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Президент	Мэри Лу Макдональд
Вице-президент	Мишель О'Нил
Председатель	Деклан Кирни
Генеральный секретарь	Кен О'Коннелл
Шанад лидер	Вакантный
Основатель	Артур Гриффит
Основан	28 ноября 1905 года ( 1905-11-28 )
Слияние	Национальный совет Cumann na ngaedheal Дунганнон клубы
Штаб -квартира	44 Парнелл -сквер , Дублин , Ирландия
Newspaper	An Phoblacht
Youth wing	Ógra Shinn Féin
LGBT wing	Sinn Féin LGBTQ
Overseas wing	Friends of Sinn Féin
Membership (2020)	~15,000
Ideology	Irish republicanism Democratic socialism Left-wing nationalism
Political position	Centre-left to left-wing
European Parliament group	The Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL
Colours	Green
Slogan	"Tosaíonn athrú anseo" (Change starts here)
Dáil Éireann	35 / 160
Seanad Éireann	2 / 60
Northern Ireland Assembly	27 / 90
House of Commons (NI seats)	7 / 18 (abstentionist)
European Parliament	2 / 14
Local government in the Republic of Ireland	101 / 949
Local government in Northern Ireland	144 / 462
Website
sinnfein.ie
Politics of the Republic of Ireland Political parties Elections Politics of Northern Ireland Political parties Elections

féin ( / ʃ n ˈfeɪnSin shin FAYNɪ Ирландцы: [ˌʃɪn̠ʲ ˈfʲeːnʲ] ; зажженная   « Мы сами » ) это ирландский республиканец и демократический социалист Политическая партия как в Республике Ирландия , так и в Северной Ирландии .

Первоначальная организация Sinn Féin была основана в 1905 году Артуром Гриффитом . Его члены основали революционную Ирландскую Республику и ее парламент, первую Дайл , и многие из них были активны в Ирландской войне за независимость , во время которой партия была связана с ирландской республиканской армией (1919–1922) . Партия разделилась перед ирландской гражданской войной и снова после ее последствий, вызывая две традиционно доминирующие партии ирландской политики: Фианна Файл и Чеманн Нангедхал (который стал прекрасным Гаэлем ). В течение нескольких десятилетий оставшаяся организация Sinn Féin была небольшой и часто без парламентского представительства. Он продолжил свою связь с ирландской республиканской армией . Еще один раскол в 1970 году в начале неприятностей привел к современной партии Sinn Féin, а другая фракция в конечном итоге стала рабочей партией .

During the Troubles, Sinn Féin was associated with the Provisional Irish Republican Army. For most of that conflict, it was affected by broadcasting bans in the Irish and British media. Although the party sat on local councils, it maintained a policy of abstentionism for the British House of Commons and the Irish Dáil Éireann, standing for election to those legislatures but pledging not to take their seats if elected. After Gerry Adams became party leader in 1983, electoral politics were prioritised increasingly. In 1986, the party dropped its abstentionist policy for the Dáil; some members formed Republican Sinn Féin in protest. In the 1990s, Sinn Féin—under the leadership of Adams and Martin McGuinness—was involved in the Northern Ireland peace process. This led to the Good Friday Agreement and created the Northern Ireland Assembly, and saw Sinn Féin become part of the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive. In 2006, it co-signed the St Andrews Agreement and agreed to support the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

Sinn Féin is the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, having won the largest share of first-preference votes and the most seats in the 2022 election, the first time an Irish nationalist party has done so. Since 2024, Michelle O'Neill has served as the first ever Irish nationalist First Minister of Northern Ireland. From 2007 to 2022, Sinn Féin was the second-largest party in the Assembly, after the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), and its nominees served as deputy First Minister in the Northern Ireland Executive.

In the House of Commons of the United Kingdom, Sinn Féin has held seven of Northern Ireland's seats since the 2024 election; it continues its policy of abstentionism at Westminster. In Dáil Éireann, it is the joint-largest party and is the main opposition, having won the largest share of first-preference votes in the 2020 election. The current president of Sinn Féin is Mary Lou McDonald, who succeeded Gerry Adams in 2018.

Name

The phrase "Sinn Féin" is Irish for "Ourselves" or "We Ourselves", although it is frequently mistranslated as "ourselves alone" (from "Sinn Féin Amháin", an early-20th-century slogan). The name is an assertion of Irish national sovereignty and self-determination, i.e., the Irish people governing themselves, rather than being part of a political union with Great Britain under the Westminster Parliament.

A split in January 1970, mirroring a split in the IRA, led to the emergence of two groups calling themselves Sinn Féin. One, under the continued leadership of Tomás Mac Giolla, became known as "Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place)", or "Official Sinn Féin"; the other, led by Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, became known as "Sinn Féin (Kevin Street)", or "Provisional Sinn Féin". As the "Officials" dropped all mention of Sinn Féin from their name in 1982—instead calling themselves the Workers' Party—the term "Provisional Sinn Féin" has fallen out of use, and the party is now known simply as "Sinn Féin".

