBN 978-1-134-34156-6 .
- ^ Амвросий 1989 , стр. 281–283.
- ↑ Обращение к нации по поводу Вьетнама. Архивировано 4 марта 2016 г., в Wayback Machine, 14 мая 1969 г.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Время и 5 апреля 1971 г.
- ^ Мосяков, Дмитрий (2004). «Красные кхмеры и вьетнамские коммунисты: история их отношений, рассказанная в советских архивах» . В книге Кук, Сьюзен Э. (ред.). Геноцид в Камбодже и Руанде . Серия монографий Йельской программы исследований геноцида. п. 54 и след. Архивировано из оригинала 9 марта 2013 года.
В апреле – мае 1970 года многие силы Северного Вьетнама вошли в Камбоджу в ответ на призыв о помощи, адресованный Вьетнаму не Пол Потом, а его заместителем Нуон Чеа. Нгуен Ко Тач вспоминает: «Нуон Чеа попросил о помощи, и мы освободили пять провинций Камбоджи за десять дней».
- ^ AP/ St. Peterburg Independent .
- ^ Гитлин, Тодд (1987). Шестидесятые: годы надежды, дни ярости . Бантамские книги. п. 410 . ISBN 978-0-553-37212-0 .
- ^ Сафир , стр. 205–209.
- ^ UPI / Beaver County Times и 9 мая 1970 г.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 675–676.
- ^ Амвросий 1989 , стр. 446–448.
- ^ Эванс .
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , стр. 53–55.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 473.
- ^ Амвросий 1989 , стр. 379–383.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Корнблу, Питер (2003). Дело Пиночета: рассекреченное досье о злодеяниях и ответственности . Нью-Йорк: Новая пресса. ISBN 978-1-56584-936-5 .
- ^ Блэк , с. 921.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Би-би-си и 22 мая 1972 г.
- ^ Дэвид Тал, «Абсолюты и этапы разработки и применения политики ОСВ Никсона». Diplomatic History 37.5 (2013): 1090–1116, цитирование стр. 1091, 1092. Сам Никсон позже писал: «[Мы] решили связать прогресс в таких областях, вызывающих обеспокоенность Советского Союза, как ограничение стратегических вооружений и расширение торговли, с прогрессом в областях, которые были важные для нас — Вьетнам, Ближний Восток и Берлин. Эта концепция стала известна как связь». Ричард Никсон (1978). РН: Мемуары Ричарда Никсона . Саймон и Шустер. п. 346. ИСБН 978-1-4767-3183-4 . [ постоянная мертвая ссылка ]
- ^ Гаддис , стр. 294, 299.
- ^ Никсон 1985 , стр. 105–106.
- ^ Смит, Хедрик (29 июня 1974 г.). «ЗАПАДНЫЕ ЗНАКИ СДЕЛКИ С СОВЕТСКИМ» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . ISSN 0362-4331 . Проверено 6 декабря 2021 г.
- ^ «ЗАГАДКА АРМАНДА ХАММЕРА» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . 29 ноября 1981 г. ISSN 0362-4331 . Проверено 6 декабря 2021 г.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Рич, Спенсер (4 октября 1979 г.). «Советы сбрасывают аммиак, говорит ИТЦ» . Вашингтон Пост . ISSN 0190-8286 . Проверено 7 декабря 2021 г.
- ^ «НИКСОН В ОБРАЩЕНИИ ПО СОВЕТСКОЙ ТОРГОВЛЕ» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . 5 октября 1973 г. ISSN 0362-4331 . Проверено 7 декабря 2021 г.
- ^ Херринг, Джордж К. (2008). От колонии к сверхдержаве; Международные отношения США с 1776 года . Издательство Оксфордского университета. п. 804. ИСБН 978-0-19-507822-0 .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д Черный , с. 963.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Ханхимяки, Юсси М. «Обзор внешней политики» в журнале Small , стр. 345–361.
