Рой Дженкинс

Правильное почетное Господь Дженкинс из Хиллхеда Ом ПК
Дженкинс в 1977 году
Канцлер Оксфордского университета
In office 14 марта 1987 - 5 января 2003 г.
Vice‑Chancellor	The Lord Neill of Bladen Sir Richard Southwood Sir Peter North Sir Colin Lucas
Preceded by	The Earl of Stockton
Succeeded by	The Lord Patten of Barnes
President of the European Commission
In office 6 January 1977 – 19 January 1981
Preceded by	François-Xavier Ortoli
Succeeded by	Gaston Thorn
Home Secretary
In office 4 March 1974 – 10 September 1976
Prime Minister	Harold Wilson James Callaghan
Preceded by	Robert Carr
Succeeded by	Merlyn Rees
In office 23 December 1965 – 30 November 1967
Prime Minister	Harold Wilson
Preceded by	Frank Soskice
Succeeded by	James Callaghan
Chancellor of the Exchequer
In office 30 November 1967 – 19 June 1970
Prime Minister	Harold Wilson
Chief Secretary	Jack Diamond
Preceded by	James Callaghan
Succeeded by	Iain Macleod
show Junior ministerial offices Minister of Aviation In office 18 October 1964 – 23 December 1965 Prime Minister Harold Wilson Preceded by Julian Amery Succeeded by Fred Mulley
show Party political offices Leader of the Liberal Democrats in the House of Lords In office 16 July 1988 – 19 December 1997 Leader Paddy Ashdown Preceded by The Baroness Seear Succeeded by The Lord Rodgers of Quarry Bank Leader of the Social Democratic Party In office 7 July 1982 – 13 June 1983 President Shirley Williams Deputy David Owen Preceded by Party established Succeeded by David Owen Deputy Leader of the Labour Party In office 8 July 1970 – 10 April 1972 Leader Harold Wilson Preceded by George Brown Succeeded by Edward Short
show Shadow Cabinet offices Shadow Home Secretary In office 25 November 1973 – 4 March 1974 Leader Harold Wilson Preceded by Shirley Williams Succeeded by Jim Prior Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer In office 20 June 1970 – 19 April 1972 Leader Harold Wilson Preceded by Iain Macleod Succeeded by Denis Healey
show Parliamentary offices Member of the House of Lords Lord Temporal Life peerage 1 December 1987 – 5 January 2003 Member of Parliament for Glasgow Hillhead In office 25 March 1982 – 18 May 1987 Preceded by Tam Galbraith Succeeded by George Galloway Member of Parliament for Birmingham Stechford In office 23 February 1950 – 5 January 1977 Preceded by Constituency established Succeeded by Andrew MacKay Member of Parliament for Southwark Central In office 29 April 1948 – 3 February 1950 Preceded by John Martin Succeeded by Constituency abolished
Personal details
Born	Roy Harris Jenkins (1920-11-11)11 November 1920 Abersychan, Monmouthshire, Wales
Died	5 January 2003(2003-01-05) (aged 82) East Hendred, Oxfordshire, England
Political party	Labour (until 1981) SDP (1981–1988) Liberal Democrats (from 1988)
Spouse	Mary Jennifer Morris ​ ​ (m. 1945)​
Children	3
Parent	Arthur Jenkins (father)
Alma mater	Cardiff University Balliol College, Oxford
Military service
Allegiance	United Kingdom
Branch/service	British Army
Rank	Captain
Unit	Royal Artillery
Battles/wars	World War II

Рой Харрис Дженкинс, барон Дженкинс из Хиллхеда , Ом , ПК (11 ноября 1920 г. - 5 января 2003 г.) был британским политиком и писателем, который занимал пост шестом президента Европейской комиссии с 1977 по 1981 год. В разное время член парламента (член парламента ( Депутат). Для лейбористской партии и социал -демократической партии (SDP) и сверстника для либеральных демократов он был канцлером казначейства и министра внутренних дел при Уилсоне и Правительства Каллаган .

Сын Артура Дженкинса , угля и депутата-лейбористской партии, Дженкинс получил образование в Оксфордском университете и занимал должность офицера разведки во время Второй мировой войны . Первоначально избранный депутатом в Southwark Central в 1948 году, он стал депутатом в Бирмингеме Стехфорд в 1950 году. На выборах Гарольда Уилсона после выборов 1964 года Дженкинс был назначен министром авиации . Год спустя он был повышен в кабинете , чтобы стать министром дома . В этой роли Дженкинс приступил к крупной программе реформ; Он стремился построить то, что он назвал «цивилизованным обществом», наблюдая за такими мерами, как эффективная отмена в Британии как смертной казни , так и театральной цензуры , частичная декриминализация гомосексуализма , расслабление закона о разводе , приостановление ограждения и либерализация абортов закон .

After the devaluation crisis in November 1967, Jenkins replaced James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Throughout his time at the Treasury, Jenkins oversaw a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to control inflation, and oversaw a particularly tough Budget in 1968 which saw major tax rises. As a result of this, the Government's current account entered a surplus in 1969. After Labour unexpectedly lost the 1970 election, Jenkins was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1970. He resigned from the position in 1972 after the Labour Party decided to oppose Britain's entry to the European Communities, which he strongly supported. When Labour returned to power following the 1974 election, Wilson appointed Jenkins as Home Secretary for the second time. Two years later, when Wilson resigned as prime minister, Jenkins stood in the leadership election to succeed him, finishing third behind Michael Foot and the winner James Callaghan. He subsequently chose to resign from Parliament and leave British politics, to accept appointment as the first-ever British President of the European Commission, a role he took up in January 1977.

After completing his term at the Commission in 1981, Jenkins announced a surprise return to British politics; dismayed with the Labour Party's move further left under the leadership of Michael Foot, he became one of the "Gang of Four", senior Labour figures who broke away from the party and founded the SDP. In 1982, Jenkins won a by-election to return to Parliament as MP for Glasgow Hillhead, taking the seat from the Conservatives in a famous result. He became leader of the SDP ahead of the 1983 election, during which he formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. After his disappointment with the performance of the SDP in the election, he resigned as leader. He subsequently lost his seat in Parliament at the 1987 election to Labour's George Galloway, and accepted a life peerage shortly afterwards; he sat in the House of Lords as a Liberal Democrat.

Jenkins was later elected to succeed former prime minister Harold Macmillan as Chancellor of the University of Oxford following the latter's death; he would hold this position until his own death sixteen years later. In the late 1990s, he served as a close adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair and chaired a major commission on electoral reform. In addition to his political career, he was also a noted historian, biographer, and writer. David Marquand described Jenkins's autobiography, A Life at the Centre (1991), as one which "will be read with pleasure long after most examples of the genre have been forgotten".

Early life (1920–1945)

Born in Abersychan, Monmouthshire, in southeastern Wales, as an only child, Roy Jenkins was the son of a National Union of Mineworkers official, Arthur Jenkins. His father was imprisoned during the 1926 General Strike for his alleged involvement in disturbances. Arthur Jenkins later became President of the South Wales Miners' Federation and Member of Parliament for Pontypool, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Clement Attlee, and briefly a minister in the 1945 Labour government. Roy Jenkins' mother, Hattie Harris, was the daughter of a steelworks foreman.