Sinn Féin members have been referred to colloquially as "Shinners", a term intended as a pejorative.

History

Main article: History of Sinn Féin

1905–1922

Main articles: Easter Rising, 1918 Irish general election, Irish War of Independence, and Irish Civil War

Arthur Griffith is credited as the main founder of the party

Sinn Féin was founded on 28 November 1905, when, at the first annual Convention of the National Council, Arthur Griffith outlined the Sinn Féin policy, "to establish in Ireland's capital a national legislature endowed with the moral authority of the Irish nation". Its initial political platform was both conservative and monarchist, advocating for an Anglo-Irish dual monarchy unified with the British Crown (inspired by the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867). The party contested the 1908 North Leitrim by-election, where it secured 27% of the vote. Thereafter, both support and membership fell. At its 1910 ard fheis (party conference) attendance was poor, and there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive.

The campaign car of Joseph McGuinness, who won the 1917 South Longford by-election whilst imprisoned. He was one of the first Sinn Féin MPs to be elected.

In 1914, Sinn Féin members, including Griffith, joined the anti-Redmond Irish Volunteers, which was referred to by Redmondites and others as the "Sinn Féin Volunteers". Although Griffith himself did not take part in the Easter Rising of 1916, many Sinn Féin members who were members of the Volunteers and the Irish Republican Brotherhood did. Government and newspapers dubbed the Rising "the Sinn Féin Rising". After the Rising, republicans came together under the banner of Sinn Féin, and at the 1917 ard fheis the party committed itself for the first time to the establishment of an Irish Republic. In the 1918 general election, Sinn Féin won 73 of Ireland's 105 seats, and in January 1919, its MPs assembled in Dublin and proclaimed themselves Dáil Éireann, the parliament of Ireland. Sinn Féin candidate Constance Markievicz became the first woman elected to the United Kingdom House of Commons. However, in line with Sinn Féin abstentionist policy, she did not take her seat in the House of Commons.

The party supported the Irish Republican Army during the War of Independence, and members of the Dáil government negotiated the Anglo-Irish Treaty with the British government in 1921. In the Dáil debates that followed, the party divided on the Treaty. The pro-Treaty and anti-Treaty components (led by Michael Collins and Éamon de Valera respectively) managed to agree on a "Coalition Panel" of Sinn Féin candidates to stand in the 1922 general election. After the election, anti-Treaty members walked out of the Dáil, and pro- and anti-Treaty members took opposite sides in the ensuing Civil War.

1923–1970

Pro-Treaty Dáil deputies and other Treaty supporters formed a new party, Cumann na nGaedheal, on 27 April 1923 at a meeting in Dublin, where delegates agreed on a constitution and political programme. Cumann na nGaedheal went on to govern the new Irish Free State for nine years (it merged with two other organisations to form Fine Gael in 1933). Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin members continued to boycott the Dáil. At a special Ard Fheis in March 1926, de Valera proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial Oath of Allegiance was removed. When his motion was defeated, de Valera resigned from Sinn Féin; on 16 May 1926, he founded his own party, Fianna Fáil, which was dedicated to republicanising the Free State from within its political structures. He took most Sinn Féin Teachtaí Dála (TDs) with him. De Valera's resignation meant also the loss of financial support from America. The rump Sinn Féin party could field no more than fifteen candidates, and won only five seats in the June 1927 general election, a decline in support not seen since before 1916. Vice-president and de facto leader Mary MacSwiney announced that the party simply did not have the funds to contest the second election called that year, declaring "no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties". Fianna Fáil came to power at the 1932 general election (to begin what would be an unbroken 16-year spell in government) and went on to long dominate politics in the independent Irish state.

An attempt in the 1940s to access funds that had been put in the care of the High Court led to the Sinn Féin Funds case, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the legal successor to the Sinn Féin of 1917.

By the late 1940s, two decades removed from the Fianna Fáil split and now the Sinn Féin funds lost, the party was little more than a husk. The emergence of a popular new republican party, led by former IRA members, in Clann na Poblachta, threatened to void any remaining purpose Sinn Féin had left. However, it was around this same time that the IRA leadership once again sought to have a political arm (the IRA and Sinn Féin had effectively no formal ties following the civil war). Following an IRA army convention in 1948, IRA members were instructed to join Sinn Féin en masse and by 1950 they had successfully taken total control of the party, with IRA army council member Paddy McLogan named as the new president of the party. As part of this rapprochement, it was later made clear by the army council that the IRA would dictate to Sinn Féin, and not the other way around.