- ^ «Состояние защиты DEFCON» . fas.org . Архивировано из оригинала 17 июня 2015 года . Проверено 17 июня 2015 г.
- ^ Никсон 1978 , стр. 938–940.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 923–928.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 311.
- ^ Тайлер, Патрик (2010), с. 161
- ^ Блэк , стр. 951–952, 959.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Амвросий 1989 , стр. 225–226.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Амвросий 1989 , стр. 431–432.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Боулз, Найджел. «Экономическая политика» в журнале Small , стр. 235–251.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Оутли, Томас (2019). Международная политическая экономия: шестое издание . Рутледж. стр. 351–352. ISBN 978-1-351-03464-7 .
- ^ Гова, Джоан (1983). Закрытие золотого окна . Издательство Корнельского университета. ISBN 978-0-8014-1622-4 . JSTOR 10.7591/j.ctvr7f40n .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Эйткен , стр. 399–400.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д Хетцель , с. 92.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 395.
- ^ USPS, Почтовая оплата периодических изданий .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Эйткен , стр. 397–398.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Ринде, Меир (2017). «Ричард Никсон и рост американского энвайронментализма» . Дистилляции . Том. 3, нет. 1. С. 16–29. Архивировано из оригинала 5 апреля 2018 года . Проверено 4 апреля 2018 г.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 396.
- ^ NHI: Альманах CQ 1971 .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б HMO: Альманах CQ 1973 .
- ^ NHI: Альманах CQ 1974 .
- ^ Амвросий 1989 , с. 418.
- ^ Управление Федерального реестра , стр. 179–182.
- ^ Проект американского президентства .
- ^ Национальный институт сердца, легких и крови , с. 2.
- ^ Вайлоо , стр. 165, 170.
- ^ Богер , с. 6.
- ^ Знал .
- ^ Пармет , стр. 595–597, 603.
- ^ Разворот республиканцев — Джеймс Мортон Тернер, Эндрю К. Айзенберг | Издательство Гарвардского университета . Издательство Гарвардского университета. 12 ноября 2018. с. 36. ISBN 9780674979970 . Архивировано из оригинала 8 января 2019 года . Проверено 31 июля 2019 г. - через www.hup.harvard.edu.
- ^ Партизанский сорт . Чикагские исследования американской политики. Издательство Чикагского университета. п. 24. Архивировано из оригинала 31 июля 2019 года . Проверено 31 июля 2019 г.
- ^ Делани и 20 июля 1970 г.
- ^ Фрум , стр. 246.
- ^ Фрейзер, Нишани (2017). Харамби-Сити: Конгресс расового равенства в Кливленде и рост популизма черной власти . Университет Арканзаса Пресс. стр. 184–207. ISBN 978-1-68226-018-0 .
- ^ PBS, Никсон, Внутренняя политика .
- ^ Пармет , с. 563.
- ^ Хэндлин .
- ^ Hepplewhite , стр. 204–205, гл. 5.
- ^ «Конспекты лекций MIT в разделе «Разработка авиационных систем», осень 2005 г., о ранней политике космических шаттлов» (PDF) . Массачусетский технологический институт. Осень 2005. с. 7. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 26 августа 2014 г. Проверено 22 августа 2014 г.
- ^ Эзель , с. 192, гл. 6–11.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Мейсон, Роберт «Политическая перестройка» в Small , стр. 252–269.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Черный , с. 766.
- ^ Блэк , с. 795.
- ^ Блэк , с. 617.
- ^ Блэк , с. 816.
- ^ Блэк , с. 834.
- ^ Уайт , с. 123.
- ^ Время и 14 августа 1972 г.
- ^ Время и 20 ноября 1970 г.
- ^ Пармет , с. 629.
- ^ The Washington Post , The Post расследует .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с «Вашингтон Пост» , «Действия правительства ».
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 511–512.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с The Washington Post , Никсон уходит в отставку .
