Джон Робертс

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Джон Робертс
Официальный портрет, 2005 г.
17-й главный судья США
Действующий президент
Assumed office 29 сентября 2005 г.
Nominated by	George W. Bush
Preceded by	William Rehnquist
Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit
In office June 2, 2003 – September 29, 2005
Nominated by	George W. Bush
Preceded by	James L. Buckley
Succeeded by	Patricia Millett
Principal Deputy Solicitor General of the United States
In office October 24, 1989 – January 1993
President	George H. W. Bush
Preceded by	Donald B. Ayer
Succeeded by	Paul Bender
Associate Counsel to the President
In office November 28, 1982 – April 11, 1986
President	Ronald Reagan
Preceded by	J. Michael Luttig
Succeeded by	Robert Kruger
Personal details
Born	John Glover Roberts Jr. (1955-01-27) January 27, 1955 Buffalo, New York, U.S.
Spouse	Jane Sullivan ​ (m. 1996)​
Education	Harvard University (BA, JD)
Awards	Henry J. Friendly Medal (2023)
Signature

Джон Гловер Робертс-младший (родился 27 января 1955 года) — американский юрист, занимавший с 2005 года должность 17-го главного судьи США .

Робертс родился в Буффало, штат Нью-Йорк , и был воспитан католиком на северо-западе Индианы и получил образование в приходских школах . Он учился в Гарвардском университете с первоначальным намерением стать историком, который окончил за три года с отличием, затем поступил в Гарвардскую юридическую школу , где был редактором журнала Harvard Law Review . Прежде чем занять должности в администрации Рейгана и старшего Буша , Робертс работал клерком у судьи Генри Френдли и судьи Уильяма Ренквиста . С 1989 по 1993 год он был первым заместителем генерального солиситора , после чего построил ведущую апелляционную практику и представил 39 дел в Верховном суде.

In 1992, President George H. W. Bush nominated Roberts to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, but the Senate did not hold a vote on his confirmation. In 2003, President George W. Bush appointed Roberts to the D.C. Circuit. In 2005, Bush nominated Roberts to the Supreme Court, initially as an associate justice to fill the vacancy left by Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, but promoted him to chief justice after Rehnquist's death. Roberts was confirmed by a Senate vote of 78–22, becoming the youngest to serve in the position since John Marshall.

As chief justice, Roberts has authored majority opinions in many landmark cases, including National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius (upholding most sections of the Affordable Care Act), Shelby County v. Holder (limiting the Voting Rights Act of 1965), Trump v. Hawaii (expanding presidential powers over immigration), Carpenter v. United States (expanding digital privacy), Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard (overruling race-based admission programs), and Trump v. United States (outlining the extent of presidential immunity from criminal prosecution). Roberts also presided over the first impeachment trial of President Donald Trump.

Early life and education

Roberts was born on January 27, 1955, in Buffalo, New York, to Rosemary (née Podrasky) and John Glover "Jack" Roberts Sr., both devout Catholics. His father had Irish and Welsh ancestry and his mother was a descendant of Slovak immigrants from Szepes, Hungary. He has two younger sisters, Margaret and Barbara, and an elder sister, Kathy. Roberts spent his early childhood years in Hamburg, New York, where his father worked as an electrical engineer for the Bethlehem Steel Corporation's factory in Lackawanna.

In 1965, ten-year-old Roberts and his family moved to Long Beach, Indiana, where his father became the manager of a new steel plant in nearby Burns Harbor. By age 13, Roberts "already had a clear plan for his life." He attended the parochial La Lumiere School, an academically rigorous Catholic boarding school in La Porte, Indiana, where he captained the school's football team, participated in track and field, and was a regional champion in wrestling. He also participated in choir and drama, and was a co-editor of the school newspaper. He graduated in 1973 as class valedictorian, becoming the first graduate of the La Lumiere School to enroll at Harvard University.

At Harvard College, Roberts dedicated himself to studying history, his academic major. He had entered Harvard as a sophomore with second-year standing based on his academic achievements in high school. Roberts first roomed in Straus Hall before moving to Leverett House. Every summer, he returned home to work at the steel plant his father managed. Although he initially felt obscured among other students, Roberts distinguished himself with professors, meriting multiple distinctions for his scholarly writing. He gained a reputation as a serious student who valued formalism. Every Sunday, he attended Catholic mass at St. Paul Church.

Roberts focused on modern European history and maintained an interest in politics. As an undergraduate, he excelled academically. In his first year, he won the university's Edwards Whitaker Scholarship for outstanding scholastic achievement. He intended to pursue a Ph.D. in history to be a professor but also contemplated a legal career. One of Roberts's first papers, "Marxism and Bolshevism: Theory and Practice," won Harvard's William Scott Ferguson Prize for the most outstanding essay by a sophomore history major. An early interest in oral advocacy led him to study Daniel Webster, a prominent advocate before the Supreme Court. His senior year paper, "The Utopian Conservative: A Study of Continuity and Change in the Thought of Daniel Webster," won a Bowdoin Prize.

In 1976, Roberts obtained his Bachelor of Arts in history, summa cum laude, with membership in Phi Beta Kappa. A recent surplus of history graduate students convinced him to attend Harvard Law School for better career prospects, though he maintained his original goal to become a professor. His first-year performance in law school won him membership on the Harvard Law Review. The journal's president, David Leebron, chose Roberts as its managing editor, despite their differing political views. Classmate David Wilkins described Roberts as "more conservative than the typical Harvard Law student in the 1970s" but well-liked by fellow students. In 1979, Roberts graduated at the top of his class with a Juris Doctor, magna cum laude, despite having to admit himself to a local hospital for exhaustion. He later regretted that during his time at Harvard, he traveled into Boston on only a couple of occasions, being too preoccupied with his studies.

Early legal career

After graduating from law school, Roberts was a law clerk for Judge Henry Friendly, one of the most influential judges of the century, of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit from 1979 to 1980. Friendly was impressed by his performance; they shared similar backgrounds, and co-clerk Reinier Kraakman recalled that "there was a bond between them." When Roberts became a federal judge years later, he identified with Friendly's nonpartisan approach to law and maintained a correspondence with him. After finishing his clerkship at the Second Circuit in May, Roberts went to clerk for Justice (later Chief Justice) William Rehnquist at the U.S. Supreme Court from 1980 to 1981.

