Накба

Не путать с Накшей (палестинский Исход 1967 года) .

Накба
Часть Палестинской войны в 1948 году и арабско -израильского конфликта
Палестинские часы над школой в лагере беженцев (1948)
Расположение	Обязательная Палестина
Цель	Палестинские арабы
Тип атаки	Этническая очистка , принудительное перемещение , отказа , массовое убийство , колониализм поселенцев , биологическая война
Victims	750,000+ Palestinian Arabs expelled or fled 15,000 Palestinian Arabs killed
Perpetrators	State of Israel Haganah Irgun Lehi
Motive	Zionism Anti-Arab racism Settler colonialism

Nakba арабский ( . : النَّكْبَة , романизированный : Ан-Накба , горит   «Катастрофа»)- этническая чистка палестинских арабов через их насильственное перемещение и лишение земли, имущества и имущества, а также разрушение их общества и подавление их культуры , идентичности , политических прав и национальных устремлений . Термин используется для описания событий Палестинской войны 1948 года в обязательной Палестине, а также продолжающегося преследования и перемещения палестинцев Израилем . В целом, он охватывает разрушение палестинского общества и долгосрочное отказ от права на возвращение на палестинские беженцы и их потомков .

Во время основополагающих событий Nakba в 1948 году примерно половина арабского населения Палестины или около 750 000 человек, были изгнаны из их домов или сделаны, чтобы бежать с помощью различных насильственных средств , сначала сионистскими военизированными формами и после создания штата Израиль его военными . Десятки массовых убийств, нацеленных на палестинских арабов , и более 500 городов, деревни и городских районов арабских мажор, деревни и городских районов , with many of these being either completely destroyed or repopulated by Jews and given new Hebrew names. Israel employed biological warfare against Palestinians by poisoning village wells in a programme codenamed Operation Cast Thy Bread. By the end of the war, 78% of the total land area of the former Mandatory Palestine was controlled by Israel. Ilan Pappé writes that "a few thousand died in massacres."

The Palestinian national narrative views the Nakba as a collective trauma that defines their national identity and political aspirations. The Israeli national narrative views the Nakba as a component of the War of Independence that established Israel's statehood and sovereignty, whilst negating or denying the atrocities committed, claiming that many of the expelled Palestinians left willingly, or that their expulsion was necessary and unavoidable. Nakba denial has been increasingly challenged since the 1970s in Israeli society, particularly by the New Historians, although the official narrative has not changed.

Palestinians observe 15 May as Nakba Day, commemorating the war's events one day after Israel's Independence Day. In 1967 following the Six-Day War, another series of Palestinian exodus occurred; this came to be known as the Naksa (lit. 'Setback'), and also has its own day, 5 June. The Nakba has greatly influenced Palestinian culture and is a foundational symbol of the current Palestinian national identity, together with the political cartoon character Handala, the Palestinian keffiyeh, and the Palestinian 1948 keys. Many books, songs, and poems have been written about the Nakba.

Ottoman and British Mandate periods (prior to 1948)

The UN Partition Plan for Palestine in 1947

The roots of the Nakba are traced to the arrival of Zionists and their purchase of land in Ottoman Palestine in the late 19th century. Zionists wanted to create a Jewish state in Palestine with as much land, as many Jews, and as few Palestinian Arabs as possible. By the time the British announced their official support for Zionism in the 1917 Balfour Declaration during World War I, the population of Palestine was about 750,000, approximately 94% Arab and 6% Jewish.

After the partition of the Ottoman Empire, British-ruled Mandatory Palestine began in 1922. By then, the Jewish population had grown to around 10%. Both the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate for Palestine referred to the 90% Arab population as "existing non-Jewish communities."

Following World War II and the Holocaust, in February 1947, the British declared they would end the Mandate and submit the future of Palestine to the newly created United Nations for resolution. The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) was created, and in September, submitted a report to the UN General Assembly recommending partition. Palestinians and most of the Arab League were opposed to the partition. Zionists accepted the partition but planned to expand Israel's borders beyond what was allocated to it by the UN. In the autumn of 1947, Israel and Jordan, with British approval, secretly agreed to divide the land allocated to Palestine between them after the end of the British Mandate.

On 29 November 1947, the General Assembly passed Resolution 181 (II) – the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine. At the time, Arabs made up about two-thirds of the population and owned about 90% of the land, while Jews made up between a quarter and a third of the population and owned about 7% of the land. The UN partition plan allocated to Israel about 55% of the land, where the population was about 500,000 Jews and 407,000-438,000 Arabs. Palestine was allocated the remaining 45% of the land, where the population was about 725,000-818,000 Arabs and 10,000 Jews. Jerusalem and Bethlehem were to be an internationally governed corpus separatum with a population of about 100,000 Arabs and 100,000 Jews.

The partition plan was considered by detractors to be pro-Zionist, with 56% of the land allocated to the Jewish state although the Palestinian Arab population numbered twice the Jewish population. The plan was celebrated by most Jews in Palestine, with Zionist leaders, in particular David Ben-Gurion, viewing the plan as a tactical step and a stepping stone to future territorial expansion over all of Palestine. The Arab Higher Committee, the Arab League and other Arab leaders and governments rejected it on the basis that in addition to the Arabs forming a two-thirds majority, they owned a majority of the lands. They also indicated an unwillingness to accept any form of territorial division, arguing that it violated the principles of national self-determination in the UN Charter which granted people the right to decide their own destiny. They announced their intention to take all necessary measures to prevent the implementation of the resolution.

The 1948 Nakba

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Clickable map of Mandatory Palestine with the depopulated locations during the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight

The central facts of the Nakba during the 1948 Palestine war are not disputed.

About 750,000 Palestinians—over 80% of the population in what would become the State of Israel—were expelled or fled from their homes and became refugees. Eleven Arab urban neighborhoods and over 500 villages were destroyed or depopulated. Thousands of Palestinians were killed in dozens of massacres. About a dozen rapes of Palestinians by regular and irregular Israeli military forces have been documented, and more are suspected. Israelis used psychological warfare tactics to frighten Palestinians into flight, including targeted violence, whispering campaigns, radio broadcasts, and loudspeaker vans. Looting by Israeli soldiers and civilians of Palestinian homes, business, farms, artwork, books, and archives was widespread.

Nov 1947 – May 1948

Small-scale local skirmishes began on 30 November and gradually escalated until March 1948. When the violence started, Palestinians had already begun fleeing, expecting to return after the war. The massacre and expulsion of Palestinian Arabs and destruction of villages began in December, including massacres at Al-Khisas (18 December 1947), and Balad al-Shaykh (31 December). By March, between 70,000 and 100,000 Palestinians, mostly middle- and upper-class urban elites, were expelled or fled.