Jenkins was educated at Pentwyn Primary School, Abersychan County Grammar School, University College, Cardiff, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was twice defeated for the Presidency of the Oxford Union but took a first-class degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). His university colleagues included Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and Edward Heath, and he became friends with all three, although he was never particularly close to Healey.

In John Campbell's biography A Well-Rounded Life a romantic relationship between Jenkins and Crosland was detailed. Other figures whom he met at Oxford who would become notable in public life included Madron Seligman, Nicholas Henderson and Mark Bonham Carter.

During the Second World War, Jenkins received his officer training at Alton Towers and was posted to the 55th West Somerset Yeomanry at West Lavington, Wiltshire. Through the influence of his father, in April 1944, Jenkins was sent to Bletchley Park to work as a codebreaker; while there he befriended the historian Asa Briggs.

Early political career (1945–1965)

Having failed to win Solihull in 1945, after which he spent a brief period working for the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, he was elected to the House of Commons in a 1948 by-election as the Member of Parliament for Southwark Central, becoming the "Baby of the House". His constituency was abolished in boundary changes for the 1950 general election, when he stood instead in the new Birmingham Stechford constituency. He won the seat, and represented the constituency until 1977.

In 1947, he edited a collection of Clement Attlee's speeches, published under the title Purpose and Policy. Attlee then granted Jenkins access to his private papers so that he could write his biography, which appeared in 1948 (Mr Attlee: An Interim Biography). The reviews were generally favourable, including George Orwell's in Tribune.

In 1950, he advocated a large capital levy, abolition of public schools and introduction of a measure of industrial democracy to nationalised industries as key policy objectives for the Labour government. In 1951 Tribune published his pamphlet Fair Shares for the Rich. Here, Jenkins advocated the abolition of large private incomes by taxing them, graduating from 50 per cent for incomes between £20,000 and £30,000 to 95 per cent for incomes over £100,000. He also proposed further nationalisations and said: "Future nationalisations will be more concerned with equality than with planning, and this means that we can leave the monolithic public corporation behind us and look for more intimate forms of ownership and control". He later described this "almost Robespierrean" pamphlet as "the apogee of my excursion to the left".

Jenkins contributed an essay on 'Equality' to the 1952 collection New Fabian Essays. In 1953 appeared Pursuit of Progress, a work intended to counter Bevanism. Retreating from what he had demanded in Fair Shares for the Rich, Jenkins now argued that the redistribution of wealth would occur over a generation and abandoned the goal of public school abolition. However, he still proposed further nationalisations: "It is quite impossible to advocate both the abolition of great inequalities of wealth and the acceptance of a one-quarter public sector and three-quarters private sector arrangement. A mixed economy there will undoubtedly be, certainly for many decades and perhaps permanently, but it will need to be mixed in very different proportions from this". He also opposed the Bevanites' neutralist foreign policy platform: "Neutrality is essentially a conservative policy, a policy of defeat, of announcing to the world that we have nothing to say to which the world will listen. ... Neutrality could never be acceptable to anyone who believes that he has a universal faith to preach". Jenkins argued that the Labour leadership needed to take on and defeat the neutralists and pacifists in the party; it would be better to risk a split in the party than face "the destruction, by schism, perhaps for a generation, of the whole progressive movement in the country".

Between 1951 and 1956, he wrote a weekly column for the Indian newspaper The Current. Here he advocated progressive reforms such as equal pay, the decriminalisation of homosexuality, the liberalisation of the obscenity laws and the abolition of capital punishment. Mr Balfour's Poodle, a short account of the House of Lords crisis of 1911 that culminated in the Parliament Act 1911, was published in 1954. Favourable reviewers included A. J. P. Taylor, Harold Nicolson, Leonard Woolf and Violet Bonham Carter. After a suggestion by Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins then wrote a biography of the Victorian radical, Sir Charles Dilke, which was published in October 1958. Between 1955 and 1958 Jenkins served on the Board of Governors of the British Film Institute.

During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Jenkins denounced Anthony Eden's "squalid imperialist adventure" at a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall. Three years later he claimed that "Suez was a totally unsuccessful attempt to achieve unreasonable and undesirable objectives by methods which were at once reckless and immoral; and the consequences, as was well deserved, were humiliating and disastrous".

Jenkins praised Anthony Crosland's 1956 work The Future of Socialism as "the most important book on socialist theory" since Evan Durbin's The Politics of Democratic Socialism (1940). With much of the economy now nationalised, Jenkins argued, socialists should concentrate on eliminating the remaining pockets of poverty and on the removal of class barriers, as well as promoting libertarian social reforms. Jenkins was principal sponsor, in 1959, of the bill which became the liberalising Obscene Publications Act, responsible for establishing the "liable to deprave and corrupt" criterion as a basis for a prosecution of suspect material and for specifying literary merit as a possible defence.

In July 1959, Penguin published Jenkins' The Labour Case, timed to anticipate the upcoming election. Jenkins argued that Britain's chief danger was that of "living sullenly in the past, of believing that the world has a duty to keep us in the station to which we are accustomed, and showing bitter resentment if it does not do so". He added: "Our neighbours in Europe are roughly our economic and military equals. We would do better to live gracefully with them than to waste our substance by trying unsuccessfully to keep up with the power giants of the modern world". Jenkins claimed that the Attlee government concentrated "too much towards the austerity of fair shares, and too little towards the incentives of free consumers' choice". Although he still believed in the elimination of poverty and more equality, Jenkins now argued that these aims could be achieved by economic growth. In the final chapter ('Is Britain Civilised?') Jenkins set out a list of necessary progressive social reforms: the abolition of the death penalty, decriminalisation of homosexuality, abolition of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of theatre censorship, liberalisation of the licensing and betting laws, liberalisation of the divorce laws, legalisation of abortion, decriminalisation of suicide and more liberal immigration laws. Jenkins concluded:

Let us be on the side of those who want people to be free to live their own lives, to make their own mistakes, and to decide, in an adult way and provided they do not infringe the rights of others, the code by which they wish to live; and on the side of experiment and brightness, of better buildings and better food, of better music (jazz as well as Bach) and better books, of fuller lives and greater freedom. In the long run these things will be more important than the most perfect of economic policies.

In the aftermath of Labour's 1959 defeat, Jenkins appeared on Panorama and argued that Labour should abandon further nationalisation, question its connection with the trade unions and not dismiss a closer association with the Liberal Party. In November he delivered a Fabian Society lecture in which he blamed Labour's defeat on the unpopularity of nationalisation and he repeated this in an article for The Spectator. His Spectator article also called for Britain to accept its diminished place in the world, to grant colonial freedom, to spend more on public services and to promote the right of individuals to live their own lives free from the constraints of popular prejudices and state interference. Jenkins later called it a "good radical programme, although...not a socialist one".

In May 1960, Jenkins joined the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, a Gaitskellite pressure group designed to fight against left-wing domination of the Labour Party. In July 1960 Jenkins resigned from his frontbench role in order to be able to campaign freely for British membership of the Common Market. At the 1960 Labour Party conference in Scarborough, Jenkins advocated rewriting Clause IV of the party's constitution but he was booed. In November he wrote in The Spectator that "unless the Labour Party is determined to abdicate its role as a mass party and become nothing more than a narrow sectarian society, its paramount task is to represent the whole of the Leftward-thinking half of the country—and to offer the prospect of attracting enough marginal support to give that half some share of power".