At the end his clerkship with Rehnquist, Roberts worked to gain admission to the bar, studying with Michael W. McConnell, a law clerk of Justice William Brennan. After the 1980 presidential election, he resolved to work under the new Reagan administration. Rehnquist recommended him to Ken Starr, who was chief of staff to attorney general William French Smith, and Roberts was named a special assistant to the attorney general. After being admitted to the District of Columbia bar and arriving to the Department of Justice in August 1981, he helped Sandra Day O'Connor prepare for her confirmation hearings.

President Ronald Reagan greeting Roberts in the Oval Office while Roberts was serving as an associate White House Counsel (1983)

As an assistant to the attorney general, Roberts concentrated on the scope of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, especially Section 2 and Section 5, both of which Roberts and other Reagan lawyers believed to have unnecessarily intruded on state regulations. He wrote to Friendly, "This is an exciting time to be at the Justice Department, when so much that has been taken for granted for so long is being seriously reconsidered." Among those he worked with were William Bradford Reynolds in the Civil Rights Division, former classmate Richard Lazarus, J. Harvie Wilkinson III, Theodore Olson, and fellow special assistant Carolyn Kuhl.

In 1982, Reagan advisor Fred Fielding recruited Roberts to work at the White House. Fielding gathered a group of lawyers that also included J. Michael Luttig and Henry Garrett. From 1982 to 1986, Roberts was an associate with the White House Counsel. He then entered private practice in Washington, D.C., as an associate at the law firm Hogan & Hartson (now Hogan Lovells), working in corporate law. E. Barrett Prettyman, under whom he was first assigned, was one of the most prominent advocates in the country along with Rex E. Lee. Roberts also built a successful practice as an appellate lawyer, heading the firm's division for appellate advocacy. He made his first appearance before the Supreme Court in United States v. Halper, arguing against the government, and the Court unanimously upheld his arguments.

Appellate advocacy

Roberts with President Reagan on Air Force One in 1985

In 1989, Ken Starr relinquished his judgeship on the D.C. Circuit to become U.S. Solicitor General under President George H. W. Bush. Needing a deputy, Starr chose Roberts to join the administration as Principal Deputy Solicitor General. "I felt that his experience was good for the political deputy position. [Roberts] was a steady hand, a wise hand. He came in as a person not of vast experience but of vast ability," Starr recalled. With the new appointment, Roberts, whose work had previously been confidential, became a prominent figure at the Supreme Court, leading the filings of the Bush administration and representing it in the media.

As deputy solicitor general, Roberts frequently appeared before the Supreme Court. He argued for a number of conservative positions, including those against abortion, an extensive federal jurisdiction and policies that afforded special benefits to minority groups. In 1990, he successfully argued his first case in Atlantic Richfield Company v. USA Petroleum Company, which concerned anti-trust law, and then successfully argued the standing case of Lujan v. National Wildlife Federation, which became a hallmark in the field. When Starr recused himself in Metro Broadcasting, Inc. v. FCC, Roberts took his place, arguing that the use of racial preferences by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) was unconstitutional. The position failed to convince the Court, which announced on June 27, 1990, that it had sided with the FCC. Government attorneys, surprised by Roberts's stance against the FCC, discussed whether it contributed to a politicization of the office, as the Solicitor General traditionally defended the government. Thomas Merrill, a deputy for the Solicitor General, described Roberts's candid position simply as: "This affirmative action program violated the Constitution, and we should present that to the Supreme Court."

When Clarence Thomas was confirmed to the Supreme Court in 1991, Roberts's proven experience in complex litigation for the Bush administration made him a leading candidate to fill Thomas's vacancy on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. On January 27, 1992, Bush nominated Roberts, who had just turned 37 years old, to the D.C. Circuit, and Starr urged Senator Joe Biden, chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, to schedule a hearing despite an upcoming election year. Democratic lobbyists and progressive interest groups encouraged Biden to stall the process. As Bill Clinton defeated Bush in the 1992 presidential election, Roberts's nomination lapsed with no Senate vote and expired at the end of the 102nd Congress.

In January 1993, Roberts returned to Hogan and Hartson, where, finding great success as an advocate, he began to regularly appear again before the Supreme Court. With a reputation as the leading private Supreme Court litigator, Roberts often represented corporations that sued individuals or the government. He was Hogan and Hartson's most prominent partner, arguing 18 Supreme Court cases from 1993 to 2003 and 20 in nationwide appellate courts while also doing work pro bono, demonstrating expertise in a wide variety of different fields. In June 1995, to Roberts's satisfaction, the Supreme Court overruled his previous loss of Metro Broadcasting, Inc. v. FCC in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Peña, establishing that the government must treat people on an individual basis. The next year, his pro bono contributions included giving fundamental aid to gay rights activists in the landmark case of Romer v. Evans (1996). In addition, during the 2000 presidential election, Roberts went to Florida to assist George W. Bush, by which time Jeffrey Toobin identified him as "among the top advocates of his generation". According to biographer Joan Biskupic, he built a reputation "for his powers of persuasion and tireless preparation", and "his meticulous preparation and unflagging composure inspired confidence among his well-heeled clients."

Selected cases

Case	Argued	Decided	Represented
First Options v. Kaplan, 514 U.S. 938	March 22, 1995	May 22, 1995	Respondent
Adams v. Robertson, 520 U.S. 83	January 14, 1997	March 3, 1997	Respondent
Alaska v. Native Village of Venetie Tribal Government, 522 U.S. 520	December 10, 1997	February 25, 1999	Petitioner
Feltner v. Columbia Pictures Television, Inc., 523 U.S. 340	January 21, 1998	March 31, 1998	Petitioner
National Collegiate Athletic Association v. Smith, 525 U.S. 459	January 20, 1999	February 23, 1999	Petitioner
Rice v. Cayetano, 528 U.S. 495	October 6, 1999	February 23, 2000	Respondent
Eastern Associated Coal Corp. v. Mine Workers, 531 U.S. 57	October 2, 2000	November 28, 2000	Petitioner
TrafFix Devices, Inc. v. Marketing Displays, Inc., 532 U.S. 23	November 29, 2000	March 20, 2001	Petitioner
Toyota Motor Manufacturing v. Williams, 534 U.S. 184	November 7, 2001	January 8, 2002	Petitioner
Tahoe-Sierra Preservation Council, Inc. v. Tahoe Regional Planning Agency, 535 U.S. 302	January 7, 2002	April 23, 2002	Respondent
Rush Prudential HMO, Inc. v. Moran, 536 U.S. 355	January 16, 2002	June 20, 2002	Petitioner
Gonzaga University v. Doe, 536 U.S. 273	April 24, 2002	June 20, 2002	Petitioner
Barnhart v. Peabody Coal Co., 537 U.S. 149	October 8, 2002	January 15, 2003	Respondent
Smith v. Doe, 538 U.S. 84	November 13, 2002	March 5, 2003	Petitioner

U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit

Roberts as a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit (c. 2003)

On May 9, 2001, President George W. Bush nominated Roberts to a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit to replace Judge James L. Buckley, who had recently retired. The Democratic Party had a majority in the Senate at the time and was in conflict with Bush over his judicial nominees. Senate Judiciary Committee chairman Patrick Leahy refused to give Roberts a hearing in the 107th Congress. The GOP regained control of the Senate on January 7, 2003, and Bush resubmitted Roberts's nomination that day. Roberts was confirmed on May 8, 2003, and received his commission on June 2. During his two-year tenure on the D.C. Circuit, Roberts authored 49 opinions, eliciting two dissents from other judges, and wrote three dissents.