In early April 1948, the Israelis launched Plan Dalet, a large-scale offensive to capture land and empty it of Palestinian Arabs. During the offensive, Israel captured and cleared land that was allocated to the Palestinians by the UN partition resolution. Over 200 villages were destroyed during this period. Massacres and expulsions continued, including at Deir Yassin (9 April 1948). Arab urban neighborhoods in Tiberias (18 April), Haifa (23 April), West Jerusalem (24 April), Acre (6-18 May), Safed (10 May), and Jaffa (13 May) were depopulated. Israel began engaging in biological warfare in April, poisoning the water supplies of certain towns and villages, including a successful operation that caused a typhoid epidemic in Acre in early May, and an unsuccessful attempt in Gaza that was foiled by the Egyptians in late May.

Under intense public anger over Palestinian losses in April, and seeking to take Palestinian territory for themselves in order to counter the Israeli-Jordanian deal, the remaining Arab League states decided in late April and early May to enter the war after the British left. However, the armies of the newly independent Arab League states were still weak and unprepared for war, and none of the Arab League states were interested in the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with Amin al-Husseini at its head. Neither the expansionist King Abdullah I of Jordan nor the British wanted the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. On 14 May, the Mandate formally ended, the last British troops left, and Israel declared independence. By that time, Palestinian society was destroyed and over 300,000 Palestinians had been expelled or fled.

May 1948 – Oct 1948

1948 expulsion of the Tantura women and children to Furaydis

On 15 May, Arab League armies entered the territory of former Mandatory Palestine, beginning the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the second half of the 1948 Palestine war. Most of the violence up to that point occurred in and around urban centers, in the Israeli portion of the partitioned land, while British troops were still present. After the end of the Mandate, Israel seized more land allocated to the Palestinians by the UN partition plan, and expulsions, massacres, and the destruction of villages in rural areas increased, including the Tantura massacre (22-23 May).

The first truce between Israel and the Arab League nations was signed in early June and lasted about a month. In the summer of 1948, Israel began implementing anti-repatriation policies to prevent the return of Palestinians to their homes. A Transfer Committee coordinated and supervised efforts to prevent Palestinian return, including the destruction of villages, resettlement of Arab villages with Jewish immigrants, confiscation of land, and the dissemination of propaganda discouraging return. During the ten days of renewed fighting between Israel and the Arab states after the first truce, over 50,000 Palestinians were expelled from Lydda and Ramle (9-13 July). A second truce was signed in mid-July and lasted until October. During the two truces, Palestinians who returned to their homes or crops, labelled "infiltrators" by the Israelis, were killed or expelled.

Oct 1948 – Jul 1949

Expulsions, massacres, and Israeli expansion continued in the autumn of 1948, including the depopulation of Beersheba (21 October), the al-Dawayima massacre (29 October), and the Safsaf massacre (also 29 October). That month, Israel converted the ad hoc military governates ruling over Palestinian Arabs in Israel into a formal military government that controlled nearly all aspects of their lives, including curfews, travel restrictions, employment and other economic restrictions, arbitrary detention and other punishments, and political control. Martial law assisted Israeli efforts to find and expel or kill "infiltrators" in order to prevent Palestinians from repopulating their villages.

Most of the fighting between Israel and the Arab states ended by the winter of 1948. On 11 December 1948, the UN passed Resolution 194, resolving that Palestinians should be permitted to return to their homes and be compensated for lost or damaged property, and establishing the United Nations Conciliation Commission. Armistices formally ending the war were signed between February and July 1949, but massacres and expulsions of Palestinians continued in 1949 and beyond.

By the end of the war, Palestine was divided and Palestinians were scattered. Israel held about 78% of Palestine, including the 55% allocated to it by the UN partition plan and about half of the land allocated for a Palestinian state. The West Bank and Gaza Strip comprised the remaining half, and were now held by Jordan and Egypt, respectively. The internationally governed corpus separatum was divided between an Israeli-held West Jerusalem and a Jordanian-held East Jerusalem. Israel with its expanded borders was admitted as a member to the United Nations in May 1949. About 156,000 Palestinians remained under military rule in Israel, including many internally displaced persons. The approximately 750,000 Palestinians who were expelled or fled from their homes were now living in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. None were allowed to return. No Palestinian state was created.

Post-1948 Nakba

Martial law period (1949–1966)

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Boundaries defined in the 1947 UN Partition Plan for Palestine:

  Area assigned for a Jewish state

    Area assigned for an Arab state

    Planned Corpus separatum with the intention that Jerusalem would be neither Jewish nor Arab

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Armistice Demarcation Lines of 1949 (Green Line):

      Israeli controlled territory from 1949

    Egyptian and Jordanian controlled territory from 1948 until 1967

The Nakba continued after the end of the war in 1949. Israel prevented Palestinian refugees outside of Israel from returning. Palestinians continued to be expelled, and more Palestinian towns and villages were destroyed, with new Israeli settlements established in their place. Palestinian place names and the name "Palestine" itself were removed from maps and books.

Sixty-nine Palestinians were killed in the 1953 Qibya massacre. A few years later, 49 Palestinians were killed in the Kafr Qasim massacre, on the first day of the 1956 Suez Crisis.

Palestinians in Israel remained under strict martial law until 1966.

Naksa period (1967–1986)

During the 1967 Six-Day War, hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees were driven from the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem. Most were driven into Jordan. This has become known as al-Naksa (the "setback"). After the war, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Some two thousand Palestinians were killed in a massacre led by the Lebanese Front at the Siege of Tel al-Zaatar in 1976, during the Lebanese Civil War. Palestinian refugees in Lebanon were killed or displaced during the 1982 Lebanon War, including between 800 and 3,500 killed in the Sabra and Shatila massacre.

Since the First Intifada (1987–present)

The First Intifada began in 1987 and lasted until the 1993 Oslo Accords. The Second Intifada began in 2000. In 2005, Israel withdrew from Gaza and blockaded it. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, Israel has built the Israeli West Bank barrier and created Palestinian enclaves.

In 2011, Israel passed the Nakba Law, which denies government funding to institutions that commemorate the Nakba.

The 2023 Israel-Hamas War has caused the highest Palestinian casualties since the 1948 war, and has raised fears among Palestinians that history will repeat itself. These fears were exacerbated when Israeli Agricultural Minister Avi Dichter said that the war would end with "Gaza Nakba 2023." Dichter was rebuked by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Components

The Nakba encompasses the violent displacement and dispossession of Palestinians, along with the destruction of their society, culture, identity, political rights, and national aspirations.