During 1960–62, his main campaign was British membership of the Common Market, where he became Labour's leading advocate of entry. When Harold Macmillan initiated the first British application to join the Common Market in 1961, Jenkins became deputy chairman of the all-party Common Market Campaign and then chairman of the Labour Common Market Committee. At the 1961 Labour Party conference Jenkins spoke in favour of Britain's entry.

Since 1959, Jenkins had been working on a biography of the Liberal Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. For Jenkins, Asquith ranked with Attlee as the embodiment of the moderate, liberal intelligence in politics that he most admired. Through Asquith's grandson, Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins had access to Asquith's letters to his mistress, Venetia Stanley. Kenneth Rose, Michael Foot, Asa Briggs and John Grigg all favourably reviewed the book when it was published in October 1964. However, Violet Bonham Carter wrote a defence of her father in The Times against the few criticisms of Asquith in the book, and Robert Rhodes James wrote in The Spectator that "Asquith was surely a tougher, stronger, more acute man...than Mr. Jenkins would have us believe. The fascinating enigma of his complete decline is never really analysed, nor even understood. ... We required a Sutherland: but we have got an Annigoni". John Campbell claims that "for half a century it has remained unchallenged as the best biography and is rightly regarded as a classic".

Like Healey and Crosland, he had been a close friend of Hugh Gaitskell and for them Gaitskell's death and the elevation of Harold Wilson as Labour Party leader was a setback. For Jenkins, Gaitskell would remain his political hero. After the 1964 general election Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation and was sworn of the Privy Council. While at Aviation he oversaw the high-profile cancellations of the BAC TSR-2 and Concorde projects (although the latter was later reversed after strong opposition from the French Government). In January 1965 Patrick Gordon Walker resigned as Foreign Secretary and in the ensuing reshuffle Wilson offered Jenkins the Department for Education and Science; however, he declined it, preferring to stay at Aviation.

Home Secretary (1965–1967)

In the summer of 1965, Jenkins eagerly accepted an offer to replace Frank Soskice as Home Secretary. However Wilson, dismayed by a sudden bout of press speculation about the potential move, delayed Jenkins' appointment until December. Once Jenkins took office – the youngest Home Secretary since Churchill – he immediately set about reforming the operation and organisation of the Home Office. The Principal Private Secretary, Head of the Press and Publicity Department and Permanent Under-Secretary were all replaced. He also redesigned his office, famously replacing the board on which condemned prisoners were listed with a fridge.

After the 1966 general election, in which Labour won a comfortable majority, Jenkins pushed through a series of police reforms which reduced the number of separate forces from 117 to 49. The Times called it "the greatest upheaval in policing since the time of Peel". His visit to Chicago in September (to study their policing methods) convinced him of the need to introduce two-way radios to the police; whereas the Metropolitan Police possessed 25 radios in 1965, Jenkins increased this to 2,500, and provided similar numbers of radios to the rest of the country's police forces. Jenkins also provided the police with more car radios, which made the police more mobile but reduced the amount of time they spent patrolling the streets. His Criminal Justice Act 1967 introduced more stringent controls on the purchase of shotguns, outlawed last-minute alibis and introduced majority verdicts in juries in England and Wales. The Act was also designed to lower the prison population by the introduction of release under licence, easier bail, suspended sentences and earlier parole.

Immigration was a divisive and provocative issue during the late 1960s and on 23 May 1966 Jenkins delivered a speech on race relations, which is widely considered to be one of his best. Addressing a London meeting of the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants he notably defined Integration:

... not as a flattening process of assimilation but as equal opportunity, accompanied by cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance.

Before going on to ask:

Where in the world is there a university which could preserve its fame, or a cultural centre which could keep its eminence, or a metropolis which could hold its drawing power, if it were to turn inwards and serve only its own hinterland and its own racial group?

And concluding that:

To live apart, for a person, a city, a country, is to lead a life of declining intellectual stimulation.

By the end of 1966, Jenkins was the Cabinet's rising star; the Guardian called him the best Home Secretary of the century "and quite possibly the best since Peel", the Sunday Times called him Wilson's most likeliest successor and the New Statesman labelled him "Labour's Crown Prince".

In a speech to the London Labour Conference in May 1967, Jenkins said his vision was of "a more civilised, more free and less hidebound society" and he further claimed that "to enlarge the area of individual choice, socially, politically and economically, not just for a few but for the whole community, is very much what democratic socialism is about". He gave strong personal support to David Steel's Private Member's Bill for the legalisation of abortion, which became the Abortion Act 1967, telling the Commons that "the existing law on abortion is uncertain and...harsh and archaic", adding that "the law is consistently flouted by those who have the means to do so. It is, therefore, very much a question of one law for the rich and one law for the poor". When the Bill looked likely to be dropped due to insufficient time, Jenkins helped ensure that it received enough parliamentary time to pass and he voted for it in every division.

Jenkins also supported Leo Abse's bill for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, which became the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Jenkins told the Commons: "It would be a mistake to think...that by what we are doing tonight we are giving a vote of confidence or congratulation to homosexuality. Those who suffer from this disability carry a great weight of loneliness, guilt and shame. The crucial question...is, should we add to those disadvantages the full rigour of the criminal law? By its overwhelming decisions, the House has given a fairly clear answer, and I hope that the Bill will now make rapid progress towards the Statute Book. It will be an important and civilising Measure".

Jenkins also abolished the use of flogging in prisons. In July 1967 Jenkins recommended to the Home Affairs Select Committee a bill to end the Lord Chamberlain's power to censor the theatre. This was passed as the Theatres Act 1968 under Jenkins' successor as Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Jenkins also announced that he would introduce legislation banning racial discrimination in employment, which was embodied in the Race Relations Act 1968 passed under Callaghan. In October 1967 Jenkins planned to introduce legislation that would enable him to keep out the 20,000 Kenyan Asians who held British passports (this was passed four months later under Callaghan as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, which was based on Jenkins' draft).

Jenkins is often seen as responsible for the most wide-ranging social reforms of the late 1960s, with popular historian Andrew Marr claiming "the greatest changes of the Labour years" were thanks to Jenkins. These reforms would not have happened when they did, earlier than in most other European countries, if Jenkins had not supported them. In a speech in Abingdon in July 1969, Jenkins said that the "permissive society" had been allowed to become a dirty phrase: "A better phrase is the 'civilized society', based on the belief that different individuals will wish to make different decisions about their patterns of behaviour and that, provided these do not restrict the freedom of others, they should be allowed to do so within a framework of understanding and tolerance". Jenkins' words were immediately reported in the press as "The permissive society is the civilised society", which he later wrote "was not all that far from my meaning".

For some conservatives, such as Peter Hitchens, Jenkins' reforms remain objectionable. In his book The Abolition of Britain, Hitchens accuses him of being a "cultural revolutionary" who takes a large part of the responsibility for the decline of "traditional values" in Britain. During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit would blame Jenkins for family breakdowns, the decline of respect for authority and the decline of social responsibility. Jenkins replied by pointing out that Thatcher, with her large parliamentary majorities, never attempted to reverse his reforms.