At the 1955 United Kingdom general election, two Sinn Féin candidates were elected to Westminster, and likewise, four members of Sinn Féin were elected to Leinster House in the 1957 Irish general election. In December 1956, at the beginning of the IRA's Border Campaign (Operation Harvest), the Northern Ireland Government banned Sinn Féin under the Special Powers Act; it would remain banned until 1974. By the end of the Border campaign five years later, the party had once again lost all national representation. Through the 1960s, some leading figures in the movement, such as Cathal Goulding, Seán Garland, Billy McMillen, Tomás Mac Giolla, moved steadily to the left, even to Marxism, as a result of their own reading and thinking and contacts with the Irish and international left. This angered more traditional republicans, who wanted to stick to the national question and armed struggle. The Garland Commission was set up in 1967, to investigate the possibility of ending abstentionism. Its report angered the already disaffected traditional republican element within the party, notably Seán Mac Stíofáin and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, who viewed such a policy as treason against the Irish Republic.

1970–1975

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh (pictured in 2004) was the president of Provisional Sinn Féin from 1970 until 1983.

Sinn Féin split in two at the beginning of 1970. On 11 January, the proposal to end abstentionism and take seats, if elected, in the Dáil, the Parliament of Northern Ireland and the Parliament of the United Kingdom was put before the members at the party's Ard Fheis. A similar motion had been adopted at an IRA convention the previous month, leading to the formation of a Provisional Army Council by Mac Stíofáin and other members opposed to the leadership. When the motion was put to the Ard Fheis, it failed to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority. The Executive attempted to circumvent this by introducing a motion in support of IRA policy, at which point the dissenting delegates walked out of the meeting. These members reconvened at Kevin Barry Hall in Parnell Square, where they appointed a Caretaker Executive with Ruairí Ó Brádaigh as chairman. The Caretaker Executive's first act was to pass a resolution pledging allegiance to the 32-county Irish Republic and the Provisional Army Council. It also declared itself opposed to the ending of abstentionism, the drift towards "extreme forms of socialism", the failure of the leadership to defend the nationalist people of Belfast during the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, and the expulsion of traditional republicans by the leadership during the 1960s.

At its October 1970 Ard Fheis, delegates were informed that an IRA convention had been held and had regularised its structure, bringing to an end the "provisional" period. By then, however, the label "Provisional" or "Provo" was already being applied to them by the media. The opposing, anti-abstentionist party became known as "Official Sinn Féin". It changed its name in 1977 to "Sinn Féin—The Workers' Party", and in 1982 to "The Workers' Party".

Because the "Provisionals" were committed to military rather than political action, Sinn Féin's initial membership was largely confined, in Danny Morrison's words, to men "over military age or women". A Sinn Féin organiser of the time in Belfast described the party's role as "agitation and publicity" New cumainn (branches) were established in Belfast, and a new newspaper, Republican News, was published. Sinn Féin took off as a protest movement after the introduction of internment in August 1971, organising marches and pickets. The party launched its platform, Éire Nua ("a New Ireland") at the 1971 Ard Fheis. In general, however, the party lacked a distinct political philosophy. In the words of Brian Feeney, "Ó Brádaigh would use Sinn Féin ard fheiseanna (party conferences) to announce republican policy, which was, in effect, IRA policy, namely that Britain should leave the North or the 'war' would continue".

In May 1974, a few months after the Sunningdale Agreement, the ban on Sinn Féin was lifted by the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin was given a concrete presence in the community when the IRA declared a ceasefire in 1975. 'Incident centres', manned by Sinn Féin members, were set up to communicate potential confrontations to the British authorities.

From 1976, there was a broadcasting ban on Sinn Féin representatives in the Republic of Ireland, after the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, Conor Cruise O'Brien, amended Section 31 of the Broadcasting Act. This prevented RTÉ interviewing Sinn Féin spokespersons under any circumstances, even where the subject was not related to the Northern Ireland conflict. This lasted until 1994.

1976–1983

Political status for prisoners became an issue after the ending of the truce. Rees released the last of the internees, and ended 'Special Category Status' for all prisoners convicted after 1 March 1976. This led first to the blanket protest, and then to the dirty protest. Around the same time, Gerry Adams began writing for Republican News, calling for Sinn Féin to become more involved politically. Over the next few years, Adams and those aligned with him would extend their influence throughout the republican movement and slowly marginalise Ó Brádaigh, part of a general trend of power in both Sinn Féin and the IRA shifting north. In particular, Ó Brádaigh's part in the 1975 IRA ceasefire had damaged his reputation in the eyes of northern republicans.