- ^ Эйткен , с. 555.
- ^ Амвросий 1989 , стр. 231–232, 239.
- ^ Бекманн, Мэтью Н. (1 апреля 2017 г.). «Ушел ли Никсон до того, как ушел в отставку?» . Исследования и политика . 4 (2): 2053168017704800. doi : 10.1177/2053168017704800 . ISSN 2053-1680 .
- ^ Фрум , стр. 26.
- ^ Килпатрик и 18 ноября 1973 г.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , стр. 394–395.
- ^ Самсон .
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , стр. 414–416.
- ^ Блэк , с. 978.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , стр. 435–436.
- ^ PBS, Речь об отставке .
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 437.
- ^ Блэк , с. 983.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д и ж Библиотека Никсона, пост президента .
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Эйткен , с. 529.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 529–530.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 532.
- ^ Блэк , с. 990.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 533–534.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 994, 999.
- ^ Блэк , с. 998.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 535.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 481.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 537, 539.
- ^ Блэк , с. 1000.
- ^ Блэк , с. 1004.
- ^ Дрю , с. 138.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 512.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 539–540.
- ^ Блэк , с. 1005.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 543.
- ^ «Никсон лишен адвокатского статуса в Нью-Йорке по первому постановлению о виновности Уотергейта», Толедо Блейд , 9 июля 1976 г., стр.1
- ^ Л, Стивен; Риган (1 декабря 1978 г.). «Протестующие кричат Никсону в Оксфорде. Противники оксфордской речи прохладно и тепло приветствуют Никсона» . Вашингтон Пост . ISSN 0190-8286 . Проверено 3 января 2022 г.
- ^ Рид, Рой (1 декабря 1978 г.). «Добро пожаловать Никсону в Оксфорд тепло» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . ISSN 0362-4331 . Проверено 3 января 2022 г.
- ^ Фаррелл , с. 2852.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , стр. 524–525.
- ^ «Никсоны покупают квартиру на Пятой авеню в Нью-Йорке», Pittsburgh Post-Gazette . 11 августа 1979 года. Архивировано из оригинала 10 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 17 июня 2015 г.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 528.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 533.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 534.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 540.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 545.
- ^ Дрю , с. 142.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Дрю , с. 144.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 561–562.
- ^ Эйткен , стр. 565–568.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 1045–1046.
- ^ «Центр Никсона становится центром национальных интересов» (пресс-релиз). Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Центр национальных интересов. Новостная лента по связям с общественностью. 9 марта 2011 года. Архивировано из оригинала 9 сентября 2018 года . Проверено 9 сентября 2018 г.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 1049–1050.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с д Вейл и Рэндольф и 23 апреля 1994 г.
- ^ Альтман, Лоуренс К. (24 апреля 1994 г.). «37-Й ПРЕЗИДЕНТ: ПОСЛЕДНИЕ ДНИ; инвалид, но сохраняет контроль над своим уходом» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . Архивировано из оригинала 17 февраля 2016 года . Проверено 12 февраля 2016 г.
- ^ Блэк , стр. 1051–1053.
- ^ BBC & 11 июня 2004 г.
- ^ Новости Дезерет и 27 апреля 1994 г.
- ^ Фрик , с. 206.
- ^ Стеки и 2 мая 1994 г.
- ^ Wicker & 24 апреля 1994 г.
- ^ Савхилл и 2011-02 .
- ^ Фрик , стр. 205–206.
- ^ Фрик , стр. 204–205.
- ^ Фрик , с. 210.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Томпсон, Хантер С. (июль 1994 г.). «Он был мошенником» . Атлантика . Архивировано из оригинала 7 июня 2017 года . Проверено 4 июня 2017 г.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Скидмор , с. 495.
- ^ Амвросий 1991 , с. 592.
- ^ Геллман , с. 460.
- ^ Эйткен , с. 577.
- ^ Грейдер и 10 октября 1983 г.