Chancellor of the Exchequer (1967–1970)

From 1967 to 1970 Jenkins served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, replacing James Callaghan following the devaluation crisis of November 1967. Jenkins' ultimate goal as Chancellor was economic growth, which depended on restoring stability to sterling at its new value after devaluation. This could only be achieved by ensuring a surplus in the balance of payments, which had been in a deficit for the previous five years. Therefore, Jenkins pursued deflation, including cuts in public expenditure and increases in taxation, in order to ensure that resources went into exports rather than domestic consumption. Jenkins warned the House of Commons in January 1968 that there was "two years of hard slog ahead".

He quickly gained a reputation as a particularly tough Chancellor with his 1968 budget increasing taxes by £923 million, more than twice the increase of any previous budget to date. Jenkins had warned the Cabinet that a second devaluation would occur in three months if his budget did not restore confidence in sterling. He restored prescription charges (which had been abolished when Labour returned to office in 1964) and postponed the raising of the school leaving age to 16 to 1973 instead of 1971. Housing and road building plans were also heavily cut, and he also accelerated Britain's withdrawal East of Suez. Jenkins ruled out increasing the income tax and so raised the taxes on: drinks and cigarettes (except on beer), purchase tax, petrol duty, road tax, a 50 per cent rise in Selective Employment Tax and a one-off Special Charge on personal incomes. He also paid for an increase in family allowances by cutting child tax allowances.

Despite Edward Heath claiming it was a "hard, cold budget, without any glimmer of warmth" Jenkins' first budget broadly received a warm reception, with Harold Wilson remarking that "it was widely acclaimed as a speech of surpassing quality and elegance" and Barbara Castle that it "took everyone's breath away". Richard Crossman said it was "genuinely based on socialist principles, fair in the fullest sense by really helping people at the bottom of the scale and by really taxing the wealthy". In his budget broadcast on 19 March, Jenkins said that Britain had been living in a "fool's paradise" for years and that it was "importing too much, exporting too little and paying ourselves too much", with a lower standard of living than France or West Germany.

Jenkins' supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party became known as the "Jenkinsites". These were usually younger, middle-class and university-educated ex-Gaitskellites such as Bill Rodgers, David Owen, Roy Hattersley, Dick Taverne, John Mackintosh and David Marquand. In May–July 1968 some of his supporters, led by Patrick Gordon Walker and Christopher Mayhew, plotted to replace Wilson with Jenkins as Labour leader but he declined to challenge Wilson. A year later his supporters again attempted to persuade Jenkins to challenge Wilson for the party leadership but he again declined. He later wrote in his memoirs that the 1968 plot was "for me...the equivalent of the same season of 1953 for Rab Butler. Having faltered for want of single-minded ruthlessness when there was no alternative to himself, he then settled down to a career punctuated by increasingly wide misses of the premiership. People who effectively seize the prime ministership – Lloyd George, Macmillan, Mrs Thatcher – do not let such moments slip".

In April 1968, with Britain's reserves declining by approximately £500 million every quarter, Jenkins went to Washington to obtain a $1,400 million loan from the International Monetary Fund. Following a further sterling crisis in November 1968 Jenkins was forced to raise taxes by a further £250 million. After this the currency markets slowly began to settle and his 1969 budget represented more of the same with a £340 million increase in taxation to further limit consumption.

By May 1969, Britain's current account position was in surplus, thanks to a growth in exports, a drop in overall consumption and, in part, the Inland Revenue correcting a previous underestimation in export figures. In July Jenkins was also able to announce that the size of Britain's foreign currency reserves had been increased by almost $1 billion since the beginning of the year. It was at this time that he presided over Britain's only excess of government revenue over expenditure in the period 1936–7 to 1987–8. Thanks in part to these successes there was a high expectation that the 1970 budget would be a more generous one. Jenkins, however, was cautious about the stability of Britain's recovery and decided to present a more muted and fiscally neutral budget. It is often argued that this, combined with a series of bad trade figures, contributed to the Conservative victory at the 1970 general election. Historians and economists have often praised Jenkins for presiding over the transformation in Britain's fiscal and current account positions towards the end of the 1960s. Andrew Marr, for example, described him as one of the 20th century's "most successful chancellors". Alec Cairncross considered Jenkins "the ablest of the four Chancellors I served".

Public expenditure as a proportion of GDP rose from 44 per cent in 1964 to around 50 per cent in 1970. Despite Jenkins' warnings about inflation, wage settlements in 1969–70 increased on average by 13 per cent and contributed to the high inflation of the early 1970s and consequently negated most of Jenkins' efforts to obtain a balance of payments surplus.

Shadow Cabinet (1970–1974)

After Labour unexpectedly lost power in 1970 Jenkins was appointed Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer by Harold Wilson. Jenkins was also subsequently elected to the deputy leadership of the Labour Party in July 1970, defeating future Labour Leader Michael Foot and former Leader of the Commons Fred Peart at the first ballot. At this time he appeared the natural successor to Harold Wilson, and it appeared to many only a matter of time before he inherited the leadership of the party, and the opportunity to become prime minister.

This changed completely, however, as Jenkins refused to accept the tide of anti-European feeling that became prevalent in the Labour Party in the early 1970s. After a special conference on the EEC was held by the Labour Party on 17 July 1971, which Jenkins was forbidden to address, he delivered one of the most powerful speeches of his career. Jenkins told a meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party on 19 July: "At conference the only alternative [to the EEC] we heard was 'socialism in one country'. That is always good for a cheer. Pull up the drawbridge and revolutionize the fortress. That's not a policy either: it's just a slogan, and it is one which becomes not merely unconvincing but hypocritical as well when it is dressed up as our best contribution to international socialism". This reopened the old Bevanite–Gaitskellite divide in the Party; Wilson told Tony Benn the day after Jenkins' speech that he was determined to smash the Campaign for Democratic Socialism.

At the 1971 Labour Party conference in Brighton, the NEC's motion to reject the "Tory terms" of entry into the EEC was carried by a large majority. Jenkins told a fringe meeting that this would have no effect on his continued support for Britain's entry. Benn said Jenkins was "the figure dominating this Conference; there is no question about it". On 28 October 1971, he led 69 Labour MPs through the division lobby in support of the Heath government's motion to take Britain into the EEC. In so doing, they were defying a three-line whip and a five-to-one vote at the Labour Party annual conference. Jenkins later wrote: "I was convinced that it was one of the decisive votes of the century, and had no intention of spending the rest of my life answering the question of what did I do in the great division by saying 'I abstained'. I saw it in the context of the first Reform Bill, the repeal of the Corn Laws, Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, the Lloyd George Budget and the Parliament Bill, the Munich Agreement and the May 1940 votes".

Jenkins' action gave the European cause a legitimacy that would have otherwise been absent had the issue been considered solely as a party political matter. However, he was now regarded by the left as a "traitor". James Margach wrote in the Sunday Times: "The unconcealed objective of the Left now is either to humiliate Roy Jenkins and his allies into submission – or drive them from the party". At this stage, however, Jenkins would not fully abandon his position as a political insider, and chose to stand again for deputy leader, an act his colleague David Marquand claimed he later came to regret. Jenkins promised not to vote with the government again and he narrowly defeated Michael Foot on a second ballot.

In accordance with the party whip, Jenkins voted against European Communities Bill 55 times. However, he resigned both the deputy leadership and his shadow cabinet position in April 1972, after the party committed itself to holding a referendum on Britain's membership of the EEC. This led to some former admirers, including Roy Hattersley, choosing to distance themselves from Jenkins. Hattersley later claimed that Jenkins' resignation was "the moment when the old Labour coalition began to collapse and the eventual formation of a new centre party became inevitable". In his resignation letter to Wilson, Jenkins said that if there were a referendum "the Opposition would form a temporary coalition of those who, whatever their political views, were against the proposed action. By this means we would have forged a more powerful continuing weapon against progressive legislation than anything we have known in this country since the curbing of the absolute powers of the old House of Lords".