The prisoners' protest climaxed with the 1981 hunger strike, during which striker Bobby Sands was elected Member of Parliament for Fermanagh and South Tyrone as an Anti H-Block candidate. After his death on hunger strike, his seat was held, with an increased vote, by his election agent, Owen Carron. Two other Anti H-Block candidates were elected to Dáil Éireann in the general election in the Republic. These successes convinced republicans that they should contest every election. Danny Morrison expressed the mood at the 1981 Ard Fheis when he said:

Who here really believes we can win the war through the ballot box? But will anyone here object if, with a ballot paper in this hand and an Armalite in the other, we take power in Ireland?

This was the origin of what became known as the Armalite and ballot box strategy. Ó Brádaigh's chief policy, a plan for a federalised Irish state dubbed Éire Nua, was dropped in 1982, and the following year Ó Brádaigh stepped down as president, and was replaced by Adams.

1983–1998

Under the political leadership of Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness (pictured 2016), Sinn Féin adopted a reformist policy, eventually leading to the Good Friday Agreement.

Under Adams' leadership electoral politics became increasingly important. In 1983 Alex Maskey was elected to Belfast City Council, the first Sinn Féin member to sit on that body. Sinn Féin polled over 100,000 votes in the Westminster elections that year, and Adams won the West Belfast seat that had been held by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). By 1985 it had 59 seats on seventeen of the 26 Northern Ireland councils, including seven on Belfast City Council.

The party began a reappraisal of the policy of abstention from the Dáil. At the 1983 Ard Fheis the constitution was amended to remove the ban on the discussion of abstentionism to allow Sinn Féin to run a candidate in the forthcoming European elections. However, in his address, Adams said, "We are an abstentionist party. It is not my intention to advocate change in this situation." A motion to permit entry into the Dáil was allowed at the 1985 Ard Fheis, but did not have the active support of the leadership, and it failed narrowly. By October of the following year an IRA Convention had indicated its support for elected Sinn Féin TDs taking their seats. Thus, when the motion to end abstention was put to the Ard Fheis on 1 November 1986, it was clear that there would not be a split in the IRA as there had been in 1970. The motion was passed with a two-thirds majority. Ó Brádaigh and about twenty other delegates walked out, and met in a Dublin hotel with hundreds of supporters to re-organise as Republican Sinn Féin.

In October 1988, the British Conservative government followed the Republic in banning broadcasts of Sinn Féin representatives. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher said it would "deny terrorists the oxygen of publicity". Broadcasters quickly found ways around the ban, mainly by using actors to dub the voices of banned speakers. The legislation did not apply during election campaigns and under certain other circumstances. The ban lasted until 1994.

Tentative negotiations between Sinn Féin and the British government led to more substantive discussions with the SDLP in the 1990s. Multi-party negotiations began in 1994 in Northern Ireland, without Sinn Féin. The Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire in August 1994. Sinn Féin then joined the talks, but the Conservative government under John Major soon came to depend on unionist votes to remain in power. It suspended Sinn Féin from the talks, and began to insist that the IRA decommission all of their weapons before Sinn Féin be re-admitted to the talks; this led to the IRA calling off its ceasefire. The new Labour government of Tony Blair was not reliant on unionist votes and re-admitted Sinn Féin, leading to another, permanent, ceasefire.

The talks led to the Good Friday Agreement of 10 April 1998, which set up an inclusive devolved government in Northern Ireland, and altered the Dublin government's constitutional claim to the whole island in Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland. Republicans opposed to the direction taken by Sinn Féin in the peace process formed the 32 County Sovereignty Movement in the late 1990s.

1998–2017

The election of Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin to the Dáil in 1997 was the first time in 75 years a Sinn Féin TD had taken their seat and marked a turning point in the party's history

At the 1997 Irish general election, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin was elected to the Dáil. In doing so, he became the first person under the "Sinn Féin" banner to be elected to Leinster House since 1957, and the first since 1922 to take their seat. Ó Caoláin's entry to the Dáil marked the beginning of a continuous Sinn Féin presence in the Republic of Ireland's national political bodies.

The party expelled Denis Donaldson, a party official, in December 2005, with him stating publicly that he had been in the employ of the British government as an agent since the 1980s. Donaldson told reporters that the British security agencies who employed him were behind the collapse of the Assembly and set up Sinn Féin to take the blame for it, a claim disputed by the British government. Donaldson was found fatally shot in his home in County Donegal on 4 April 2006, and a murder inquiry was launched. In April 2009, the Real IRA released a statement taking responsibility for the killing.

When Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) became the largest parties, by the terms of the Good Friday Agreement no deal could be made without the support of both parties. They nearly reached a deal in November 2004, but the DUP insisted on photographic and/or video evidence that decommissioning of IRA weapons had been carried out, which was unacceptable to Sinn Féin.

In April 2006 a number of members of Sinn Féin who believed the party was not committed enough to socialism split from the party and formed a new group called Éirígí, which later became a (minor) political party in its own right.