- ^ Эндрю 1995 , с. 384.
- ^ Милаццо, Пол Чарльз. «Никсон и окружающая среда» в журнале Small , стр. 270–291.
- ^ Блэк , с. 1053.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Олсон, Кейт В. «Уотергейт» в «Смолл» , стр. 481–496.
- ^ Фрик , стр. 211–214.
- ^ Пармет , с. viii.
- ^ Ривз , стр. 281–283.
- ^ Дрю , с. 150.
- ^ Блэк , с. 574.
- ^ Блэк , с. 700.
- ^ «Год, когда Никсон развалился» . Политик . 26 марта 2017 года. Архивировано из оригинала 7 июня 2019 года . Проверено 15 июля 2019 г.
- ^ «Дэвид Оуэн: Уроки отстранения политиков от государственных должностей» . Независимый . 12 августа 2008 года. Архивировано из оригинала 15 июля 2019 года . Проверено 15 июля 2019 г.
- ^ Бозли, Сара (28 марта 2009 г.). «Врач пишет: гордость политиков — это медицинское заболевание» . Хранитель . Архивировано из оригинала 15 июля 2019 года . Проверено 15 июля 2019 г.
- ^ Дрю , с. 151.
- ^ Ривз , с. 12.
- ^ Ривз , с. 13.
- ^ «Новые записи раскрывают глубину антисемитизма Никсона» . The Washington Post , 6 октября 1999 г. Проверено 4 апреля 2011 г.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б с Ной, Тимоти . «Никсон: я не антисемит» . Slate , 7 октября 1999 г. Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- ↑ Перейти обратно: Перейти обратно: а б Грин .
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- Корницер, Бела (1960). Настоящий Никсон: интимная биография . Нью-Йорк: Рэнд МакНелли и компания.
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- Мальсбергер, Джон В. Генерал и политик: Дуайт Эйзенхауэр, Ричард Никсон и американская политика (2014)
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- Смолл, Мелвин , изд. (2011). Товарищ Ричарда М. Никсона . Оксфорд: Уайли-Блэквелл. ISBN 978-1-4443-3017-5 . ; Акцент на историографии
- Шульцингер, Роберт Д. (2003). Компаньон по американским международным отношениям . Оксфорд: Издательство Блэквелл. ISBN 978-1-4051-4986-0 .
- Томпсон, Джон Б. (2000). Политический скандал: власть и заметность в эпоху средств массовой информации . Кембридж: Политическая пресса. ISBN 978-0-7456-2550-8 .
- Тайлер, Патрик (2010). Мир проблем: Белый дом и Ближний Восток — от холодной войны до войны с террором . Нью-Йорк: Макмиллан.
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Библиотека Никсона
- "Детство" . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 21 октября 2013 года . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Студент и моряк» . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 21 октября 2013 года . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Семья Никсон» . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 21 октября 2013 года . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Конгрессмен» . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 15 июня 2013 года . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Сенатор» . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 16 февраля 2013 года . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Вице-президент» . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 15 июня 2013 года . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Президент» . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 20 ноября 2012 года . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Пост Президентства» . Жизнь . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона. Архивировано из оригинала 21 октября 2013 года . Проверено 5 марта 2012 г.
- Ли, Меган (22 июня 2004 г.). «Путеводитель по семейной коллекции Никсонов (1909–1967)» (PDF) . Президентская библиотека и музей Ричарда Никсона.
Другие источники
- «1972: Президент Никсон прибывает в Москву» . Би-би-си. 11 июня 2004 года . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Похороны Рейгана: Расписание мероприятий» . Би-би-си. 11 июня 2004 года . Проверено 11 мая 2012 г.
- Делани, Пол (20 июля 1970 г.). «План Никсона по созданию рабочих мест для негров в строительстве отстает» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . п. 1.