Fourth and Fifth amendments

Hedgepeth v. Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, 386 F.3d 1148, involved a 12-year-old girl who was arrested, searched, handcuffed, and fingerprinted after she violated a publicly advertised zero tolerance "no eating" policy in a Washington Metro station by eating a single french fry. She was released to her mother three hours later. She sued, alleging that an adult would have received only a citation for the same offense, while children must be detained until parents are notified. The D.C. Circuit unanimously affirmed the district court's dismissal of the girl's lawsuit, which was predicated on alleged violations of the Fourth Amendment (unreasonable search and seizure) and Fifth Amendment (equal protection).

"No one is very happy about the events that led to this litigation", Roberts wrote. But because age is not a suspect class, laws that single out minors are evaluated using a rational basis test. Only weak state interests were required to justify the policy, and the panel concluded they were present: "The correction of straying youth is an undisputed state interest and one different from enforcing the law against adults...The district court had and we too may have thoughts on the wisdom of this policy choice—it is far from clear that the gains in certainty of notification are worth the youthful trauma and tears—but it is not our place to second-guess such legislative judgments."

Military tribunals

In Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, Roberts was part of a unanimous circuit panel overturning the district court ruling and upholding military tribunals the Bush administration set up to try terrorism suspects known as enemy combatants. Circuit Judge A. Raymond Randolph, writing for the court, ruled that Salim Ahmed Hamdan, a driver for al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, could be tried by a military court because:

1. the military commission had the approval of the United States Congress;
2. the Third Geneva Convention is a treaty between nations and as such does not confer individual rights and remedies enforceable in U.S. courts;
3. even if the convention could be enforced in U.S. courts, it would not be of assistance to Hamdan at the time because, for a conflict such as the war against Al-Qaeda (considered by the court a separate war from that against Afghanistan itself) that is not between two countries, it guarantees only a certain standard of judicial procedure without speaking to the jurisdiction in which the prisoner must be tried.

The court held open the possibility of judicial review of the results of the military commission after the current proceedings ended. On June 29, 2006, the Supreme Court overturned this decision, with Roberts not participating due to his participation in the case as a circuit judge.

Appointment to Supreme Court

Main article: John Roberts Supreme Court nomination

President George W. Bush announces Roberts's nomination to be Chief Justice (2005).

On July 19, 2005, President Bush nominated Roberts to the U.S. Supreme Court to fill a vacancy to be created by the impending retirement of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. Roberts's nomination was the first Supreme Court nomination since Stephen Breyer's in 1994. On September 3, 2005, while Roberts's confirmation was pending before the Senate, Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist died. Two days later, Bush withdrew Roberts's nomination as O'Connor's successor and nominated Roberts to succeed Rehnquist as chief justice.

Roberts's testimony on his jurisprudence

During his confirmation hearings, Roberts said he did not have a comprehensive jurisprudential philosophy and did "not think beginning with an all-encompassing approach to constitutional interpretation is the best way to faithfully construe the document." Roberts compared judges to baseball umpires: "[I]t's my job to call balls and strikes, and not to pitch or bat." Among the issues he discussed during the hearings were:

Roberts testifying before the Senate Judiciary Committee

Commerce Clause

In Senate hearings, Roberts said:

Starting with McCulloch v. Maryland, Chief Justice John Marshall gave a very broad and expansive reading to the powers of the federal government and explained generally that if the ends be legitimate, then any means chosen to achieve them are within the power of the federal government, and cases interpreting that, throughout the years, have come down. Certainly, by the time Lopez was decided, many of us had learned in law school that it was just sort of a formality to say that interstate commerce was affected and that cases weren't going to be thrown out that way. Lopez certainly breathed new life into the Commerce Clause.I think it remains to be seen, in subsequent decisions, how rigorous a showing, and in many cases, it is just a showing. It's not a question of an abstract fact—does this affect interstate commerce or not—but has this body, the Congress, demonstrated the impact on interstate commerce that drove them to legislate? That's a very important factor. It wasn't present in Lopez at all. I think the members of Congress had heard the same thing I had heard in law school, that this is unimportant—and they hadn't gone through the process of establishing a record in that case.

Federalism

Roberts said the following about federalism in a 1999 radio interview:

We have gotten to the point these days where we think the only way we can show we're serious about a problem is if we pass a federal law, whether it is the Violence Against Women Act or anything else. The fact of the matter is conditions are different in different states, and state laws can be more—relevant is I think exactly the right term, more attuned to the different situations in New York, as opposed to Minnesota, and that is what the federal system is based on.

Reviewing Acts of Congress

At a Senate hearing, Roberts said:

The Supreme Court has, throughout its history, on many occasions described the deference that is due to legislative judgments. Justice Holmes described assessing the constitutionality of an act of Congress as the gravest duty that the Supreme Court is called upon to perform. ... It's a principle that is easily stated and needs to be observed in practice, as well as in theory.Now, the Court, of course, has the obligation, and has been recognized since Marbury v. Madison, to assess the constitutionality of acts of Congress, and when those acts are challenged, it is the obligation of the Court to say what the law is. The determination of when deference to legislative policy judgments goes too far and becomes abdication of the judicial responsibility, and when scrutiny of those judgments goes too far on the part of the judges and becomes what I think is properly called judicial activism—that is certainly the central dilemma of having an unelected, as you describe it correctly, undemocratic judiciary in a democratic republic.

Stare decisis

On the subject of stare decisis, referring to Brown v. Board of Education, the decision overturning school segregation, Roberts said: "the Court in that case, of course, overruled a prior decision. I don't think that constitutes judicial activism because obviously if the decision is wrong, it should be overruled. That's not activism. That's applying the law correctly."