Displacement

Main article: 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight

See also: Causes of the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight, Palestinian refugees, and Present absentee

During the 1947–49 Palestine war, an estimated 750,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled, comprising around 80% of the Palestinian Arab inhabitants of what became Israel. Almost half of this figure (over 300,000 Palestinians) had fled or had been expelled ahead of the Israeli Declaration of Independence in May 1948, a fact which was named as a casus belli for the entry of the Arab League into the country, sparking the 1948 Arab–Israeli War.

Clause 10.(b) of the cablegram from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States to the UN Secretary-General of 15 May 1948 justifying the intervention by the Arab States, the Secretary-General of the League alleged that "approximately over a quarter of a million of the Arab population have been compelled to leave their homes and emigrate to neighbouring Arab countries." In the period after the war, a large number of Palestinians attempted to return to their homes; between 2,700 and 5,000 Palestinians were killed by Israel during this period, the vast majority being unarmed and intending to return for economic or social reasons.

The Nakba is described as ethnic cleansing by many scholars, including Palestinian scholars such as Saleh Abd al-Jawad, Beshara Doumani, Rashid Khalidi, Adel Manna, Nur Masalha, Nadim Rouhana, Ahmad H. Sa'di, and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury, Israeli scholars such as Alon Confino, Amos Goldberg, Baruch Kimmerling, Ronit Lentin, Ilan Pappé, and Yehouda Shenhav, and foreign scholars such as Abigail Bakan, Elias Khoury, Mark Levene, Derek Penslar, and Patrick Wolfe, among other scholars.

Other scholars, such as Yoav Gelber, Benny Morris, and Seth J. Frantzman, disagree that the Nakba constitutes an ethnic cleansing. Morris in 2016 rejected the description of "ethnic cleansing" for 1948, while also stating that the label of "partial ethnic cleansing" for 1948 was debatable; in 2004 Morris was responding to the claim of "ethnic cleansing" occurring in 1948 by stating that, given the alternative was "genocide - the annihilation of your people," there were "circumstances in history that justify ethnic cleansing ... It was necessary to cleanse the hinterland ... ['cleanse' was] the term they used at the time ... there was no choice but to expel the Palestinian population. To uproot it in the course of war"; Morris said this resulted in a "partial" expulsion of Arabs.

Still other scholars use different frameworks than "ethnic cleansing": for example, Richard Bessel and Claudia Haake use "forced removal" and Alon Confino uses "forced migration".

At the same time, many of those Palestinians who remained in Israel became internally displaced. In 1950, UNRWA estimated that 46,000 of the 156,000 Palestinians who remained inside the borders demarcated as Israel by the 1949 Armistice Agreements were internally displaced refugees. As of 2003, some 274,000 Arab citizens of Israel – or one in four in Israel – were internally displaced from the events of 1948.

Dispossession and erasure

See also: Depopulated Palestinian locations in Israel, Hebraization of Palestinian place names, Israeli land and property laws § The 'Absentees Property Law', and Israeli demolition of Palestinian property

The UN Partition Plan of 1947 assigned 56% of Palestine to the future Jewish state, while the Palestinian majority, 66%, were to receive 44% of the territory. 80% of the land in the to-be Jewish state was already owned by Palestinians; 11% had a Jewish title. Before, during and after the 1947–1949 war, hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages were depopulated and destroyed. Geographic names throughout the country were erased and replaced with Hebrew names, sometimes derivatives of the historical Palestinian nomenclature, and sometimes new inventions. Numerous non-Jewish historical sites were destroyed, not just during the wars, but in a subsequent process over a number of decades. For example, over 80% of Palestinian village mosques have been destroyed, and artefacts have been removed from museums and archives.

A variety of laws were promulgated in Israel to legalize the expropriation of Palestinian land.

Statelessness and denationalization

See also: Statelessness § Stateless Palestinians

The creation of Palestinian statelessness is a central component of the Nakba and continues to be a feature of Palestinian national life to the present day. All Arab Palestinians became immediately stateless as a result of the Nakba, although some took on other nationalities. After 1948, Palestinians ceased to be simply Palestinian, instead divided into Israeli-Palestinians, East Jerusalem Palestinians, UNRWA Palestinians, West Bank-Palestinians, and Gazan-Palestinians, each with different legal statuses and restrictions, in addition to the wider Palestinian diaspora who were able to achieve residency outside of historic Palestine and the refugee camps.

The first Israeli Nationality Law, passed on 14 July 1952, denationalized Palestinians, rendering the former Palestinian citizenship "devoid of substance", "not satisfactory and is inappropriate to the situation following the establishment of Israel".

Fracturing of society

See also: Palestinian refugees, Arabs of Israel, and Palestinian nationalism

The Nakba was the primary cause of the Palestinian diaspora; at the same time Israel was created as a Jewish homeland, the Palestinians were turned into a "refugee nation" with a "wandering identity". Today a majority of the 13.7 million Palestinians live in the diaspora, i.e. they live outside of the historical area of Mandatory Palestine, primarily in other countries of the Arab world. Of the 6.2 million people registered by the UN's dedicated Palestinian refugee agency, UNRWA, about 40% live in the West Bank and Gaza, and 60% in the diaspora. A large number of these diaspora refugees are not integrated into their host countries, as illustrated by the ongoing tension of Palestinians in Lebanon or the 1990–91 Palestinian exodus from Kuwait.

These factors have resulted in a Palestinian identity of "suffering", whilst the deterritorialization of the Palestinians has created a uniting factor and focal point in the desire to return to their lost homeland.

Long-term implications and "ongoing Nakba"

The most important long-term implications of the Nakba for the Palestinian people were the loss of their homeland, the fragmentation and marginalization of their national community, and their transformation into a stateless people.

Since the late 1990s, the phrase "ongoing Nakba" (Arabic: النکبة المستمرة, romanized: al-nakba al-mustamirra) has emerged to describe the "continuous experience of violence and dispossession" experienced by the Palestinian people. This term enjoins the understanding of the Nakba not as an event in 1948, but as an ongoing process that continues through to the present day.

On November 11, 2023, Israeli Agriculture Minister Avi Dichter remarked in an interview on N12 News on the nature of the 2023 Israel–Hamas war that "From an operational standpoint, you cannot wage a war like the IDF wants to in Gaza while the masses are between the tanks and the soldiers," he said. "It's the 2023 Gaza Nakba."