- «Скорбящие отдают последний долг Никсону» . Новости Дезерета . 27 апреля 1994 г. с. 1 . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- Стил, Рональд (25 мая 2003 г.). «Мир: новая глава, старые дебаты; ушел бы Кеннеди из Вьетнама?» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- Уикер, Том (24 апреля 1994 г.). «Издалека: Неукротимый человек, неизлечимое одиночество» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . Проверено 7 августа 2011 г.
- Килпатрик, Кэрролл (18 ноября 1973 г.). «Никсон говорит редакторам: «Я не мошенник» » . Вашингтон Пост . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Расследование газеты» . Вашингтон Пост . Уотергейтская история . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Правительственные акты» . Вашингтон Пост . Уотергейтская история . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Никсон уходит в отставку» . Вашингтон Пост . Уотергейтская история . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- Вейль, Мартин; Рэндольф, Элеонора (23 апреля 1994 г.). «Умер Ричард М. Никсон, 37-й президент» . Вашингтон Пост . п. А01 . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- Ларднер, Джордж младший; Доббс, Майкл (6 октября 1999 г.). «Новые записи раскрывают глубину антисемитизма Никсона» . Вашингтон Пост . п. А31 . Проверено 4 апреля 2011 г.
- Карлсон, Питер (17 ноября 2000 г.). «Еще одна гонка до финиша». Вашингтон Пост . п. А01.
- «8000 переезжают в Камбоджу» . Санкт-Петербургский Независимый . АП (Сайгон). 1 мая 1970 г. с. 20–А.
- «Никсон встал рано, увидел протестующих» . Таймс округа Бивер . Пенсильвания. УПИ. 9 мая 1970 г. с. один [предположительно позднее издание].
- Грин, Боб (8 апреля 2002 г.). «То, что не мог купить лучший друг Никсона» . Обзор еврейского мира . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- Грейдер, Уильям (10 ноября 1983 г.). «Фактор Макговерна». Роллинг Стоун . п. 13.
- Кирнан, Бен ; Оуэн, Тейлор (октябрь 2006 г.). «Бомбы над Камбоджей» (PDF) . Морж . Проверено 29 января 2012 г.
- Ной, Тимоти (7 октября 1999 г.). «Никсон: я не антисемит» . Сланец . Проверено 11 мая 2012 г.
- Сохилл, Рэй (февраль 2011 г.). «Падение и взлет американского президента» . Оперные новости . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Опять разрыв в доверии?» . Время . 5 апреля 1971 года. Архивировано из оригинала 21 декабря 2008 года . Проверено 29 июля 2011 г.
- «Поведение: оценка Иглтона» . Время . 14 августа 1972 года. Архивировано из оригинала 2 января 2008 года . Проверено 23 июля 2011 г.
- «Демократы: долгий путь к катастрофе» . Время . 20 ноября 1972 года. Архивировано из оригинала 21 апреля 2008 года . Проверено 23 июля 2011 г.
- Скидмор, Макс Дж. (2001). «Рейтинг и оценка президентов: случай Теодора Рузвельта». Исследования Белого дома . 1 (4).
- Стэкс, Джон Ф. (2 мая 1994 г.). «Ричард Никсон: Победа в поражении» . Время . Архивировано из оригинала 22 января 2011 года . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- Морроу, Лэнс (30 сентября 1996 г.). «Скептик болтливым набобам» . Время . Архивировано из оригинала 10 ноября 2006 года . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- Аллен, Эрика Тайлер. «Президентские дебаты Кеннеди и Никсона, 1960 год» . Музей радиовещательной связи. Архивировано из оригинала 11 мая 2012 года . Проверено 11 мая 2012 г.
- Остер, Альберт. «Смит, Говард К.» . Музей радиовещательной связи. Архивировано из оригинала 5 августа 2012 года . Проверено 11 мая 2012 г.