Roe v. Wade

As a lawyer for the Reagan administration, Roberts wrote legal memos defending administration policies on abortion. At his nomination hearing, he testified that the legal memos represented the views of the administration he was representing at the time and not necessarily his own. "I was a staff lawyer; I didn't have a position," Roberts said. As a lawyer in the George H. W. Bush administration, Roberts signed a legal brief urging the court to overturn Roe v. Wade.

In private meetings with senators before his confirmation, Roberts testified that Roe was settled law, but added that it was subject to the legal principle of stare decisis, meaning that while the Court must give some weight to the precedent, it was not legally bound to uphold it.

In his Senate testimony, Roberts said that, while sitting on the Appellate Court, he had an obligation to respect precedents established by the Supreme Court, including the right to abortion. He said: "Roe v. Wade is the settled law of the land. ... There is nothing in my personal views that would prevent me from fully and faithfully applying that precedent, as well as Casey." Following nominees' traditional reluctance to indicate which way they might vote on an issue likely to come before the Supreme Court, he did not explicitly say whether he would vote to overturn either. Jeffrey Rosen said, "I wouldn't bet on Chief Justice Roberts's siding unequivocally with the anti-Roe forces."

Confirmation

On September 22, 2005, the Senate Judiciary Committee approved Roberts's nomination by a vote of 13–5, with Senators Ted Kennedy, Richard Durbin, Charles Schumer, Joe Biden, and Dianne Feinstein opposed. The full Senate confirmed Roberts on September 29 by a margin of 78–22. All Republicans and the one Independent voted for Roberts; the Democrats split evenly, 22–22. Roberts was confirmed by what was, historically, a narrow margin for a Supreme Court justice, but all subsequent confirmation votes have been even narrower.

U.S. Supreme Court

Main article: Roberts Court

Roberts is sworn in as Chief Justice by Justice John Paul Stevens in the East Room of the White House as President Bush and Roberts's wife Jane look on, September 29, 2005.

Roberts took the Constitutional oath of office, administered by Associate Justice John Paul Stevens at the White House, on September 29, 2005. On October 3, he took the judicial oath provided for by the Judiciary Act of 1789 at the United States Supreme Court building.

Justice Antonin Scalia said that Roberts "pretty much run[s] the show the same way" as Rehnquist, albeit "let[ting] people go on a little longer at conference ... but [he'll] get over that." Analysts such as Jeffrey Toobin have portrayed Roberts as a consistent advocate for conservative principles. Garrett Epps called Roberts's prose "crystalline, vivid, and often humorous."

Seventh Circuit judge Diane Sykes, surveying Roberts's first term on the Court, concluded that his jurisprudence "appears to be strongly rooted in the discipline of traditional legal method, evincing a fidelity to text, structure, history, and the constitutional hierarchy. He exhibits the restraint that flows from the careful application of established decisional rules and the practice of reasoning from the case law. He appears to place great stock in the process-oriented tools and doctrinal rules that guard against the aggregation of judicial power and keep judicial discretion in check: jurisdictional limits, structural federalism, textualism, and the procedural rules that govern the scope of judicial review." Roberts has been said to operate under an approach of judicial minimalism in his decisions, having said, "[i]f it is not necessary to decide more to a case, then in my view it is necessary not to decide more to a case." His decision-making and leadership seems to demonstrate an intention to preserve the Court's power and legitimacy while maintaining judicial independence.

In November 2018, the Associated Press approached Roberts for comment after President Donald Trump called a jurist who ruled against his asylum policy an "Obama judge." Roberts responded: "[w]e do not have Obama judges or Trump judges, Bush judges or Clinton judges. What we have is an extraordinary group of dedicated judges doing their level best to do equal right to those appearing before them." His remarks were widely interpreted as a rebuke of Trump's comment. As chief justice, Roberts presided over the first impeachment trial of Donald Trump, which began on January 16 and ended on February 5, 2020. Roberts did not preside over Trump's second impeachment trial, believing that the Constitution requires only that the chief justice preside in the trial of a sitting president, not of a former president.

Although Roberts's judicial philosophy is considered conservative, he is seen as having a more moderate orientation than his predecessor, William Rehnquist, particularly when Bush v. Gore is compared to Roberts's vote for the ACA: his vote in National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius to uphold the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) caused the press to contrast his Court with the Rehnquist Court. Roberts's judicial philosophy is also seen as more moderate and conciliatory than Antonin Scalia's or Clarence Thomas's. He seems to want more consensus from the Court. At the beginning of his tenure, Roberts's voting pattern closely aligned with Samuel Alito's, but in recent years, his voting pattern has resembled Brett Kavanaugh's, who is generally seen as far more moderate than Alito. He has since presided over an ideological shift toward conservative jurisprudence on the high court, in which he has authored key opinions.

After the confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett, several commentators wrote that Roberts was no longer the leading justice. As the five other conservative justices could outvote the rest, he supposedly could no longer preside over a moderately conservative course while respecting precedent. This view was espoused again after the 2022 Dobbs decision, which overturned Roe and Casey.

Presidential power

On June 26, 2018, Roberts wrote the majority opinion in Trump v. Hawaii, upholding the Trump administration's travel ban against seven nations, five of which had a Muslim majority. In his opinion, Roberts concluded that 8 U. S. C. §1182(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act gives the president broad authority to suspend the entry of non-citizens into the country and that Presidential Proclamation 9645 did not exceed the limitations of said act. Additionally, Roberts wrote that the proclamation and its travel ban did not violate the Free Exercise Clause, as Trump's statements in support of the ban could be justified on the basis of national security.

On July 9, 2020, Roberts wrote the majority opinion in Trump v. Vance, regarding presidential immunity from criminal subpoenas relating to the president's personal information. In doing so, he rejected arguments relating to the investiture of absolute immunity in either the Supremacy Clause or Article II of the Constitution or of presidential entitlement to a higher standard of issuance of a subpoena. Roberts emphasized this point, writing, "In our judicial system, 'the public has a right to every man's evidence'. Since the earliest days of the Republic, 'every man' has included the President of the United States."

On July 9, 2020, Roberts wrote the majority opinion in Trump v. Mazars USA, LLP, regarding the authority of congressional subpoenas relating to certain personal information relating to the president. In his opinion, Roberts recognized the role of executive privilege in presidential decision-making but contended that executive privilege did not preclude blanket immunity from records requests, as protection caused by executive privilege "should not be transplanted root and branch to cases involving nonprivileged, private information, which by definition does not implicate sensitive Executive Branch deliberations."