Terminology

The term Nakba was first applied to the events of 1948 by Constantin Zureiq, a professor of history at the American University of Beirut, in his 1948 book Ma^cnā an-Nakba (The Meaning of the Disaster). Zureiq wrote that "the tragic aspect of the Nakba is related to the fact that it is not a regular misfortune or a temporal evil, but a Disaster in the very essence of the word, one of the most difficult that Arabs have ever known over their long history." Prior to 1948, the "Year of the Catastrophe" among Arabs referred to 1920, when European colonial powers partitioned the Ottoman Empire into a series of separate states along lines of their own choosing.

The word was used again one year later by the Palestinian poet Burhan al-Deen al-Abushi. Zureiq's students subsequently founded the Arab Nationalist Movement in 1952, one of the first post-Nakba Palestinian political movements. In a six-volume encyclopedia Al-Nakba: Nakbat Bayt al-Maqdis Wal-Firdaws al-Mafqud (The Catastrophe: The Catastrophe of Jerusalem and the Lost Paradise) published between 1958 and 1960, Aref al-Aref wrote: "How can I call it but Nakba ["catastrophe"]? When we the Arab people generally and the Palestinians particularly, faced such a disaster (Nakba) that we never faced like it along the centuries, our homeland was sealed, we [were] expelled from our country, and we lost many of our beloved sons." Muhammad Nimr al-Hawari also used the term Nakba in the title of his book Sir al Nakba (The Secret behind the Disaster) written in 1955. The use of the term has evolved over time.

Initially, the use of the term Nakba among Palestinians was not universal. For example, for many years after 1948, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon avoided and even actively resisted using the term, because it lent permanency to a situation they viewed as temporary, and they often insisted on being called "returnees". In the 1950s and 1960s, terms they used to describe the events of 1948 included al-'ightiṣāb ("the rape"), or were more euphemistic, such as al-'aḥdāth ("the events"), al-hijra ("the exodus"), and lammā sharnā wa-tla'nā ("when we blackened our faces and left"). Nakba narratives were avoided by the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon in the 1970s, in favor of a narrative of revolution and renewal. Interest in the Nakba by organizations representing refugees in Lebanon surged in the 1990s due to the perception that the refugees' right of return might be negotiated away in exchange for Palestinian statehood, and the desire was to send a clear message to the international community that this right was non-negotiable.

National narratives

While Palestinians and Palestinian-Israelis mourn Israel's genesis as the Nakba (left, Palestinian-Israelis' annual March of Return), most Israelis celebrate it as their independence (right).

Palestinian national narrative

See also: 1948 Arab–Israeli War § Palestinian narratives

The Palestinian national narrative regards the repercussions of the Nakba as a formative trauma defining its national, political and moral aspirations and its identity. The Palestinian people developed a victimized national identity in which they had lost their country as a result of the 1948 war. From the Palestinian perspective, they have been forced to pay for the Holocaust perpetrated in Europe with their freedom, properties and bodies instead of those who were truly responsible.

Shmuel Trigano, writing in the Jewish Political Studies Review published by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, outlines the evolution of the Nakba narrative through three stages. Initially, it depicted Palestinians as victims displaced by Israel's creation to make way for Jewish immigrants. The next phase recast the Six-Day War as Israel's colonization of Palestinian lands, aligning the Palestinian cause with anti-colonial sentiments. The final stage leverages Holocaust memories, accusing Israel of apartheid, resonating with Western guilt over the Holocaust. He argues these evolving interpretations omit complex historical factors involving failed attempts to eliminate Israel, contested territorial claims, and Jewish refugee displacement from Arab nations.

Israeli national narrative

See also: 1948 Arab–Israeli War § Israeli narratives

The Israeli national narrative rejects the Palestinian characterization of 1948 as the Nakba (catastrophe), instead viewing it as the War of Independence that established Israel's statehood and sovereignty. It portrays the events of 1948 as the culmination of the Zionist movement and Jewish national aspirations, resulting in military success against invading Arab armies, armistice agreements, and recognition of Israel's legitimacy by the United Nations. While acknowledging some instances of Israeli responsibility for the Palestinian refugee crisis, as documented by historians like Benny Morris, the overarching Israeli narrative accommodates this within the context of Israel's emergence as a state under difficult war conditions, without negating Israel's foundational story and identity. It perceives the 1948 war and its outcome as an equally formative and fundamental event – as an act of justice and redemption for the Jewish people after centuries of historical suffering, and the key step in the "negation of the Diaspora".

According to this narrative, the Palestinian Arabs voluntarily fled their homes during the war, encouraged by Arab leaders who told Palestinians to temporarily evacuate so that Arab armies could destroy Israel, and then upon losing the war, refused to integrate them. This viewpoint also contrasts Jewish refugees absorbed by Israel with Palestinian refugees kept stateless by Arab countries as political pawns. In contrast to the Palestinian narrative, claims that Arab villages were depopulated and that Palestinian homes were destroyed are not acknowledged by the mainstream Israeli narrative, typically using terminology such as "abandoned" property and "population exchange" rather than "confiscated" or "expelled."

Israeli legislative measures

Israeli officials have repeatedly described the term as embodying an "Arab lie" or as a justification for terrorism. In 2009, the Israeli Education Ministry banned using the term "nakba" in textbooks for Arab children.

In May 2009, Yisrael Beiteinu introduced a bill that would outlaw all Nakba commemorations, with a three-year prison sentence for such acts of remembrance. Following public criticism, the bill draft was changed, the prison sentence dropped and instead the Minister of Finance would have the authority to reduce state funding for Israeli institutions found to be "commemorating Independence Day or the day of the establishment of the state as a day of mourning". The new draft was approved by the Knesset in March 2011, and became known as the Nakba Law. In 2011, the Knesset passed the Nakba Law, forbidding institutions from commemorating the event. According to Neve Gordon, a school ceremony memoralizing the Nakba would, under the 2011 law, have to respond to charges that it incited racism, violence and terrorism, and denied Israel's democratic character, in doing so. In 2023, after the United Nations instituted a commemoration day for the Nakba on 15 May, the Israeli ambassador Gilad Erdan remonstrated that the event itself was antisemitic. The implementation of the new law unintentionally promoted knowledge of the Nakba within Israeli society.