On 2 September 2006, Martin McGuinness publicly stated that Sinn Féin would refuse to participate in a shadow assembly at Stormont, asserting that his party would only take part in negotiations that were aimed at restoring a power-sharing government. This development followed a decision on the part of members of Sinn Féin to refrain from participating in debates since the Assembly's recall the previous May. The relevant parties to these talks were given a deadline of 24 November 2006 to decide upon whether or not they would ultimately form the executive.

The 86-year Sinn Féin boycott of policing in Northern Ireland ended on 28 January 2007, when the Ard Fheis voted overwhelmingly to support the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). Sinn Féin members began to sit on Policing Boards and join District Policing Partnerships. There was opposition to this decision within Sinn Féin, and some members left, including elected representatives. The most well-known opponent was former IRA prisoner Gerry McGeough, who stood in the 2007 Assembly election against Sinn Féin in the constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone, as an Independent Republican. He polled 1.8% of the vote. Others who opposed this development left to found the Republican Network for Unity.

Sinn Féin supported a no vote in the referendum on the Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2008.

Immediately after the June 2017 UK general election, where the Conservatives won 49% of seats but not an overall majority, so that non-mainstream parties could have significant influence, Gerry Adams announced for Sinn Féin that their elected MPs would continue the policy of not swearing allegiance to the Queen, as would be required for them to take their seats in the Westminster Parliament.

In 2017 and 2018 there were allegations of bullying within the party, leading to a number of resignations and expulsions of elected members.

At the Ard Fheis on 18 November 2017, Gerry Adams announced he would stand down as president of Sinn Féin in 2018, and would not stand for re-election as TD for Louth.

2018–present

Mary Lou McDonald and Michelle O'Neill in February 2018

On 10 February 2018, Mary Lou McDonald was announced as the new president of Sinn Féin at a special Ard Fheis in Dublin. Michelle O'Neill was also elected as vice president of the party.

Sinn Féin were opposed to Northern Ireland leaving the European Union together with the rest of the United Kingdom, with Martin McGuinness suggesting a referendum on the reunification of Ireland immediately after the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum results were announced, a stance later reiterated by McDonald as a way of resolving the border issues raised by Brexit.

Sinn Féin's first elections under McDonald resulted in the party performing well under its own expectations during the 2018 Irish presidential election that October, and similarly, the party's performance was labelled "disastrous" during the concurrent May 2019 European Parliament election in Ireland and 2019 Irish local elections. In the European elections, Sinn Féin lost 2 MEPs and dropped their vote share by 7.8%, while in the local elections the party lost 78 (almost half) of their local councillors and dropped their vote share by 5.7%. McDonald stated "It was a really bad day out for us. But sometimes that happens in politics, and it's a test for you. I mean it's a test for me personally, obviously, as the leader".

However, in the 2020 Irish general election, Sinn Féin received the greatest number of first preference votes nationally, making it the best result for any incarnation of Sinn Féin since the 1922 election. Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party formed a coalition government in June 2020. Although second on seats won at the election, Sinn Féin became the largest party in the Dáil when Marc MacSharry resigned from Fianna Fáil in September 2021, which, with Seán Ó Fearghaíl sitting as Ceann Comhairle, left Sinn Féin the largest party by one seat. Sinn Féin lost their numerical advantage in February 2022 following the resignation of Violet-Anne Wynne.

In November 2020, the national chairman of Sinn Féin Declan Kearney contacted several dissident republican political parties such as Saoradh, Republican Network for Unity and the Irish Republican Socialist Party about creating a united republican campaign to call for a referendum on Irish unification. This information did not become publicly known until 2022 and the move was criticised in some quarters on the basis that it would be wrong for Sinn Féin to work with dissident republican groups which do not repudiate violence by paramilitaries. Sinn Féin retorted that engaging with dissident republicans draws them into the democratic process and political solutions instead of violent ones.

Sinn Féin won 29% of the first-preference votes in the 2022 Northern Ireland Assembly election, the highest share of any party. With 27 out of 90 seats, they became the largest party in Stormont for the first time ever. "Today ushers in a new era", O'Neill said shortly before the final results were announced. "Irrespective of religious, political or social backgrounds, my commitment is to make politics work."

Following the 2023 Northern Ireland local elections, Sinn Féin became the largest party in local government for the first time. Then, in the local elections in the Republic of Ireland in 2024, Sinn Féin increased their vote share, however, significantly fell short of the polls, showcasing a divide between the party's leadership and grassroots over immigration, with disgruntled Sinn Féin voters voting instead for small right-wing parties. However, following the 2024 United Kingdom general election, Sinn Féin became the single largest party representing Northern Ireland in Westminster.

Past links with Republican paramilitaries

Sinn Féin is the largest Irish republican political party, and was historically associated with the Irish Republican Army, while also having been associated with the Provisional Irish Republican Army in the party's modern incarnation. The Irish government alleged that senior members of Sinn Féin have held posts on the IRA Army Council. However, the SF leadership has denied these claims.