Jenkins' lavish lifestyle — Wilson once described him as "more a socialite than a socialist" — had already alienated much of the Labour Party from him.

In May 1972, he collected the Charlemagne Prize, which he had been awarded for promoting European unity. In September an ORC opinion poll found that there was considerable public support for an alliance between the 'moderate' wing of the Labour Party and the Liberals; 35 per cent said they would vote for a Labour–Liberal alliance, 27 per cent for the Conservatives and 23.5 per cent for 'Socialist Labour'. The Times claimed that there were "twelve million Jenkinsites". During the spring and summer of 1972, Jenkins delivered a series of speeches designed to set out his leadership credentials. These were published in September under the title What Matters Now, which sold well. In the book's postscript, Jenkins said that Labour should not be a narrow socialist party advocating unpopular left-wing policies but must aim to "represent the hopes and aspirations of the whole leftward thinking half of the country", adding that a "broad-based, international, radical, generous-minded party could quickly seize the imagination of a disillusioned and uninspired British public".

After Dick Taverne's victory in the 1973 Lincoln by-election, where he stood as "Democratic Labour" in opposition to the official Labour candidate, Jenkins gave a speech to the Oxford University Labour Club denouncing the idea of a new centre party. Jenkins was elected to the shadow cabinet in November 1973 as Shadow Home Secretary. During the February 1974 election, Jenkins rallied to Labour and his campaign was described by David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh as sounding "a note of civilised idealism". Jenkins was disappointed that the Liberal candidate in his constituency won 6000 votes; he wrote in his memoirs that "I already regarded myself as such a closet Liberal that I naïvely thought they ought nearly all to have come to me".

Jenkins wrote a series of biographical essays that appeared in The Times during 1971–74 and which were published as Nine Men of Power in 1974. Jenkins chose Gaitskell, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stevenson II, Robert F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Lord Halifax, Léon Blum and John Maynard Keynes. In 1971 Jenkins delivered three lectures on foreign policy at Yale University, published a year later as Afternoon on the Potomac?

Home Secretary (1974–1976)

When Labour returned to power in early 1974, Jenkins was appointed Home Secretary for the second time. Earlier, he had been promised the treasury; however, Wilson later decided to appoint Denis Healey as Chancellor instead. Upon hearing from Bernard Donoughue that Wilson had reneged on his promise, Jenkins reacted angrily. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Harold Wilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!" The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.

Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned. After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian Price and Dolours Price, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland. In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.

He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act in the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders. Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers. On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK". When reviewing Garret FitzGerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisley and Haughey are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".

The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Equal Opportunities Commission) and the Race Relations Act 1976 (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Commission for Racial Equality) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.

Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972. After two trade unionists, Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren (known as the "Shrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two". Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of proportional representation and to have the Official Secrets Act 1911 liberalised to facilitate more open government.

Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendum of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirley Williams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC. During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister". He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens". The two men debated Britain's membership together on Panorama, which was chaired by David Dimbleby. According to David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television". Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.

After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events". Wilson quickly backed down. In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Newham to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the National Front. Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".

In January 1976, he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglesey, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy". A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.

In May 1976, he told the Police Federation conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned". He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".

When Wilson suddenly resigned as prime minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest. On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters. A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".

Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary, but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Healey to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down. Jenkins then accepted an appointment as President of the European Commission (succeeding François-Xavier Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Anthony Crosland to the Foreign Office.

President of the European Commission (1977–1981)

Jenkins (left) as President of the European Commission with Queen Juliana of the Netherlands in 1977

In an interview with The Times in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower". The main development overseen by the Jenkins Commission was the development of the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union from 1977, which began in 1979 as the European Monetary System, a forerunner of the Single Currency or Euro. His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jacques Delors has made more impact.

In speech in Florence in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jean Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".

President Jenkins was the first president to attend a G8 summit on behalf of the Community. He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the University of Bath in 1978.

In October 1978, Tribune reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to The Times that refuted the allegation. Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party". Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirley Williams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".

He did not vote in the 1979 election. After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Thatcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. However, his friend Woodrow Wyatt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".

The Director-General of the BBC, Ian Trethowan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture for 1979, which he did on 22 November. The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Browning poem. He delivered it in the Royal Society of Arts and it was broadcast live on television. Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist. He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Thatcherism and Bennism. Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society". He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:

You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre.

The Listener reprinted the text along with assessments by Enoch Powell, Paul Johnson, Jack Jones, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Crick, Neil Kinnock and Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.

В прошлом году Дженкинса в качестве президента Европейской комиссии доминировала Маргарет Тэтчер борьба за скидку за вклад Великобритании в бюджет ЕЭС. He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years. В ноябре 1980 года Дженкинс прочитал Мемориальную лекцию Уинстона Черчилля в Люксембурге, где он предложил решение британского бюджетного вопроса. Доля бюджета сообщества, потраченного на сельское хозяйство, должна быть сокращена путем расширения расходов на сообщество на новые области, где Британия получит больше выгоды, таких как региональные расходы. Размер бюджета сообщества, по его схеме, будет утроиваться, перейдя из национальных государств в общественную компетентность над социальной и промышленной политикой.

Социал -демократическая партия (1981–1987)

После его лекции Dimbleby Дженкинс все больше предпочитал формирование новой социал -демократической партии. В июне 1980 года он публично транслировал эти взгляды в речи в парламентской галерее прессы, где повторил свою критику о двухпартийной системе и атаковал движение лейбористов влево. На конференции «Уэмбли» в предыдущем месяце лейбористы приняли программу, которая включала в себя отсутствие сотрудничества с ЭЭС и «почти нейтралистская и односторонняя» оборонная политика, которая, как утверждает Дженкинс, сделает бессмысленное членство в Британии в НАТО. Дженкинс утверждал, что предложения лейбористов о дальнейшей национализации и политике анти-частной предприятия были более экстремальными, чем в любой другой демократической стране, и это не было «каким-либо воображением социал-демократической программой». Он добавил, что новая партия может изменить политику и привести к «быстрому возрождению либеральной социал -демократической Великобритании».

Конференция лейбористской партии в Блэкпуле в сентябре 1980 года приняла политику обороны в одностороннем плане, уходя из ЕЭС и дальнейшую национализацию, наряду с требованиями Тони Бенна об обязательном повторном воздействии депутатов и избирательного колледжа избрать лидера партии. В ноябре депутаты лейбористов избрали левого падения Майкла Фут над правым Денисом Хили А в январе 1981 года конференция по Уэмбли из лейбористской партии решила, что избирательный колледж, который выберет лидера, даст профсоюзам 40 процентов голосов, а парламентарии и партии избирателей по 30 процентов каждый. Затем Дженкинс присоединился к Дэвиду Оуэну , Биллу Роджерсу и Ширли Уильямсу (известному как « Банда четырех »), выпустив декларацию в лаймхаусе . Это призвано к «перестройке британской политики». Затем они сформировали социал -демократическую партию (SDP) 26 марта.