On July 1, 2024, Roberts wrote the majority opinion in Trump v. United States, writing that a president has absolute immunity for acts committed as president within their constitutional purview, presumptive immunity for official acts, and no immunity for unofficial acts. In his opinion, Roberts notes the importance of balancing fair and effective enforcement of criminal laws, alongside the effects criminal charges for a president's official acts may have in hampering a president's decision-making while in office. Presumptive immunity for such official acts is therefore necessary "to ensure that the President can undertake his constitutionally designated functions effectively, free from undue pressure or distortions", but such a presumption can be overcome provided an assertion of criminality that "pose[s] no dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch." In determining whether a potentially criminal action is official, neither a violation of law nor a president's motives in acting on said violation may be used in determining it as such. In addition, in charging a president for crimes relating to unofficial acts, evidence involving official acts may not be used, as such usage would threaten "to eviscerate the immunity [...] recognized. It would permit a prosecutor to do indirectly what he cannot do directly—invite the jury to examine acts for which a President is immune from prosecution to nonetheless prove his liability on any charge."

Campaign finance

Roberts wrote the opinion in the 2007 decision FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc., which held that provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 that limited political advertising were unconstitutional as applied to WRTL's issue ads preceding the election. Roberts and Justice Alito declined to revisit the Court's 2003 decision in McConnell v. FEC at that time.

In 2010, Roberts joined the opinion of the Court in Citizens United v. FEC, which struck down provisions of BCRA that restricted unions, corporations, and profitable organizations from independent political spending and prohibited the broadcasting of political media funded by them within 60 days of general elections or 30 days of primary elections. Roberts wrote his own concurring opinion "to address the important principles of judicial restraint and stare decisis implicated in this case".

Roberts wrote the plurality opinion in the 2014 landmark campaign finance case McCutcheon v. FEC, which held that "aggregate limits" on the combined amount a donor may give to various federal candidates or party committees violate the First Amendment.

In 2015, Roberts joined the liberal justices in Williams-Yulee v. Florida Bar, holding that the First Amendment does not prohibit states from barring judges and judicial candidates from personally soliciting funds for their election campaigns. For the majority, Roberts wrote that such a rule is narrowly tailored to serve the compelling interest of keeping the judiciary impartial.

In 2021, the Supreme Court decided Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta, which held that California's requirement that nonprofit organizations disclose the identity of their donors to the state's Attorney General as a precondition of soliciting donations in the state violates the First Amendment. For the majority, Roberts wrote, "California casts a dragnet for sensitive donor information from tens of thousands of charities each year, even though that information will become relevant in only a small number of cases involving filed complaints." It therefore does not serve a narrowly tailored government interest and thus is invalid.

Fourth Amendment

Roberts wrote his first dissent in Georgia v. Randolph (2006). The majority's decision prohibited police from searching a home if both occupants are present, one objects, and the other consents. Roberts criticized the decision as inconsistent with prior case law and for partly basing its reasoning on its perception of social custom. He said the social expectation test was flawed because the Fourth Amendment protects a legitimate expectation of privacy, not social expectations.

In Utah v. Strieff (2016), Roberts joined the five-justice majority in ruling that a person with an outstanding warrant may be arrested and searched and that any evidence discovered in that search is admissible in court; the majority held that this remains true even when police act unlawfully by stopping a person without reasonable suspicion, before learning of the existence of the outstanding warrant.

In Carpenter v. United States (2018), a landmark decision involving privacy of cellular phone data, Roberts wrote the majority opinion in a 5–4 ruling that searches of cellular phone data generally require a warrant.

Abortion

In Gonzales v. Carhart (2007), Roberts voted with the majority to uphold the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act. Kennedy, writing for a five-justice majority, distinguished Stenberg v. Carhart, and concluded that the Court's previous decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey did not prevent Congress from banning the procedure. The decision left the door open for future as-applied challenges, and did not address the broader question of whether Congress had the authority to pass the law. Thomas filed a concurring opinion contending that Roe v. Wade and Casey should be reversed; Roberts did not join that opinion.

In 2018, Roberts and Kavanaugh joined four more liberal justices in declining to hear a case brought by Louisiana and Kansas to deny Medicaid funding to Planned Parenthood, thereby letting stand lower court rulings in Planned Parenthood's favor. Roberts also joined with liberal justices in 5–4 decisions temporarily blocking a Louisiana abortion restriction (2019) and later striking down that law (June Medical Services, LLC v. Russo (2020)). The law at issue in June was similar to one the court struck down in Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt (2016), which Roberts had voted to uphold; in his June opinion, Roberts wrote that while he believed Whole Woman's Health was wrongly decided he was joining the majority in June out of respect for stare decisis. It was the first time in his 15 years on the Supreme Court that Roberts had cast a vote to invalidate a law that regulated abortion. In September 2021, the Supreme Court declined an emergency petition to temporarily block enforcement of the Texas Heartbeat Act, which bans abortion after six weeks of pregnancy except to save the mother's life. Roberts, Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan were in the minority. In 2022, Roberts declined to join the majority opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, which overturned Roe v. Wade. He wrote a concurring opinion supporting only the decision to uphold the Mississippi abortion statute, stating that the right to an abortion should "extend far enough to ensure a reasonable opportunity to choose, but need not extend any further." Roberts also declined to join the dissenting opinion by Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan.

Capital punishment

On November 4, 2016, Roberts was the deciding vote in a 5–3 decision to stay an execution. On February 7, 2019, he was part of the majority in a 5–4 decision rejecting a Muslim inmate's request to delay execution in order to have an imam present with him during the execution. Also in February 2019, Roberts sided with Kavanaugh and the court's four liberal justices in a 6–3 decision to block the execution of a man with an "intellectual disability" in Texas.

Affirmative action

Робертс выступает против использования расового признака при распределении учащихся в определенные школы, в том числе для таких целей, как поддержание интегрированных школ. He sees such plans as discrimination in violation of the Constitution's Equal Protection Clause and Brown v. Board of Education. В деле «Родители, участвующие в общественных школах против школьного округа № 1 Сиэтла » суд рассмотрел два добровольно принятых плана школьного округа, которые основывались на расовой принадлежности при определении того, какие школы могут посещать определенные дети. Суд постановил по делу Брауна , что «расовая дискриминация в государственном образовании является неконституционной». и позже, что «расовые классификации, навязанные каким-либо субъектом федерального правительства, штата или местного правительства... являются конституционными только в том случае, если они представляют собой узкоспециализированные меры, которые еще больше удовлетворяют интересы правительства» и что эта «[n] стрелковая адаптация ... требует серьезного и добросовестного рассмотрения реальных расово-нейтральных альтернатив». Робертс письменно привел эти случаи для большинства вовлеченных родителей , заключив, что школьные округа «не смогли доказать, что они рассматривают методы, отличные от явной расовой классификации, для достижения заявленных целей». В части мнения, к которому присоединились еще четыре судьи, Робертс добавил, что «способ остановить дискриминацию по расовому признаку — это прекратить дискриминацию по расовому признаку».