A republican document of the early 1980s stated: "Both Sinn Féin and the IRA play different but converging roles in the war of national liberation. The Irish Republican Army wages an armed campaign... Sinn Féin maintains the propaganda war and is the public and political voice of the movement". Robert White states at that time Sinn Féin was the junior partner in the relationship with the IRA, and they were separate organisations despite there being some overlapping membership.

Because of the party's links to the Provisional IRA, the U.S. Department of State barred its members along with IRA volunteers from entering the U.S. since the early 1970s in accordance with the Immigration and Nationality Act on the grounds that they were associated with the IRA waging war against a legitimate government.

The British government stated in 2005 that "we had always said all the way through we believed that Sinn Féin and the IRA were inextricably linked and that had obvious implications at leadership level".

The Northern Bank robbery of £26.5 million in Belfast in December 2004 further delayed a political deal in Northern Ireland. The IRA were widely blamed for the robbery, although Sinn Féin denied this and stated that party officials had not known of the robbery nor sanctioned it. Because of the timing of the robbery, it is considered that the plans for the robbery must have been laid whilst Sinn Féin was engaged in talks about a possible peace settlement. This undermined confidence among unionists about the sincerity of republicans towards reaching agreement. In the aftermath of the row over the robbery, a further controversy erupted when, on RTÉ's Questions and Answers programme, the chairman of Sinn Féin, Mitchel McLaughlin, insisted that the IRA's controversial killing of a mother of ten young children, Jean McConville, in the early 1970s though "wrong", was not a crime, as it had taken place in the context of the political conflict. Politicians from the Republic, along with the Irish media, strongly attacked McLaughlin's comments.

On 10 February 2005, the government-appointed Independent Monitoring Commission reported that it firmly supported the PSNI and Garda Síochána assessments that the IRA was responsible for the Northern Bank robbery and that certain senior members of Sinn Féin were also senior members of the IRA and would have had knowledge of and given approval to the carrying out of the robbery. Sinn Féin has argued that the IMC is not independent, and that the inclusion of former Alliance Party leader John Alderdice and a British security head was proof of this. The IMC recommended further financial sanctions against Sinn Féin members of the Northern Ireland Assembly. The British government responded by saying it would ask MPs to vote to withdraw the parliamentary allowances of the four Sinn Féin MPs elected in 2001.

Gerry Adams responded to the IMC report by challenging the Irish government to have him arrested for IRA membership—a crime in both jurisdictions—and for conspiracy.

On 20 February 2005, Irish Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform Michael McDowell publicly accused three of the Sinn Féin leadership, Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Martin Ferris (TD for Kerry North) of being on the seven-man IRA Army Council; they later denied this.

On 27 February 2005, a demonstration against the murder of Robert McCartney on 30 January 2005 was held in east Belfast. Alex Maskey, a former Sinn Féin Lord Mayor of Belfast, was told by relatives of McCartney to "hand over the 12" IRA members involved. The McCartney family, although formerly Sinn Féin voters themselves, urged witnesses to the crime to contact the PSNI. Three IRA men were expelled from the organisation, and a man was charged with McCartney's murder.

Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern subsequently called Sinn Féin and the IRA "both sides of the same coin". In February 2005 Dáil Éireann passed a motion condemning the party's alleged involvement in illegal activity. The Bush Administration did not invite Sinn Féin or any other Northern Irish political party to the annual St Patrick's Day celebrations at the White House, choosing instead to invite the family of Robert McCartney. Senator Ted Kennedy, a regular sponsor of Gerry Adams' visits to the US during the peace process, also refused to meet Adams and hosted the McCartney family instead.

On 10 March 2005, the House of Commons in London passed without significant opposition a motion, introduced by the British government, to withdraw the allowances of the four Sinn Féin MPs for one year, in response to the Northern Bank Robbery. This measure cost the party approximately £400,000. However, the debate prior to the vote mainly surrounded the more recent events connected with the murder of Robert McCartney. Conservatives and unionists put down amendments to have the Sinn Féin MPs evicted from their offices at the House of Commons but these were defeated.

In March 2005, Mitchell Reiss, the United States Special Envoy for Northern Ireland, condemned the party's links to the IRA, saying "it is hard to understand how a European country in the year 2005 can have a private army associated with a political party".

The October 2015 Assessment on Paramilitary Groups in Northern Ireland concluded that the Provisional IRA still existed "in a much reduced form", and that some IRA members believed its Army Council oversaw both the IRA and Sinn Féin, although it believed that the leadership "remains committed to the peace process and its aim of achieving a united Ireland by political means".