Дженкинс выступил с серией речей, издавших альтернативу SDP тэтчеризму и беннизму и утверждал, что решение британских экономических проблем заключается в доходах от нефти в Северном море , которое должно инвестировать в государственные службы. Он попытался вернуться в парламент на дополнительных выборах в Уоррингтоне в июле 1981 года и провел кампанию по программе из шести очков, которую он выдвинул в качестве кейнсианской альтернативы пэтчеризму и «осадной экономике» лейбористов, но лейбористы сохранили место с небольшим большинством Полем

Несмотря на поражение, на дополнительных выборах продемонстрировано, что SDP был серьезной силой. Дженкинс сказал после подсчета, что это были первые парламентские выборы, которые он проиграл за многие годы, но был «безусловно самой большой победой, в которой я когда -либо участвовал».

На первой ежегодной конференции SDP в октябре 1981 года Дженкинс призвал «конец бесполезной пограничной войне между государственным и частным сектором» и предложил «налог на инфляцию» при чрезмерном росте заработной платы, что сдерживает спиральную заработную плату и цены. После достижения этого правительство SDP сможет приступить к экономическому расширению, чтобы снизить безработицу.

В марте 1982 года он сразился с наборы на ход Глазго Хиллхед , в том, что ранее было консервативным местом. Опросы в начале кампании поставили Дженкинса на третье место, но после серии из десяти хорошо посещенных публичных собраний, которые выступил Дженкинс, Tide начал переходить в пользу Дженкинса, и он был избран с большинством чуть более 2000 на свинге из 19 процентов. Вечером после его победы в Хиллхеде Дженкинс рассказал об ужине на праздновании 200 членов вечеринок в отеле North British в Эдинбурге, «что у SDP была прекрасная возможность стать партиями большинства». Первое вмешательство Дженкинса в Палате общин после его выборов, 31 марта, рассматривалось как разочарование. Депутат -консерватор Алан Кларк написал в своем дневнике:

Дженкинс, с чрезмерным и почти невыносимым гравитацией, задал три очень тяжелых, похожих на государственных, неослабных политических вопросов премьер-министра. Я полагаю, что он очень грозный, но он был настолько неотъемлемым и многословным, что начал терять сочувствие дома примерно на полпути, и казарки возобновились. Леди ответила довольно ярко и свежепризрачно, как будто она не особо знала, кто он или заботился.

В то время как в начале своей карьеры Дженкинс преуспел в традиционных дебатах на сериалах, в которых он выступил из ящика для отправки, в центре внимания парламентской отчетности в настоящее время перешло к вопросам премьер-министра, с которыми он боролся. Сидя в традиционном месте для третьих лиц в общине (второй или третий ряд под проходом), и без ящика для отправки и гравитации, которую он мог принести, Дженкинс находился рядом (и обменивался тем же микрофоном с) «Неудовлетворительный труд». Скад «в том числе Деннис Скиннер и Боб Крайер , которые регулярно мешали злоупотреблениям (« Рой, твои мухи отменены »).

Спустя семь дней после того, как победа Дженкинса на выборах Аргентина вторглась в Фолклендские острова, а последующая война Фолклендс изменила британскую политику, существенно увеличила поддержку общественности консерваторов и закончила любой шанс, что выборы Дженкинса будут повторно подтвердить поддержку СДП. На выборах в руководстве SDP Дженкинс был избран 56,44 голосами, а Дэвид Оуэн занял второе место. Также было замечено, что импульс SDP остановился в результате его плохого выступления на дополнительных выборах в Дарлингтоне 1983 года , незадолго до всеобщих выборов этого года, конкурса, который считался тем, где партия могла преуспеть. Несмотря на то, что кандидат от SDP занял тяжелую кампанию на месте, кандидат от SDP занял плохую треть.

Во время избирательной кампании 1983 года его позиция в качестве назначенного премьер-министром в SDP-либеральном альянсе была поставлена ​​под сомнение его близкими коллегами, поскольку его стиль кампании теперь считался неэффективным; либерала Дэвид лидер Стил имеет большую связь с электоратом. Считалось, что Во время кампании Сталь призвала Дженкинса на встречу в своем доме в Эттрикбридже и предложила, чтобы Дженкинс занял более низкое профиль, и что сталь стала лидером кампании. По словам Стива Ричардса , в то время как Дженкинс отклонил точку зрения Стала, встреча означала, что уверенность Дженкинса была подорвана, и он шатался на финишную черту с меньшим количеством воодушевления, чем он показал в первые дни SDP »и показал мало признаков своего раннего« изобилия » ". Дженкинс держался на своем месте в Хиллхеде, который был предметом изменений границ. В то время как на старых границах консерваторы занимали место до победы Дженкинса, BBC , оценивалось что на новых границах труд запечатлел бы это место с большинством чуть более 2000 голосов в 1979 году . Дженкинс был оспорен Нил Кармайкл , депутат, работающий по лейбористской партии в избирательном округе Глазго, который был отменен, и коллега по министерству Дженкинса в правительствах Уилсона. Дженкинс победил Кармайкла на 1164 голоса, чтобы сохранить свое место в Палате общин. По словам Сторонников лейбористов Глазго Геральд на выборах в подсчете на выборах в Кельвине Холле, охватили и насмехались, когда была объявлена ​​победа Дженкинса, и он и его жена были «встревожены, когда полиция оттолкнула толкать толпы».

После всеобщих выборов Оуэн сменил его без сопротивления. Дженкинс был разочарован движением Оуэна вправо, и его принятие и поддержка некоторых политик Тэтчер. В глубине души Дженкинс оставался нераскаящимся кейнсианским . В своей лекции Tawney в июле 1984 года Дженкинс сказал, что «весь дух и взгляды» СДП »должны быть глубоко противопоставить этике. Он также произнес серию выступлений в общинах, нападающих на политику Тэтчерита канцлера Найджела Лоусона . Дженкинс призвал к большему количеству государственных вмешательства в поддержку промышленности и для того, чтобы доходы от нефти в Северном море были направлены на крупную программу восстановления британской инфраструктуры и обучения квалифицированной рабочей силы. Он также напал на правительство Тэтчер за то, что он не присоединился к европейскому механизму обменного курса .

В 1985 году он написал The Times , чтобы выступать за закрытие политической роли MI5 . Во время спора вокруг Питера Райта , шпиката в котором он утверждал, что Гарольд Уилсон был советским шпионом, Дженкинс пробил утверждение и подтвердил свой призыв к концу способностей MI5 в политическом выживании.

В 1986 году он выиграл премию «Парламентарий года». Он продолжал служить в качестве члена парламента SDP в Глазго Хиллхед до его поражения на всеобщих выборах 1987 года кандидатом от лейбористов Джорджа Галлоуэя после того, как изменения в границе в 1983 году не изменили характер избирательного округа. После того, как его поражение было объявлено, Глазго Геральд сообщил, что он указал, что в будущем больше не будет отстаивать парламент.

В 1986 году появился его биография Гарри С. Трумэна его биография Стэнли Болдуина . , и в следующем году была опубликована

Пираги, достижения, книги и смерть (1987–2003)

Дженкинс заманился как канцлер Оксфордского университета

С 1987 года Дженкинс оставался в политике в качестве члена Палаты лордов в качестве спасательной жизни с титулом барона Дженкинса из Хиллхеда , Понтипула в графстве Гвен . Также в 1987 году Дженкинс был избран канцлером Оксфордского университета . Он был лидером либеральных демократов в лордах с 1988 по 1997 год.