- Эванс, Томас В. (1993). «Добровольческая армия через двадцать лет: комплектование в современную эпоху» . Государственный университет Сэма Хьюстона. Архивировано из оригинала 8 августа 2013 года . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- Хэндлин, Дэниел (28 ноября 2005 г.). «Просто еще один Аполлон? Часть вторая» . Космический обзор . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Американский президент: Ричард Милхауз Никсон (1913–1994), министр иностранных дел» . Миллер Центр по связям с общественностью, Университет Вирджинии. Архивировано из оригинала 11 августа 2011 года . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Место рождения Ричарда М. Никсона» . Служба национальных парков . Проверено 11 мая 2012 г.
- «Командир Ричард М. Никсон, USNR» . Военно-исторический центр . ВМС США. 7 августа 2006 года. Архивировано из оригинала 16 августа 2011 года . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- Никсон, Ричард (8 августа 1974 г.). «Речь президента Никсона об отставке» . Характер превыше всего . Служба общественного вещания. Архивировано из оригинала 18 июля 2011 года . Проверено 15 июля 2011 г.
- «Визит Никсона (21–28 февраля 1972 г.)» . Американский опыт . Служба общественного вещания . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Ричард М. Никсон, внутренняя политика» . Американский опыт . Служба общественного вещания. Архивировано из оригинала 23 мая 2012 года . Проверено 11 мая 2012 г.
- Сабиа, Джозеф Дж. (31 мая 2004 г.). «Почему Ричард Никсон заслуживает того, чтобы его помнили вместе с Брауном » . Сеть исторических новостей . Проверено 11 мая 2012 г.
- «Кеннеди побеждает на президентских выборах 1960 года» . Обзор 1960 года . Юнайтед Пресс Интернэшнл . Проверено 17 июля 2011 г.
- «Президентские выборы 1968 года» . Обзор 1968 года . Юнайтед Пресс Интернэшнл . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Никсон становится президентом» . Обзор 1969 года . Юнайтед Пресс Интернэшнл . Проверено 16 июля 2011 г.
- «Почтовые тарифы для периодических изданий: повествовательная история» (PDF) . Почтовая служба США . Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 30 июля 2013 года . Проверено 6 августа 2011 г.
- Управление Федерального реестра (1999 г.). «Новые действия по предотвращению заболеваний и несчастных случаев» . Публичные документы президентов США Ричарда Никсона, 1971 год . Национальная служба архивов и документации. ISBN 978-0-16-058863-1 .
- «Заявление о подписании Национального закона о борьбе с серповидноклеточной анемией» . Проект американского президентства . Калифорнийский университет, Санта-Барбара. 16 мая 1972 года.
- Национальный институт сердца, легких и крови (сентябрь 2002 г.). «Исследование серповидноклеточных клеток для лечения и лечения» (PDF) . Национальные институты здравоохранения. 02-5214. Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 31 января 2012 г.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: числовые имена: список авторов ( ссылка ) - Вайлоо, Кейт (2001). Умирать в городе блюза: серповидно-клеточная анемия и политика расы и здоровья . Издательство Университета Северной Каролины. п. 165 . ISBN 978-0-8078-4896-8 .
- «Медицинское страхование: слушания по новым предложениям». Ежеквартальный альманах Конгресса плюс . 27 . Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Ежеквартальный вестник Конгресса: 541–544. 1972. ISSN 0095-6007 . OCLC 1564784 .
- «Принят ограниченный экспериментальный закон о здравоохранении». Ежеквартальный альманах Конгресса плюс . 29 . Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Ежеквартальный вестник Конгресса: 499–508. 1974. ISSN 0095-6007 . OCLC 1564784 .
- «Национальное медицинское страхование: никаких действий в 1974 году». Ежеквартальный альманах Конгресса плюс . 30 . Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Ежеквартальный вестник Конгресса: 386–394. 1975. ISSN 0095-6007 . OCLC 1564784 .
- Самсон, Уильям (2005). «Проблемные налоговые декларации президента Никсона» . Налоговые аналитики . Проверено 20 декабря 2013 г.