Nakba denial

Main article: Nakba denial

According to some historians and academics, there exists a form of historical negationism that pertains to the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight. The denial of the Nakba is central to Zionist narratives of 1948. The term 'Nakba denial' was used in 1998 by Steve Niva, editor of the Middle East Report, in describing how the rise of the early Internet led to competing online narratives of the events of 1948. In the 21st century the term came to be used by activists and scholars to describe narratives that minimized elements of the expulsion and its aftermath, particularly in Israeli and Western historiography before the late 1980s, when Israel's history began to be reviewed and rewritten by the New Historians.

Nakba denial has been described as still prevalent in both Israeli and American discourse and linked to various tropes associated with anti-Arab racism. The 2011 'Nakba Law' authorized the withdrawal of state funds from organizations that commemorate the day on which the Israeli state was established as a day of mourning, or that deny the existence of Israel as a "Jewish and democratic state." Israeli grassroots movements, such as Zochrot, aim to commemorate the Nakba through public memorials and events. In May 2023, following the 75th anniversary of the Nakba, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas made the denial of the 1948 expulsion a crime punishable by two years in jail.

International positions

On 17 May 2024, the United Nations commemorated the Palestinian Nakba for a second year, calling on the international community to redouble its efforts to end the Israeli occupation. An event, "1948-2024: The Continuing Palestinian Nakba" was also held.

Historiography

Avraham Sela and Alon Kadish claim that the Palestinian national memory of the Nakba has evolved over time, reconstructing the events of 1948 to serve contemporary Palestinian national demands. They argue that the Palestinian historiography of the Nakba tends to "entirely ignore" the attacks launched by Arab irregular and volunteer forces against the Yishuv, downplaying the role of Palestinian leaders in the events leading to the 1948 war and defeat.

Elias Khoury writes that the works of Edward Said were important for taking a "radically new approach" to the Nakba than those of Zureiq and other early adopters of the term, whose usage had "the connotation of a natural catastrophe" and thus freed "Palestinian leadership and Arab governments from direct responsibility for the defeat."

In films and literature

Farha, a film about the Nakba directed by Jordanian director Darin J. Sallam, was chosen as Jordan's official submission for the 2023 Academy Awards International Feature Film category. In response, Avigdor Lieberman, the Israeli Finance Minister, ordered the treasury to withdraw government funding for Jaffa's Al Saraya Theater, where the film is scheduled for projection.

Museums

The Al Qarara Cultural Museum held a collection of pre-Nakba jewellery. It was destroyed in an explosion as a result of an Israeli attack in October 2023.

See also

• Al-Nakba: The Palestinian Catastrophe 1948
• Balfour Declaration
• Haifa Declaration
• Jewish exodus from the Muslim world
• Nakba Day
• Nakba Law
• The Holocaust and the Nakba

Библиография

Книги

• Аль-Хардан, Анахид (5 апреля 2016 года). Палестинцы в Сирии: Накба воспоминания о разрушенных общинах . Издательство Колумбийского университета. ISBN  978-0-231-54122-0 Полем Получено 2 апреля 2021 года .
• Аурон, Яир (4 октября 2017 г.). Холокост, возрождение и Накба: память и современные израильские отношения . Lexington Books . ISBN  978-1498559492 Полем Получено 12 ноября 2023 года .
• Дэвис, Рошель (2011). Палестинская деревня история: география перемещенных лиц . Издательство Стэнфордского университета . ISBN  978-0-8047-7313-3 .
• Хасиан -младший, Маруф (2020). Дебаты о колониальном геноциде в 21 веке . Palgrave Macmillan . ISBN  978-3-030-21278-0 Полем Получено 6 ноября 2023 года .
• Халиди, Рашид (2020). Столетняя война с Палестиной: история поселенца колониализма и сопротивления, 1917–2017 . Столичные книги . ISBN  978-1-62779-854-9 .
• Киммерлинг, Барух (2008). Столкновение идентичности: исследования в израильских и палестинских обществах . Издательство Колумбийского университета . ISBN  978-0-231-14329-5 .
• Кнопф-Ньюман, Марси Джейн (21 ноября 2011 г.). Политика преподавания Палестины американцам: решение педагогических стратегий . Спрингер. ISBN  978-1-137-00220-4 Полем Получено 6 ноября 2023 года .
• Lentin, Ronit (2010). Совместная память и меланхолия: израильтяне памяти палестинской накбы . Манчестерское университетское издательство . ISBN  978-1-84779-768-1 .
• Манна, Адель (2022). Накба и выживание: история палестинцев, которые остались в Хайфе и Галилее, 1948-1956 . Калифорнийский университет . doi : 10.1525/luminos.129 . ISBN  978-0-520-38936-6 .
• Масалха, Нур (2018). Палестина: история четырех тысяч лет . Зед Книги . ISBN  978-1-78699-275-8 Полем Получено 6 ноября 2023 года .
• Масалха, Нур (9 августа 2012 г.). Палестина Накба: история деколонизации, рассказывая о подчиненной памяти . Зед Книги . ISBN  978-1-84813-973-2 Полем Получено 2 апреля 2021 года .
• Масалха, Нур (2003). Политика отрицания: Израиль и проблема палестинского беженца . Плутовая пресса . doi : 10.2307/j.ctt18dztmq . ISBN  978-0-7453-2120-2 Полем JSTOR   J.CTT18DZTMQ . Архивировано из оригинала 19 декабря 2023 года . Получено 17 января 2024 года .
• Моррис, Бенни (2008). 1948: История первой арабской войны . Издательство Йельского университета . ISBN  978-0-300-14524-3 Полем Получено 14 января 2024 года .
• Моррис, Бенни (2004) [1988]. Рождение палестинской проблемы с беженцами повторно (2 -е изд.). Издательство Кембриджского университета . ISBN  978-0-521-00967-6 Полем Получено 21 января 2024 года .
• Нашеф, Хания А.М. (30 октября 2018 г.). Палестинская культура и Накба: Свидетель Тейлор и Фрэнсис. ISBN  978-1-351-38749-1 Полем Получено 2 апреля 2021 года .
• Паппе, Илан (2022) [2004]. История современной Палестины (3 -е изд.). Издательство Кембриджского университета . ISBN  978-1-108-24416-9 Полем Получено 6 ноября 2023 года .
• Картон, Илан (2017). Десять мифов об Израиле . Verso Books . ISBN  978-1-78663-020-9 Полем Получено 16 февраля 2024 года .
• Паппе, Илан (2006). Этническая чистка Палестины . OneWorld Publications . ISBN  978-1-78074-056-0 .
• Роган, Юджин (2017) [2009]. Арабы: история (пересмотренная и обновленная изд.). Основные книги . ISBN  978-0-465-03248-8 Полем Получено 20 января 2024 года .
• Саббаг-Хури, Ареж (2023). Колонизация Палестины: сионистка ушла и создание палестинской накбы . Издательство Стэнфордского университета . ISBN  978-1-5036-3629-3 .
• Шульц, Хелена Линдхольм (2003). Палестинская диаспора: формирование идентичностей и политики родины . Routledge. ISBN  978-0-415-26821-9 Полем Получено 7 апреля 2021 года .
• Шайвар, Ави (2009). Израиль и Палестина: переоценка, пересмотр, опровержение . Verso Books . ISBN  978-1-78960-165-7 .
• Слейтер, Джером (2020). Мифологии без конца: США, Израиль и арабский-израильский конфликт, 1917-2020 . Издательство Оксфордского университета . ISBN  978-0-19-045908-6 .
• Вескови, Томас (15 января 2015 г.). Воспоминания Накбы в Израиле: взгляд Израильского общества о палестинской трагедии . Издания L'harmattan. ISBN  978-2-336-36805-4 Полем Получено 2 апреля 2021 года .
• Zureiq, Constantin (1956). Значение катастрофы . Книжный кооператив Хаята . Получено 2 апреля 2021 года . (Оригинальная арабская версия: Zureiq, Constantin (1948). Описание книги . Dar al -алам за миллионы . )