Робертс в 2021 году

29 июня 2023 года Робертс написал мнение большинства в деле «Студенты за справедливый прием против Гарварда» и «Студенты за справедливый прием против Университета Северной Каролины» , в котором постановил, что позитивные действия по расовому признаку как в государственных, так и в частных университетах нарушают пункт о равной защите. .

Свобода слова

Робертс составил мнение большинства в деле о свободе слова учащихся 2007 года « Морс против Фредерика» , постановив, что учащийся, участвующий в деятельности, спонсируемой государственной школой, не имеет права пропагандировать употребление наркотиков на том основании, что право на свободу слова не всегда предотвращает соблюдение школьной дисциплины.

20 апреля 2010 года в деле «США против Стивенса» суд отменил закон о жестоком обращении с животными . Написав большинством в 8 голосов против 1, Робертс обнаружил, что федеральный закон, устанавливающий уголовную ответственность за коммерческое производство, продажу или хранение изображений жестокого обращения с животными, является неконституционным ограничением Первой поправки к праву на свободу слова. Суд постановил, что статут был существенно слишком широким; например, это может разрешить судебное преследование за продажу фотографий внесезонной охоты.

2 марта 2011 года Робертс написал мнение большинства по делу Снайдер против Фелпса , утверждая, что речь как предмет общественного беспокойства, даже если она считается оскорбительной или возмутительной, не может быть основанием для ответственности за правонарушение, вызванное эмоциональным стрессом. При этом он написал, что комментарии Фелпса представляют собой «вопросы общественного значения», поскольку они связаны с социальными проблемами, и что Снайдер не был определен как « порабощенная аудитория », как это определено доктриной плененной аудитории. В своем заключении Робертс написал: «С учетом имеющихся перед нами фактов мы не можем реагировать на эту боль, наказывая говорящего. Как нация, мы выбрали другой курс — защищать даже оскорбительные высказывания по общественным вопросам, чтобы гарантировать, что мы не подавить общественные дебаты».

Реформа здравоохранения

28 июня 2012 года Робертс написал мнение большинства по делу Национальная федерация независимого бизнеса против Себелиуса , которое поддержало ключевой компонент Закона о защите пациентов и доступном медицинском обслуживании 5–4 голосами. Суд установил, что, хотя компонент «индивидуального мандата» Закона не может быть поддержан пунктом о торговле , мандат может быть истолкован как налог и, следовательно, действителен в соответствии с полномочиями Конгресса «устанавливать и собирать налоги». В то же время Суд отменил часть закона, касающуюся расширения Medicaid ; Робертс написал, что «Конгресс не вправе… наказывать штаты, которые решают не участвовать в этой новой программе, лишая их существующего финансирования Medicaid». Источники в Верховном суде сообщили, что Робертс изменил свой голос в отношении индивидуального мандата через некоторое время после первоначального голосования. и что он в основном писал мнения как большинства, так и меньшинства. Это чрезвычайно необычное обстоятельство также использовалось для объяснения того, почему мнение меньшинства не было подписано, что само по себе является редким явлением в Верховном суде.

Права ЛГБТ

В деле Холлингсворт против Перри (2013 г.) Робертс составил мнение большинства в 5–4 голосов, согласно которому заявители, обжаловавшие постановление суда низшей инстанции о том, что Предложение 8 Калифорнии является неконституционным, не имели права подать в суд, в результате чего однополые браки возобновились в Калифорнии. Робертс выразил несогласие в деле Соединенные Штаты против Виндзора , в котором большинство в 5–4 человек постановили, что ключевые части Закона о защите брака неконституционны. Суд установил, что федеральное правительство должно признать однополые браки, одобренные некоторыми штатами. Робертс выразил несогласие в деле Обергефелл против Ходжеса , в котором Кеннеди написал от большинства, снова 5–4, что однополые пары имеют право вступать в брак. В деле Паван против Смита Верховный суд «в упрощенном порядке отменил» решение Верховного суда Арканзаса о том, что штат не обязан указывать однополых супругов в свидетельствах о рождении; Томас, Алито и Горсач выразили несогласие, но Робертс присоединился к большинству. В делах Босток против округа Клейтон , Altitude Express, Inc. против Зарды и что RG & GR Harris Funeral Homes Inc. против Комиссии по равным возможностям трудоустройства (2020 г.), рассмотренных вместе, Робертс большинством в 6–3 человек постановил, предприятия не могут дискриминировать ЛГБТ в вопросах трудоустройства. В октябре 2020 года Робертс присоединился к судьям в «по-видимому единогласном» решении отклонить апелляцию Ким Дэвис , которая отказалась предоставить лицензии на брак однополым парам.

В деле Фултон против города Филадельфия (2021 г.) Робертс присоединился к единогласному решению в пользу католического агентства по усыновлению, которое город Филадельфия отказал в заключении договора о своей политике не усыновлять однополых пар; он также был частью большинства, которое отказалось пересмотреть или отменить дело Отдела занятости против Смита , «важный прецедент, ограничивающий защиту религиозных практик Первой поправкой». Также в 2021 году он был одним из шести судей, которые отказались рассматривать апелляцию цветочного магазина штата Вашингтон, отказавшего в обслуживании однополой паре из-за ее религиозных убеждений против однополых браков; поскольку для рассмотрения дела необходимо четыре голоса, решения суда низшей инстанции против флориста остаются в силе. В ноябре 2021 года Робертс большинством голосов 6–3 проголосовал за отклонение апелляции Медицинского центра Мерси Сан-Хуан , больницы, связанной с Римско-католической церковью, которая пыталась отказать в гистерэктомии пациентке-трансгендеру по религиозным соображениям. Томас, Алито и Горсах не согласились; голосование за отклонение апелляции оставило в силе решение суда низшей инстанции в пользу пациента.