Organisation and structure

Members of Sinn Féin's National Officer Board

Treasurer: Pearse Doherty

Treasurer: Conor Murphy

Chairperson: Declan Kearney

Director of Publicity: Ciarán Quinn

General Secretary: Ken O'Connell

Vice-President: Michelle O'Neill

President: Mary Lou McDonald

Sinn Féin operates under the principle of democratic centralism; the concept that policy should be debated internally within the party, and once a decision is made, all members must support the chosen policy publicly or be disciplined. Once a decision has been made, it cannot be revisited or altered for a prolonged period of time.

Decision-making within Sinn Féin is controlled by two bodies; the national officer board and the Árd Comhairle (national executive). The national officer board consists of 7 members, made up of the President of Sinn Féin, the Vice President, the chairperson, the General Secretary, the Director of Publicity and two treasurers. Policy will be debated amongst the national officer board before next being brought before the Árd Comhairle.

Sinn Féin's Árd Comhairle consists of 47 members. Members of the national officer board are automatically members, while the rest of the membership is made up of officers elected at Sinn Féin's annual national conference (Ard Fheis). Members of the Árd Comhairle must already be members of the Comhairlí Limistéir (Area councils), which are based county or constituency boundaries. As of 2023, despite the fact that the bulk majority of Sinn Féin's membership and elected representatives come from the Republic of Ireland, the majority of the Árd Comhairle is from Northern Ireland. For every 2 TDs on the Árd Comhairle, there are 3 MLAs. Some members of the Árd Comhairle hold no public office and are former members of the Provisional IRA.

When a decision is made by the Árd Comhairle, all members of Sinn Féin must abide by it without dissent, including the President. In 2020, all of Sinn Féin's candidates in the 2020 Irish general election were required to sign a pledge stating "in all matters pertaining to the duties and functions of an elected representative, I will be guided by and hold myself amenable to all directions and instructions issued to me by An Ard Chomhairle of Sinn Féin".

Within the Árd Comhairle, there is a further subdivision, called the Coiste Seasta (Standing Committee), made up of 8 members, who act as a Central Committee. Unlike other Teachtaí Dála from other parties, Sinn Féin TDs are not allowed to hire their own staff and instead the Coiste Seasta chooses staff for them. Some Sinn Féin TDs have complained of these staff members handing them scripts to read publicly which they had no input into writing.

Some critics inside Sinn Féin have opined that decision-making in the party rests with the officer board and that the Árd Comhairle serves merely to rubberstamp decisions that have already been made. External critics have called Sinn Féin's organisation and structure "opaque", "hierarchial", "confusing" and "undemocratic". Former Sinn Féin TD Peadar Tóibín claimed in 2020 that Sinn Féin TDs have "zero influence" over party policy, and that all decisions ultimately rested with the national officer board. It was also in 2020 that both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil criticised Sinn Féin's organisation, with Patrick O'Donovan of Fine Gael stating "the fact that Sinn Féin reps sign a pledge which says they will be guided by their Ard Chomhairle, a council of people not elected by the public, rather than those who elect them, is an outright affront to democracy". In 2022 the left-wing political magazine Village opined that while all major political parties in Ireland are influenced by unelected individuals, Sinn Féin is disproportionally controlled by a "backroom regime", and alleged that the Coiste Seasta, made up of unelected Northerners and former IRA members, holds the power to influence the decisions of TDs.

Sinn Féin denies the allegations that its structure is undemocratic and has compared its organisation to other Irish political parties such as Fianna Fáil. Sinn Féin maintains it is a bottom-up, not a top-down organisation and that, ultimately, decision-making comes from its annual Ard Fhéis and the votes of ordinary members. In 2020 Mary Lou McDonald dismissed suggestions that Sinn Féin, including herself, were controlled by "shadowy figures" as an idea rooted in sexism. In 2020 she stated "I have a strong sense that there is at least an undertone of sexism and misogyny in suggesting that our strings are pulled. I'm very stubborn. I'm very willful. I know my own mind and God help anybody who tries to pull my strings or tell me what to do". while in 2021 she stated that people needed to get over the "sexist" idea that "this woman couldn't possibly be really the leader of Sinn Féin. Well guess what? I really am, boys".

Ideology and policies

Sinn Féin is an Irish republican, democratic socialist and left-wing party. In the European Parliament, the party aligns itself with The Left in the European Parliament - GUE/NGL parliamentary group. Categorised as "populist socialist" in literature, in 2014 leading party strategist and ideologue Eoin Ó Broin described Sinn Féin's entire political project as unashamedly populist. The party has been classed as left-wing nationalist and left-wing populist in academia, noting that while Sinn Féin engages in the "us vs them" dynamic of populism, it does so by engaging in the language of "the people vs elites" without resorting to using anti-immigrant rhetoric.