Книжные главы

• Абу-Лугод, Лила (2007). «Вернитесь в полузащиты: память, постемемная и живая история в Палестине» . В Сади, Ахмад Х .; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 77–104. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• Абу-Лугод, Лила ; Sa'di, Ahmad H. (2007). «Введение: претензии памяти» . В Саади, Ахмад Х.; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 1–24. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• Акерман, Гэри; Асаль, Виктор (2008). «Количественный обзор биологического оружия: идентификация, характеристика и атрибуция» . В Клунане, Энн; Лаву, Питер Р .; Мартин, Сьюзен Б. (ред.). Терроризм, война или болезнь?: Разрушение использования биологического оружия . Издательство Стэнфордского университета . С. 186–213. ISBN  978-0-8047-7981-4 .
• Аллан, Диана К. (2007). «Политика свидетеля: запоминание и забывание 1948 года в лагере Шатила» . В Сади, Ахмад Х .; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 253–282. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• Башир, Башир; Голдберг, Амос (2018). «Введение: Холокост и Накба: новый синтаксис истории, памяти и политической мысли» . В Башире, Башир; Голдберг, Амос (ред.). Холокост и Накба: новая грамматика травмы и истории . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 1–42. ISBN  978-0-231-54448-1 .
• Bäuml, Yair (2017). «Военное правление Израиля над своими палестинскими гражданами (1948–1968): формирование системы сегрегации Израиля» . В Рухане, Надим Н .; Huneidi, Sahar S. (Eds.). Израиль и его палестинские граждане: этнические привилегии в еврейском государстве . Издательство Кембриджского университета . С. 103–136. ISBN  978-1-107-04483-8 .
• Бишара, Азми (2017). «Сионизм и равное гражданство: существенное и случайное гражданство в еврейском государстве» . В Рухане, Надим Н .; Huneidi, Sahar S. (Eds.). Израиль и его палестинские граждане: этнические привилегии в еврейском государстве . Издательство Кембриджского университета . С. 137–155. ISBN  978-1-107-04483-8 .
• Cohen, Hillel (2017). «Первое правительство Израиля (1948–1950) и арабские граждане: равенство в дискурсе, исключение на практике» . В Рухане, Надим Н .; Huneidi, Sahar S. (Eds.). Израиль и его палестинские граждане: этнические привилегии в еврейском государстве . Издательство Кембриджского университета . С. 73–102. ISBN  978-1-107-04483-8 .
• Confino, Alon (2018). «Когда Генья и Генрик Ковальски бросили вызов истории - Яффа, 1949: между Холокостом и Накбой» . В Башире, Башир; Голдберг, Амос (ред.). Холокост и Накба: новая грамматика травмы и истории . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 135–153. ISBN  978-0-231-54448-1 .
• Даджани, Омар (2005). «Выжившие возможности» . В Тамара Виттеса Кофман (ред.). Как договариваются израильтяне и палестинцы: межкультурный анализ мирного процесса Осло . Американский институт мира прессы. ISBN  978-1-929223-64-0 .
• Esmeir, Samera (2007). «Воспоминания о завоевании: свидетельство смерти в Тантуре» . В Сади, Ахмад Х .; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 229–250. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• ГАНИМ, ХОНАДА (2018). «Когда Яффа встретился (j) Яффа: пересечения между Холокостом и Накбой в тени сионизма» . В Башире, Башир; Голдберг, Амос (ред.). Холокост и Накба: новая грамматика травмы и истории . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 92–113. ISBN  978-0-231-54448-1 .
• Хевер, Ханнан (2018). «От мести до эмпатии: Абба Ковнер от еврейского разрушения до палестинского разрушения» . В Башире, Башир; Голдберг, Амос (ред.). Холокост и Накба: новая грамматика травмы и истории . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 275–292. ISBN  978-0-231-54448-1 .
• Хамфрис, Изабель; Khalili, Laleh (2007). «Пол памяти Накба» . В Сади, Ахмад Х .; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 207–228. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• Jayyusi, Lena (2007). «Итерабильность, кумулятивность и присутствие: реляционные фигуры палестинской памяти» . В Сади, Ахмад Х .; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 107–133. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• Хури, Элиас (2018). «Предисловие» . В Башире, Башир; Голдберг, Амос (ред.). Холокост и Накба: новая грамматика травмы и истории . Издательство Колумбийского университета . стр. IX -XVI. ISBN  978-0-231-54448-1 .
• Левен, Марк (2018). «Предвестники еврейских и палестинских бедствий: европейское строительство национального государства и его токсичное наследие, 1912-1948» . В Башире, Башир; Голдберг, Амос (ред.). Холокост и Накба: новая грамматика травмы и истории . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 45–65. ISBN  978-0-231-54448-1 .
• Люстик, Ян С .; Беркман, Мэтью (2017). «Сионистские теории мира в эпоху до штата: наследие диссимуляции и арабского меньшинства Израиля» . В Рухане, Надим Н .; Huneidi, Sahar S. (Eds.). Израиль и его палестинские граждане: этнические привилегии в еврейском государстве . Издательство Кембриджского университета . С. 39–72. ISBN  978-1-107-04483-8 .
• Милштейн, Майкл (2009). «Память, которая никогда не умирает: память Накба и Палестинское национальное движение» . В Литвак, Мейр (ред.). Палестинская коллективная память и национальная идентичность . Palgrave Macmillan . ISBN  978-0-230-62163-3 .
• Натур, Галеб (2016). «Накба - поживание и изгнание палестинцев в 1948 году» . В Хоппе, Андреас (ред.). Катастрофы: взгляды из естественных и человеческих наук . Springer Science+Business Media . ISBN  978-3-319-20846-6 .
• Рухана, Надим (2017). «Психополитические основы этнических привилегий в еврейском государстве» . В Рухане, Надим Н.; Huneidi, Sahar S. (Eds.). Израиль и его палестинские граждане: этнические привилегии в еврейском государстве . Издательство Кембриджского университета . С. 3–35. ISBN  978-1-107-04483-8 .
• Рухана, Надим ; Саббаг-Хури, Ареж (2017). «Память и возвращение истории в колониальном контексте поселенца: случай палестинцев в Израиле» . В Рухане, Надим Н.; Huneidi, Sahar S. (Eds.). Израиль и его палестинские граждане: этнические привилегии в еврейском государстве . Издательство Кембриджского университета . С. 393–432. ISBN  978-1-107-04483-8 .
• Sa'di, Ahmad H. (2007). «Последствия: размышления о представлениях, истории и моральной ответственности» . В Саади, Ахмад Х.; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 285–314. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• Sayigh, Rosemary (2023) [2015]. «О погребении палестинской накбы» . Routledge International Handbook of Enecine Researchs (2 -е изд.). Routledge . С. 279–289. ISBN  978-1-003-10060-7 .
• Sayigh, Rosemary (2007). «Женские истории Накба: между существованием и знанием» . В Сади, Ахмад Х .; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 135–158. ISBN  978-0-231-13579-5 .
• Shenhav, Yehouda (2019). «Палестинская накба и арабская еврейская меланхолия» . В Шей Гинзбурге; Мартин Лэнд; Джонатан Боярин (ред.). Евреи и концы теории . Издательство Университета Фордхэма . С. 48–64. ISBN  978-0-8232-8201-2 .
• Slyomovics, Susan (2007). «Изнасилование Кула, разрушенная палестинская деревня» . В Сади, Ахмад Х .; Абу-Лугод, Лила (ред.). Накба: Палестина, 1948 и претензии о памяти . Издательство Колумбийского университета . С. 27–52. ISBN  9780231509701 .
• Webman, Esther (2009). «Эволюция основополагающего мифа: Накба и его колеблющееся значение». Палестинская коллективная память и национальная идентичность . С. 27–45. doi : 10.1057/9780230621633_2 . ISBN  978-1-349-37755-8 .
• Уильямс, Патрик (2009). « Естественно, я отвергаю термин« диаспора »: сказал и палестинская отдача». Сравнивая постколониальные диаспоры . С. 83–103. doi : 10.1057/9780230232785_5 . ISBN  978-1-349-36142-7 .