Закон об избирательных правах

Во время своего пребывания на посту главного судьи Робертс отменил защиту избирательных прав, предусмотренную Законом об избирательных правах . В деле «Округ Шелби против Холдера » (2013 г.) он отменил требования о том, чтобы штаты и населенные пункты, в которых ранее наблюдалось подавление избирателей на расовой почве, получали предварительное федеральное разрешение, прежде чем вносить какие-либо изменения в законы о голосовании. Исследования показывают, что предварительная очистка привела к увеличению представительства меньшинств в Конгрессе и явке меньшинств. Через пять лет после вынесения постановления в США закрылись почти 1000 избирательных участков, многие из которых расположены в преимущественно афроамериканских округах. Также были сокращены сроки досрочного голосования, проведены чистки списков избирателей и введены строгие законы об удостоверении личности избирателей. Исследование 2020 года показало, что юрисдикции, на которые ранее распространялась предварительная очистка, после Шелби значительно увеличили количество чисток в регистрации избирателей . Практически все ограничения на голосование после вынесения постановления были введены республиканцами .

В 2023 году Робертс и Кавано присоединились к либералам в деле «Аллен против Миллигана» , решение которого было принято 5 голосами против 4, согласно которому план Конгресса по перераспределению избирательных округов Алабамы нарушает раздел 2 VRA. Выступая от имени большинства, Робертс пришел к выводу, что Алабама должна создать дополнительный округ с большинством и меньшинством, и определил, что раздел 2 Закона является конституционным в контексте перераспределения избирательных округов. В своей статье от имени себя и трёх либеральных судей Робертс также написал, что «утверждение о том, что картографы должны быть полностью «слепы» к расовой принадлежности, не имеет под собой основания в нашей прецедентной практике § 2».

Награды и почести

В 2007 году Робертс получил почётную степень Колледжа Святого Креста . В том же году он также выступил с вступительной речью в Св. Кресте. В 2023 году Робертс был награжден Медалью Генри Дж. Дружелюбия Американского юридического института .

Личная жизнь

Робертс и его жена Джейн Салливан поженились 27 июля 1996 года. в соборе Святого Апостола Матфея . Салливан — юрист, который встретил Робертса в Нью-Йорке. После окончания Колледжа Святого Креста она получила степень магистра математики в Университете Брауна и степень юриста в Юридическом центре Джорджтаунского университета . Она стала известным специалистом по подбору персонала в фирмах Major, Lindsey & Africa и Mlegal. Как и Кларенс Томас , Салливан входил в попечительский совет Святого Креста . Джон и Джейн Робертс живут в Чеви-Чейз, штат Мэриленд . У них двое приемных детей.

В конце 1990-х годов, работая в Hogan & Hartson, Робертс был членом руководящего комитета Вашингтонского отделения консервативного общества федералистов , хотя, по его словам, он мало что помнит о каком-либо участии.

Здоровье

В 2007 году у Робертса случился припадок в его загородном доме в Сент-Джордже, штат Мэн . и остался на ночь в больнице в Рокпорте, штат Мэн ; врачи не нашли никакой идентифицируемой причины. Робертс перенес аналогичный припадок в 1993 году. однако в официальном заявлении Верховного суда говорится, что неврологическое обследование «не выявило причин для беспокойства». По закону федеральные судьи не обязаны раскрывать информацию о своем здоровье.

21 июня 2020 года Робертс упал в загородном клубе Мэриленда ; на его лоб потребовались швы , и он остался на ночь в больнице под наблюдением. Врачи исключили приступ и полагали, что обезвоживание вызвало у Робертса головокружение.

Избранные произведения

• Робертс, Джон (1978). «Изменения в законодательстве: Зонирование – III. Оговорка о сборах». Гарвардский обзор права . 91 : 1462–1501. дои : 10.2307/1340392 . JSTOR   1340392 . Раздел III («Пункт о сборах») неподписанной студенческой записки «Развитие законодательства: зонирование» (стр. 1427–1708).
• Робертс, Джон (1978). «Верховный суд, Срок 1977 г. – Пункт контракта – Законодательное изменение соглашений о частном пенсионном обеспечении: Allied Structural Steel Co. против Спаннауса». Гарвардский обзор права . 92 : 86–98. дои : 10.2307/1340566 . JSTOR   1340566 . Подраздел C («Пункт контракта — законодательные изменения в соглашениях о частном пенсионном обеспечении: Allied Structural Steel Co. против Спаннауса») раздела I («Конституционное право») неподписанной студенческой записки «Верховный суд, срок 1977 года» (стр. 1) –339).
• Робертс, Джон; Преттимен, Элайджа Барретт-младший (26 февраля 1990 г.). «Новые правила и старые камни преткновения в делах Высокого суда». Юридические времена .
• Робертс, Джон; Старр, Кеннет ; Мюллер III, Роберт Свон ; Лазервиц, Майкл (1991). «Речь идет: записи Норьеги. Да: приказ был конституционным». Журнал АБА . 77 (2): 36. JSTOR   20761397 .
• Робертс, Джон (1993). «Статья III Ограничения правоспособности» . Юридический журнал герцога . 42 (6): 1219–1232. дои : 10.2307/1372783 . JSTOR   1372783 .
• Робертс, Джон (28 марта 1993 г.). «На следах генерального солиситора». Юридические времена .
• Робертс, Джон (5 мая 1993 г.). «Верховенство закона: новый генеральный солиситор и власть адвоката» . Уолл Стрит Джорнал . Проверено 7 ноября 2020 г.
• Робертс, Джон (1994). «Верховный суд 1992–1993 годов». Обзор закона об общественных интересах . 1994 : 107.
• Робертс, Джон (1995). «Конфискация: имеет ли значение невиновность». Юридический журнал Нью-Джерси . 142 : 28.
• Робертс, Джон (1997). «Мысли о представлении эффективного устного аргумента» (PDF) . Обзор школьного права . 1997 : 7-1–7-6. Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 10 сентября 2005 г. Проверено 10 сентября 2005 г.
• Робертс, Джон; Старр, Кеннет ; Махони, Морин (2003). «Конференция Рекса Э. Ли по вопросам Управления генерального солиситора США: Группа Буша» . Обзор права Университета Бригама Янга . 2003 (1): 62–82.
• Робертс, Джон (2005). «Устная защита и возрождение коллегии адвокатов Верховного суда». Журнал истории Верховного суда . 30 (1): 68–81. дои : 10.1111/j.1059-4329.2005.00098.x . S2CID   145369518 .
• Робертс, Джон (2005). «Посвящение главному судье Ренквисту» (PDF) . Гарвардский обзор права . 119 : 1–2. JSTOR   4093552 . Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 4 марта 2009 г.
• Робертс, Джон (2006). «Дань уважения судье Эдварду Р. Беккеру» . Обзор права Пенсильванского университета . 155 (1): 3–4. JSTOR   40041300 .
• Робертс, Джон (2006). «Чем отличается цепь постоянного тока? Исторический взгляд» (PDF) . Обзор права штата Вирджиния . 92 (3): 375–389. JSTOR   4144947 . Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 14 января 2017 года . Проверено 30 апреля 2015 г.
• Робертс, Джон (2016). «В память о судье Антонине Скалиа» (PDF) . Гарвардский обзор права . 130 (1): 1–2. JSTOR   44072402 .
• Робертс, Джон (2018). «Дань уважения: судье Энтони М. Кеннеди» (PDF) . Гарвардский обзор права . 132 (1): 1–3.
• Робертс, Джон (2020). «Памяти: судье Джону Полу Стивенсу» (PDF) . Гарвардский обзор права . 133 (3): 747–748.