В 1988 году он сражался и выиграл поправку к Закону о реформе образования 1988 года , гарантируя академическую свободу слова в учреждениях дальнейшего и высшего образования. Это дает и защищает право студентов и ученых на «вопрос и тест, получивший мудрость» и было включено в уставы или статьи и инструменты управления всеми университетами и колледжами в Великобритании.

В 1991 году его мемуары, жизнь в центре , была опубликована Макмилланом , который заплатил Дженкинсу на аванс в 130 000 фунтов стерлингов. Он был великодушным для большинства из тех коллег, с которыми он столкнулся в прошлом, за исключением Дэвида Оуэна, которого он обвинил в том, что он уничтожил идеализм и сплоченность СДП. В последней главе («истеблишмент или настойчивый радикал?») Он подтвердил свой радикализм, поместив себя «в некоторой степени слева от Джеймса Каллагана, может быть, Денис Хили и, конечно, Дэвида Оуэна». Он также объявил о своем политическом кредо:

Моя широкая позиция остается твердо либертарианской, скептически относившейся к официальным сокрытиям и бескомпромиссно интернационалистским, считая суверенитетом почти полной иллюзией в современном мире, хотя и ожидая, так и приветствуя продолжение сильных различий в национальных традициях и поведении. Я не доверяю обожествлению корпоративной культуры. Я думаю, что у мудрости рынка больше ограничений, чем мечтали в философии миссис Тэтчер. Я полагаю, что уровни налогообложения на процветании, будучи слишком высокими в течение многих лет (включая мой собственный период в казначействе), теперь слишком низки для предоставления достойных государственных услуг. И я думаю, что приватизация почти монополий примерно так же не имеет значения, как (а иногда и хуже), были предложениями лейбористской партии о дальнейшей национализации в 1970 -х и начале 1980 -х годов.

Жизнь в центре была в целом благоприятно рассмотрена: в The Times литературное приложение Джон Григг сказал, что это был «чудесный рассказ о высокой политике участника, пишущего с честностью, иронией и устойчивым повествовательным воодушевлением». В зрителе Энтони Куинтон отметил, что Дженкинс «не боится хвалить себя и зарабатывает на это право делать это бездействующей самокритикой». Тем не менее, были критические голоса: Джон Смит в шотландце утверждал, что Дженкинс никогда не имел никакой лояльности к лейбористской партии и был амбициозным карьеристом, намерением только о том, чтобы продолжить его карьеру. Джон Кэмпбелл утверждает, что жизнь в центре теперь в целом признана одним из лучших политических мемуаров. Дэвид Каннадин оценил его вместе со Даффа Купера , стариками забывая , что Рай Батлер «Искусство возможного» , а Денис Хили-« Время моей жизни» как одно из четырех лучших политических мемуаров послевоенного периода.

В 1993 году он был назначен в Орден Заслуги . Также в этом году его портреты и миниатюры были опубликованы . Основным органом книги является набор из 6 биографических эссе ( Раб Батлер , Анеурин Беван , Иэн Маклеод , Дин Ачесон , Конрад Аденауэр , Чарльз де Голль ), а также лекции, статьи и обзоры книг.

Могила Дженкинса в Кэт -стрит кладбище, Ист -Хендред , Оксфордшир

Телевизионный документальный фильм о Дженкинсе был сделан Майклом Кокереллом под названием «Рой Дженкинс: очень социал -демократ» , и транслировал 26 мая 1996 года. Несмотря на то, что в общем восхищении портрет в целом, Кокерелл был откровенен в делах Дженкинса, и Дженкинс и его жена считали, что Коцерелл был предал их гостеприимство.

Дженкинс приветствовал Тони Блэра лидером выборы лейбористской партии в июле 1994 года как «самый захватывающий выбор труда после выборов Хью Гейтскелла». Он утверждал, что Блэр должен придерживаться «конструктивной линии в Европе, в пользу разумных конституционных инноваций ... и в пользу дружеских отношений с либеральными демократами». Он добавил, что надеется, что Блэр не продвинется дальше вправо: «Хорошая работа была проделана по освобождению от национализации и другой политики. Но рынок не может решить все, и было бы жалко принять несвежие догмы тэтчеризма просто Когда их ограничения становятся очевидными ».

Дженкинс и Блэр были на связи со времен последнего в качестве секретаря «Тень», когда он восхищался реформированием Дженкинса в Министерстве внутренних дел. Дженкинс сказал Пэдди Эшдауну в октябре 1995 года: «Я думаю, что Тони относится ко мне как о чем -то вроде отца в политике. Он очень приходит ко мне за советом, особенно о том, как построить правительство». Дженкинс попытался убедить Блэра, что разделение в левом центре голосов между лейбористскими и либеральными сторонами позволило консерваторам доминировать в 20-м веке, тогда как, если две левые стороны заключили в избирательный договор и приняли пропорциональное представление, они могли бы доминировать в 21 -м веке. Дженкинс оказал влияние на мышление нового труда , а Питер Мандельсон и Роджер Лиддл в своей работе 1996 года «Революция Блэр» и Филипп Гулд в его незаконченной революции признали влияние Дженкинса.

До выборов 1997 года Блэр пообещал расследование избирательной реформы. В декабре 1997 года Дженкинс был назначен председателем назначенной правительством независимой комиссии по системе голосования, которая стала известна как « Комиссия Дженкинса », чтобы рассмотреть альтернативные системы голосования для Великобритании. Комиссия Дженкинса сообщила в пользу новой уникальной британской пропорциональной системы смешанного члена под названием « Альтернативный голосование » или «ограниченное AMS» в октябре 1998 года, хотя по этой рекомендации не было предпринято никаких действий. Блэр сказал Эшдауну, что рекомендации Дженкинса не пройдут кабинет.

Дженкинс считал, что британское членство в европейской единой валюте стало высшим испытанием государственного управления Блэра. Тем не менее, он был разочарован робостью Блэра в том, что он взял на себя евроскептическую таблоидную прессу. Он сказал Блэру в октябре 1997 года: «Вы должны выбирать между ведущей Европой или иметь Мердока на вашей стороне. У вас может быть один, но не оба». Дженкинс также критиковал авторитаризм нового лейбористов, такой как Закон о том, что Закон о свободе информации 2000 года , и их намерение запретить охоту на лис . К концу своей жизни Дженкинс полагал, что Блэр потратил впустую свое огромное парламентское большинство и не будет зарегистрирована в истории как великий премьер -министр; Он оценил его между Гарольдом Уилсоном и Стэнли Болдуином.

После того, как Гордон Браун напал на Оксфордский университет за то, что он побаловал предрассудки «Старая школа», потому что в июне 2000 года он отверг ученик, образованный в государстве Факт, который он выдвинул, был ложным ». Дженкинс проголосовал за выравнивание гомосексуального века согласия и за отмену раздела 28 .

Дженкинс написал 19 книг, в том числе биографию Гладстона (1995), которая получила премию «Уитбрег» 1995 года за биографию, и широко известную биографию Уинстона Черчилля (2001). Его тогдашний официальный биограф, Эндрю Адонис , должен был закончить биографию Черчилля, если бы Дженкинс не пережил операцию на сердце, которую он перенес к концу его письма. Историк Пол Джонсон назвал это лучшей биографией в одном объеме по своей теме.