Статьи

• Абу-Лабан, Ясмин; Бакан, Эбигейл Б. (июль 2022 г.). «Антипалестинский расизм и расовый газовый подсветка». Политический квартал . 93 (3): 508–516. doi : 10.1111/1467-923X.13166 . S2CID   250507449 .
• Абу Ситта, Салман (2003). «Следы яда - темная история Израиля раскрыта» . Al-Ahram Weekly . Архивировано из оригинала 29 января 2024 года . Получено 30 января 2024 года - через Палестинское земельное общество.
• Алон, Шир (2019). «Никто не увидит здесь: жанры нейтрализации и продолжающегося накбы». Журнал арабских исследований . 27 (1): 90–117. JSTOR   26732402 .
• Бен-Дор, Элад (2007). «Арабская борьба против разделения: международная арена лета 1947 года» . Ближний Восточный исследования . 43 (2). Taylor & Francis, Ltd.: 259–293. doi : 10.1080/00263200601114117 . ISSN   0026-3206 . JSTOR   4284540 . S2CID   143853008 . Получено 20 января 2023 года .
• Карус, В. Сет (2017). «Столетие программ биологического оружия (1915–2015): рассмотрение доказательств» . Обзор нераспространения . 24 (1–2): 129–153. doi : 10.1080/10736700.2017.1385765 . ISSN   1073-6700 . Архивировано из оригинала 30 января 2024 года . Получено 30 января 2024 года .
• Cohen, Avner (2001). «Израиль и химическое/биологическое оружие: история, сдерживание и контроль над оружием» . Обзор нераспространения . 8 (3): 27–53. doi : 10.1080/10736700108436862 . ISSN   1073-6700 . Архивировано из оригинала 23 января 2024 года . Получено 30 января 2024 года .
• Докер, Джон (2012). «Инструментация Холокоста: Израиль, поселенец-колониализм, геноцид (создание разговора между Рафаэлем Лемкином и Илан Паппе)» . Изучение Святой Земли . 11 (1): 1–32. doi : 10.3366/hls.2012.0027 . ISSN   1474-9475 . Архивировано из оригинала 10 мая 2021 года . Получено 30 января 2024 года .
• Fierke, Karin M. (2014). «Кто мой сосед? Воспоминания о Холокосте/ Аль -Накбе и глобальной этике заботы» . Европейский журнал международных отношений . 20 (3): 787–809. doi : 10.1177/1354066113497490 . ISSN   1354-0661 . S2CID   146188931 . Архивировано из оригинала 4 июня 2023 года . Получено 31 декабря 2023 года .
• Ghanim, Honaida (2009). «Поэтика катастрофы: национализм, пол и социальные изменения среди палестинских поэтов в Израиле после Накбы» . Международный журнал политики, культуры и общества . 22 (1): 23–39. doi : 10.1007/s10767-009-9049-9 . ISSN   0891-4486 . S2CID   144148068 . Архивировано из оригинала 19 марта 2024 года . Получено 31 декабря 2023 года .
• Капшук, Йоав; Strömbom, Лиза (ноябрь 2021 г.). «Израильское претранственное правосудие и закон Накба» . Израильский юридический обзор . 54 (3): 305–323. doi : 10.1017/s0021223721000157 . S2CID   239053934 .
• Хури, Элиас (январь 2012 г.). «Переосмысление накбы». Критическое расследование . 38 (2): 250–266. doi : 10.1086/662741 . S2CID   162316338 .
• Лейтенберг, Милтон (2001). «Биологическое оружие в двадцатом веке: обзор и анализ» . Критические обзоры в микробиологии . 27 (4): 267–320. doi : 10.1080/20014091096774 . ISSN   1040-841X . PMID   11791799 . Архивировано из оригинала 19 марта 2024 года . Получено 30 января 2024 года .
• Манна, Адель (2013). «Палестинская Накба и его постоянные последствия». Израильские исследования . 18 (2): 86–99. doi : 10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 . JSTOR   10.2979/ISRAELSTUDIES.18.2.86 . S2CID   143785830 .
• Мартин, Сьюзен Б. (2010), «Использование химического, биологического и ядерного оружия на поле битвы с 1945 по 2008 год: структурные реалисты против нормативных объяснений» , Американская политологическая ассоциация 2010 года , полученная 30 января 2024 года.
• Нур ( июль Масальха ) . 2009 , г. ​ ​ ​ ​ . ​ ​ ​ ​
• Мори . ( Марико ) , июль г. 2009 Doi : 87465 . / 10.14989 ​ ​ ​  ​ ​
• Моррис, Бенни ; Кедар, Бенджамин З. (3 сентября 2023 г.). « Отправить хлеб»: израильская биологическая война во время войны в 1948 году » . Ближний Восточный исследования . 59 (5): 752–776. doi : 10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448 . ISSN   0026-3206 . Архивировано из оригинала 18 января 2024 года . Получено 30 января 2024 года .
• Нассар, Маха (сентябрь 2023 г.). «Исход, отрицание Накбы и мобилизация антиарабского расизма». Критическая социология . 49 (6): 1037–1051. doi : 10.1177/08969205221132878 . S2CID   253134415 .