- Грир, Питер (2011). «День налогов 2011: почему президенты публикуют налоговые декларации?» . Христианский научный монитор . Проверено 20 декабря 2013 г.
Дальнейшее чтение
- Ли, Виктор (2018). Никсон в Нью-Йорке: как Уолл-стрит помогла Ричарду Никсону завоевать Белый дом . Мэдисон, Нью-Джерси: Издательство Университета Фэрли Дикинсон. ISBN 978-1-68393-000-6 .
- Томас, Эван (2015). Быть Никсоном: разделенный человек . Нью-Йорк: Рэндом Хаус. ISBN 978-0-8129-9536-7 . OCLC 904756092 .
Внешние ссылки
Официальные сайты
Освещение в СМИ
- Ричард Никсон собирал новости и комментарии в The New York Times.
- Появления на C-SPAN
- «Жизненный портрет Ричарда М. Никсона» из C-SPAN « журнала Американские президенты: жизненные портреты» , 19 ноября 1999 г.
Другой
- Конгресс США. «Ричард Никсон (id: N000116)» . Биографический справочник Конгресса США .
- Очерки о Ричарде Никсоне, каждом члене его кабинета и первой леди из Центра по связям с общественностью Миллера.
- Ричард Никсон: Справочник из Библиотеки Конгресса
- «Президенты: Никсон» , об американском опыте. документальный фильм
- Работы Ричарда Никсона или о нем в Internet Archive
- Работы Ричарда Никсона в LibriVox (аудиокниги, являющиеся общественным достоянием)
- Личные рукописи Ричарда Никсона
- Ричард Никсон на IMDb
- Работы Ричарда Никсона в Project Gutenberg
- Ричард Никсон
- 1913 рождений
- 1960-е годы в США
- 1994 смертей
- Кандидаты в вице-президенты США 1952 года.
- Кандидаты в вице-президенты США 1956 г.
- Американские юристы 20-го века
- Вице-президенты США 20-го века
- Президенты США 20-го века
- Квакеры 20-го века
- Американские мемуаристы XX века
- Американские антикоммунисты
- Американский народ во время войны во Вьетнаме
- Американские квакеры
- Калифорнийские юристы
- Кандидаты на президентских выборах в США 1960 года.
- Кандидаты на президентских выборах в США 1968 года.
- Кандидаты на президентских выборах в США 1972 года.
- Семья Корнелл
- Лишенные адвокатской лицензии адвокаты штата Нью-Йорк (штат)
- Выпускники юридического факультета Университета Дьюка
- Члены кабинета администрации Эйзенхауэра
- Выпускники средней школы Фуллертон Юнион
- Адвокатов лишили адвокатской лицензии по делу Уотергейтского скандала
- Юристы из Нью-Йорка
- Военные из Калифорнии
- Сотрудники администрации Никсона замешаны в Уотергейтском скандале
- Семья Никсона
- Жители реки Сэддл, штат Нью-Джерси.
- Люди из Сан-Клементе, Калифорния
- Люди из Уиттиера, Калифорния
- Люди из Йорба Линда, Калифорния
- Люди холодной войны
- Люди гражданской войны в Лаосе
- Люди войны Судного дня
- Политики из Большого Лос-Анджелеса
- Президенты Соединенных Штатов
- Запрет в США
- Получатели помилования президента США
- Члены Республиканской партии Палаты представителей США от Калифорнии
- Кандидаты в президенты от Республиканской партии (США)
- Президенты Республиканской партии США
- Сенаторы Республиканской партии США от Калифорнии
- Кандидаты в вице-президенты от Республиканской партии (США)
- Вице-президенты Республиканской партии США
- Офицеры ВМС США
- Персонал ВМС США времен Второй мировой войны
- Вице-президенты США
- Выпускники средней школы Уиттиера
- Футболисты Whittier Poets