См. также

• Демография Верховного суда США
• Список судей Верховного суда США
• Список клерков Верховного суда США (главный судья)
• Список клерков Верховного суда США (место 9)
• Список главных судей США по времени пребывания в должности
• Список судей Верховного суда США по времени пребывания в должности
• Дела Верховного суда США, решенные Судом Робертса

Дополнительные источники

Внешние видео
Презентация Бискупика на The Chief , 28 марта 2019 г. , C-SPAN
Интервью вопросов и ответов с Бискупиком на канале The Chief , 31 марта 2019 г. , C-SPAN

• Нойбауэр, Дэвид В.; Мейнхольд, Стивен С. (2005). Battle Supreme: утверждение главного судьи Джона Робертса и будущее Верховного суда . Сенгаге . ISBN  978-0495171072 .
• Тубин, Джеффри (2007). Девятка: Внутри тайного мира Верховного суда . Случайный дом . ISBN  978-0-385-51640-2 .
• Гринбург, Ян Кроуфорд (2007). Верховный конфликт: внутренняя история борьбы за контроль над Верховным судом США . Группа Пингвин . ISBN  978-1-59420-101-1 .
• Снайдер, Брэд (8 декабря 2010 г.). «Судебная генеалогия (и мифология) Джона Робертса: должности клерков от Грея до Брандейса и до дружбы с Робертсом» . Юридический журнал штата Огайо . 71 (1149). ССНН   1722362 .
• Тушнет, Марк (30 сентября 2013 г.). На волоске: закон и политика в суде Робертса . WW Нортон . ISBN  978-0393073447 .
• Фридман, Леон (2013). «Джон Дж. Робертс-младший». У Фридмана, Леона; Израиль, Фред Л. (ред.). Судьи Верховного суда США: их жизнь и основные мнения (4-е изд.). Нью-Йорк, штат Нью-Йорк: факты в файле, Inc. ISBN  978-0791013779 .
• Бреннан-Маркес, Киль (2014). «Философия и юриспруденция главного судьи Робертса» . Обзор права штата Юта . 2014 (1). Вклад Линды Гринхаус : 138–186.
• Уиттингтон, Кейт (май 2014 г.). «Наименее активистский Верховный суд в истории? Суд Робертса и осуществление судебного контроля» . Обзор закона Нотр-Дама . 89 (5): 2219–2252.
• Адлер, Джонатан Х. (2016). Бизнес и суд Робертса . Издательство Оксфордского университета . ISBN  978-0-19-062092-9 .
• Бискупик, Джоан (2019). Шеф: жизнь и неспокойные времена главного судьи Джона Робертса . Нью-Йорк: Основные книги. ISBN  9780465093274 .
• Стоун, Джеффри Р. (январь 2020 г.). «Перспектива жизни внутри Верховного суда за четыре десятилетия» (PDF) . Гарвардский обзор права . 133 (3): 1010–1046.

Дальнейшее чтение

Новостные статьи

• Беккер, Джо; Аргецингер, Эми (22 июля 2005 г.). «Номинант как молодой прагматик» . Вашингтон Пост . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июня 2011 года . Проверено 6 мая 2010 г.
• Гуднаф, Эбби (21 июля 2005 г.). «Номинант дал тихий совет по пересчету голосов». Архивировано 7 октября 2014 года в Wayback Machine The New York Times .
• Лейн, Чарльз (21 июля 2005 г.). «Принадлежность к федералистам ошибочна» . Вашингтон Пост . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июня 2011 года . Проверено 6 мая 2010 г.
• Лейн, Чарльз (21 июля 2005 г.). «Краткий отчет о том, как судья находится под микроскопом» . Вашингтон Пост . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июня 2011 года . Проверено 6 мая 2010 г.
• «Коллеги называют кандидата в Верховный суд умным и скромным «Орлиным скаутом» » . Нью-Йорк Таймс . 20 июля 2005 года. Архивировано из оригинала 12 мая 2013 года . Проверено 19 февраля 2017 г.
• Смит, Р. Джеффри; Беккер, Джо (20 июля 2005 г.). «Рекорд достижений – и некоторые противоречия» . Вашингтон Пост . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июня 2011 года . Проверено 6 мая 2010 г.

Другой

• «Джон Дж. Робертс-младший» . Oyez.org. Архивировано из оригинала 4 апреля 2016 года . Проверено 26 апреля 2016 г.
• «NEWSMEAT ▷ Отчет Джона Дж. Робертса о вкладе в федеральную кампанию» . Newsmeat.com. 5 августа 2010 года. Архивировано из оригинала 28 июня 2011 года . Проверено 26 августа 2010 г.
• Джоэл Гольдштейн (2008). «Не слышать истории: критика новой интерпретации Брауна председателем Верховного суда Робертом». Юридический журнал штата Огайо . 69 (5). ССНН   1387162 .
• «Слушания в судебном комитете Сената США: сто восьмой Конгресс» (PDF) . Доступ.gpo.gov. Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 6 февраля 2012 года . Проверено 21 мая 2015 г.

Внешние ссылки

• Джон Робертс в « Биографическом справочнике федеральных судей» , издании Федерального судебного центра .
• Джон Робертс в Ballotpedia
• Появления на C-SPAN
• Выступления в Верховном суде США из проекта Oyez
• Позиции и котировки по выпускам на OnTheIssues
• Опубликованные мнения судьи Робертса в базе данных с возможностью поиска
• Главный судья Джон Робертс. Архивировано 29 января 2008 г. в Wayback Machine на сайте About.com.
• Список мнений окружного судьи Робертса по округу округа Колумбия
• Краткое изложение дел, связанных со СМИ, которые рассматривал кандидат в Верховный суд Джон Дж. Робертс-младший от Комитета репортеров за свободу прессы, 21 июля 2005 г.
• SCOTUSблог
• Список главных судей, включая Джона Робертса-младшего.