• Паппе, Илан (12 ноября 2021 г.). «Повседневное зло в Палестине: вид с холма Люцифер» . Янус Unbound: журнал критических исследований . 1 (1): 70–82. doi : 10.2021/ju.v1i1.2319 (неактивный 19 сентября 2024 г.). ISSN   2564-2154 . Архивировано из оригинала 3 февраля 2024 года . Получено 23 ноября 2023 года . {{cite journal}}: CS1 Maint: doi неактивен по состоянию на сентябрь 2024 года ( ссылка )
• Паппе, Илан (1 мая 2020 г.). «Индикативный архив: спасение документов Nakba» . Журнал Палестинских исследований . 49 (3): 22–40. doi : 10.1525/jps.2020.49.3.22 . ISSN   0377-919X . S2CID   225941252 . Архивировано из оригинала 16 декабря 2023 года . Получено 29 ноября 2023 года .
• Рам, Ури (сентябрь 2009 г.). «Способы забывания: Израиль и обрушившаяся память о палестинской накбе». Журнал исторической социологии . 22 (3): 366–395. doi : 10.1111/j.1467-6443.2009.01354.x .
• Сыпленная, Хайфа; Короткий, Дэмиен; Докер, Джон (май 2014). «Накба Меморицид: исследования геноцида и сионистский/израильский геноцид Палестины». Изучение Святой Земли . 13 (1): 1–23. doi : 10.3366/hls.2014.0076 .
• Рухана, Надим Н .; Саббаг-Хури, Ареж (2014). «Калониальное гражданство поселенцев: концептуализация отношений между Израилем и его палестинскими гражданами» . Поселенные колониальные исследования . 5 (3): 205–225. doi : 10.1080/2201473X.2014.947671 . ISSN   2201-473X . S2CID   56244739 . Архивировано из оригинала 22 октября 2022 года . Получено 23 ноября 2023 года .
• Sa'di, Ahmad H. (2002). «Катастрофа, память и идентичность: аль-Накба как компонент палестинской идентичности». Израильские исследования . 7 (2): 175–198. doi : 10.2979/isr.2002.7.2.175 . JSTOR   30245590 . S2CID   144811289 .
• Сай, Розмари (осень 2013). «О исключении палестинской накбы из жанра« травмы » ». Журнал Палестинских исследований . 43 (1): 51–60. doi : 10.1525/jps.2013.43.1.51 . JSTOR   10.1525/JPS.2013.43.1.51 .
• Sayigh, Rosemary (2009). «Хиросима, Аль-Накба: маркеры новых гегемоний» (PDF) . Киотский бюллетень исламских исследований . 3 (1): 151–169. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 30 января 2024 года . Получено 30 января 2024 года .
• Вулф, Патрик (январь 2012 г.). «Покупка другими способами: Палестина Накба и завоевание экономики сионизма» . Поселенные колониальные исследования . 2 (1): 133–171. doi : 10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 . S2CID   53367151 .

Дальнейшее чтение

• Baumgarten, Helga (2005). «Три лица/фазы палестинского национализма, 1948–2005». Журнал Палестинских исследований . 34 (4): 25–48. doi : 10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.25 . JSTOR   10.1525/JPS.2005.34.4.25 .
• Каплан, Нил (2012). «Жерность в израильских и палестинских национальных повествованиях». Бустан: обзор Ближнего Востока . 3 (1): 1–19. doi : 10.1163/187853012x633508 . JSTOR   10.1163/187853012X633508 .
• Чакраборти, Ранджани (15 мая 2023 г.). «Почему палестинцы протестуют протестуют каждые 15 мая» . Вокс .
• Дарвиш, Махмуд (10–16 мая 2001 г.). «Не начинать с конца» . Al-Ahram Weekly . № 533. Архивировано из оригинала 2 декабря 2001 года.
• Гутман, Ифат; Тирош, Ноам (август 2021 г.). «Балансировать зверства и принудительное забывание: законы памяти как средство социального контроля в Израиле» . Законодательство и социальное расследование . 46 (3): 705–730. doi : 10.1017/lsi.2020.35 . S2CID   234091285 .
• Хури, Надим (январь 2020 г.). «Постнациональная память: рассказ о Холокосте и Накбе». Философия и социальная критика . 46 (1): 91–110. doi : 10.1177/0191453719839448 . S2CID   150483968 .
• Koldas, Umut (2011). «Накба» в палестинской памяти в Израиле ». Ближний Восточный исследования . 47 (6): 947–959. doi : 10.1080/00263206.2011.619354 . JSTOR   23054253 . S2CID   143778915 .
• Masalha, Nur (2008). «Запоминание палестинской накбы: память, устная история и повествования о памяти» (PDF) . Изучение Святой Земли . 7 (2): 123–156. doi : 10.3366/e147494750800019x . S2CID   159471053 . Project Muse   255205 . Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 3 июня 2022 года . Получено 30 апреля 2022 года .
• Верманбол, Грейс (31 мая 2021 г.). Сказка о двух повествованиях: Холокост, Накба и израильская палестинская битва воспоминаний . Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN  978-1-108-84028-6 Полем Получено 2 апреля 2021 года .