Дженкинс перенес операцию на сердце в виде замены сердечного клапана 12 октября 2000 года и отложил празднование его 80 -летия во время восстановления, проведя праздничную вечеринку 7 марта 2001 года. Он умер 5 января 2003 года, после сердечного приступа в своем доме в Ист -Хендред в Оксфордшире. Его последними словами, для его жены, были «два яйца, пожалуйста, слегка браконьерство». Во время его смерти Дженкинс работал над биографией президента США Франклина Д. Рузвельта .

После своей смерти Блэр отдал дань уважения «одному из самых замечательных людей, когда -либо украшающих британскую политику», у которого были «интеллект, видение и целостность, в которых он убедил его убеждения в умеренной социал -демократии, либеральной реформе и причине Европа на протяжении всей своей жизни. Джеймс Каллаган и Эдвард Хит также заплатили дань, а Тони Бенн сказал, что, как «основатель SDP, он, вероятно, был дедушкой нового труда». Тем не менее, он подвергся сильно критике со стороны других, в том числе Денис Хили , который осудил раскол SDP как «катастрофу» для лейбористской партии, которая продлила их время в оппозиции и позволила тори иметь непрерывный пробег в 18 лет в правительстве.

Письмо в Guardian , профессор правительства в Оксфордском университете Вернон Богданор предоставил эту оценку Дженкинса:

Рой Дженкинс был как радикальным, так и современным; И это сделало его самым влиятельным показателем прогрессивного вероучения в политике в послевоенной Британии. Более того, политическое вероучение, за которое он стоял, принадлежит так же, как и в прошлое. Для Дженкинса был главным двигателем в создании формы социал -демократии, которая, будучи интернационалистом, особенно подходит для эпохи глобализации и, будучи либеральным, окажет большую оставшуюся власть, чем статизм Лайонела Джоспина или корпоративного социализма Герхард Шредер . ... Рой Дженкинс был первым ведущим политиком, который оценил, что либерализованная социал -демократия должна основываться на двух принципах: то, что Питер Мандельсон назвал желательным обществом (отдельным лицам должно быть разрешено регулировать свою личную жизнь без вмешательства государства); и что постмпериальная страна, такая как Британия, может оказать влияние в мире только как часть более широкой группировки (ЕС).

Его альма -матер, Университет Кардиффа, удостоил воспоминания о Рой Дженкинсе, назвав один из его залов резиденции Рой Дженкинс Холл.

Брак и личная жизнь

Дженкинс в 1977 году

20 января 1945 года Дженкинс женился на Мэри Дженнифер (Дженнифер) Моррис (18 января 1921 г. - 2 февраля 2017 года). Они были женаты почти 58 лет до его смерти, хотя у него было "несколько дел", Включая один с сестрой Джеки Кеннеди Ли Радзивилл . Среди его долгосрочных любовниц были Лесли Бонэм Картер и Кэролайн Гилмор, жены коллег-депутатов и близких друзей Марк Бонэм Картер и Ян Гилмор . Тем не менее, эти внебрачные отношения были условными для его любовников, имевших хорошие отношения со своей женой: позже он заявил, что «не может представить себе, как никого, кто не любил Дженнифер».

Она была сделана для услуг для древних и исторических зданий. У них было два сына, Чарльз и Эдвард, и дочь Синтия.

В начале своей жизни у Дженкинса были отношения с Энтони Крослендом . По словам бывшего лидера либерального демократа Винса Кейбла , Дженкинс был бисексуалом.

В популярной культуре

Дженкинс был главным героем в Speection Steve Waters 2017 года Limehouse , премьера которого состоялась на складе Donmar ; Дженкинс был изображен Роджером Алламом .

Работа

• Рузвельт . Пан Макмиллан . 2005. ISBN  0-330-43206-0 .
• Черчилль: биография . Макмиллан. 2001. ISBN  0-333-78290-9 .
• Канцлеры . Макмиллан. 1998. ISBN  0-333-73057-7 .
• Гладстон . Макмиллан. 1995. ISBN  0-8129-6641-4 .
• Портреты и миниатюры . Блумсбери . 1993. ISBN  978-1-4482-0321-5 .
• Жизнь в центре . Макмиллан. 1991. ISBN  0-333-55164-8 .
• Европейский дневник 1977–81 . Коллинз. 1989.
• Галерея портретов двадцатого века и оксфордских газет . Дэвид и Чарльз . 1988. ISBN  0-7153-9299-9 .
• Трумэн . HarperCollins . 1986. ISBN  0-06-015580-9 .
• Болдуин . Коллинз. 1984. ISBN  0-00-217586-х .
• Девять человек власти . Хэмиш Гамильтон. 1974. ISBN  978-0241891384 .
• Эссе и речи . Коллинз. 1967.
• Асквит . Коллинз. 1964. ISBN  0-00-211021-0 Полем (Пересмотренное издание 1978 г.)
• Дело труда . Пингвин. 1959.
• Сэр Чарльз Дильке: викторианская трагедия . Коллинз. 1958. ISBN  0-333-62020-8 Полем (Пересмотренное издание 1965)
• Мистер Бальфур Пудель: Пирс против людей . Коллинз. 1954. OCLC   436484 .
• Погоня за прогрессом: критический анализ достижений и перспективы лейбористской партии . Хейнеманн. 1953.
• Мистер Эттли: Временная биография . Хейнеманн. 1948.

Дальнейшее чтение

• Адонис, Эндрю; Томас, Кит, ред. (2004). Рой Дженкинс: ретроспектива . Издательство Оксфордского университета . ISBN  0-19-927487-8 .
• Радис, Джайлс (2002). Друзья и соперники: Кросланд, Дженкинс и Хили . Маленький, коричневый. ISBN  0-316-85547-2 .
• Кэмпбелл, Джон (1983). Рой Дженкинс, биография . Вейденфельд и Николсон . ISBN  0-297-78271-1 .
• Кэмпбелл, Джон (2014). Рой Дженкинс, всесторонняя жизнь . Джонатан Кейп . ISBN  978-0-224-08750-6 .
• Dell, Edmund (1997). Канцлеры: история канцлеров казначейства, 1945–90 . HarperCollins. С. 347–72. охватывает свой срок в качестве канцлера.
• Дженкинс, Рой. Европейский дневник, 1977-1981 (A & C Black, 2011).
• Липси, Дэвид; Дженкинс, Рой (2002). Джеффрис, Кевин (ред.). Рабочие силы: от Эрни Бевина до Гордона Брауна . С. 103 –18. ISBN  9781860647437 .
• Ludlow, N. Piers, ed. центре Европы (Springer, 2016) Рой Дженкинс и президентство Европейской комиссии, 1976–1980 гг.: В .
• Натталл, Джереми. «Рой Дженкинс и политика радикальной умеренности». История 104.362 (2019): 677–709.

Внешние ссылки

• «Рой Дженкинс (RT Hon Hon Lord Jenkins of Hillhead)» Архивировал 28 апреля 2019 года на машине Wayback , вспоминают, Королевское общество литературы
• Хансард 1803–2005 гг.: Взносы в парламенте Роя Дженкинса
• Рой Дженкинс: Life Peer - Великобритания Парламент Living Heritage
• Портреты Роя Дженкинса в Национальной портретной галерее, Лондон