Social and cultural

Sinn Féin's main political goal is a united Ireland. Other key policies from their most recent election manifesto are listed below:

• The 18 Northern Ireland MPs who sit or have sat in the Parliament of the United Kingdom to be allowed to sit in Dáil Éireann as full Deputies as well
• Ending academic selection within the education system
• Diplomatic pressure to close Sellafield nuclear reprocessing plant (in Britain)
• A draft Irish Language Bill for Northern Ireland (Acht na Gaeilge), a Bill that would give the Irish language the same status that the Welsh language has in Wales
• The "plastic bag levy" to be extended to Northern Ireland
• To further Irish-language teaching in Northern Ireland
• Same-sex marriage to be extended to Northern Ireland (It was subsequently legalised via an Act of the UK Parliament in 2019.)
• Passing a ban on conversion therapy.

Sinn Féin believes in immigration, both to fill up vacancies in employment, if the system can properly integrate new immigrants and has the resources to do so, and also to "protect people fleeing persecution and war", but not in "open borders". The party also believes in faster application processing times for refugees, and in abolishing the direct provision system.

Economy

At the most recent election in the Republic of Ireland, Sinn Féin committed to:

• 100,000 social and affordable homes over 5 years, along with a ban on rent increases for three years and a tax credit worth up to one month's rent
• Tapering out tax credits for workers earning over €120,000
• Investing €75 million into creating a Worker Co-operative development fund
• Abolishing Universal Social Charge (USC) for workers earning less than €30,000
• Establishing a state owned childcare service
• Establishment of a government fund to aid small and medium enterprises
• An "all-Ireland" economy with a common currency and one tax
• Abolishing Property Tax

As of January 2022, Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland have committed to:

• 100,000 social and affordable homes over 15 years, plus passing a new Private Tenancies Bill.
• Abolishing VAT on fuel and energy-related goods
• Freezing domestic and commercial rates (outlined by Finance Minister Conor Murphy in the Irish government's 2022/25 budget)
• Capping costs of school uniforms and providing Free School Meal payments outside of term time
• £55 million to assist households with rises in energy bills
• Standardising the minimum wage across all age groups, and introducing a living wage
• Banning zero-hour contracts
• Introducing a "right to disconnect" from work
• One month's free childcare for unemployed/low income parents through the Advisory Discretionary Fund

Health

At the most recent election in the Republic of Ireland, Sinn Féin committed to:

• An "All-Ireland-Health-Service" akin to the National Health Service of the United Kingdom
• Cap on consultants' pay
• Abolishment of prescription charges for medical card patients
• Expansion of primary care centres
• Gradual removal of subsidies of private practice in public hospitals and the introduction of a charge for practitioners for the use of public equipment and staff in their private practice
• Free breast screening (to check for breast cancer) of all women over forty

Abortion

Members of Sinn Féin calling for a Yes vote in the 2018 referendum on abortion in Ireland

Until at least 2007, the party was not in favour of the extension of legalised abortion (British 1967 Act) to Northern Ireland; Assembly member John O'Dowd said that they were "opposed to the attitudes and forces in society, which pressurise women to have abortions, and criminalise those who make this decision", adding that "in cases of rape, incest or sexual abuse, or where a woman's life and health is at risk or in grave danger, we accept that the final decision must rest with the woman." It voted for the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013, which allowed for termination in cases where a pregnancy endangered a woman's life. It voted to support termination, in those limited circumstances, at the 2015 Ard Fheis, but stopped short of supporting abortion on demand. In the 2018 Irish abortion referendum, the party campaigned for a "Yes" vote, while remaining opposed to abortion without restriction up to 12 weeks. At its Ard Fheis in June 2018, the month after the "yes" vote in the abortion referendum, the party committed itself to supporting abortion, including without restriction up to 12 weeks. This allowed it not only to support abortion legislation in the Republic, but also to campaign for provision of abortion in Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin TD Peadar Tóibín, who was suspended from the party for voting against abortion legislation, left to form a new party: Aontú.

Sinn Féin have been accused of hypocrisy over their positions on abortion in Northern Ireland. In 2021, Sinn Féin abstained on a Stormont vote on restricting abortion access in the case of fetal abnormalities or disabilities, attracting criticism from both anti-abortion and pro-choice groups, with the Abortion Rights Campaign saying they "let down abortion seekers" and Eamonn McCann accusing them of being "impaled on the fence on the issue", but with anti-abortion politicians such as Peadar Tóibín accusing them of "speaking out of both sides of their mouth" on the issue. Later in the year, Amnesty International made a public statement calling on the party to "support full abortion rights across the island of Ireland".

Transgender health care

Historically the party has supported access to gender affirming healthcare for transgender individuals. However in 2024 after the UK’s Conservative Party enacted a ban on puberty blockers following the Cass Review, Sinn Féin allowed the ban to be extended to Northern Ireland, closing what some considered a “loophole” regarding access to such treatments in the UK.

International relations

Mary Lou McDonald signing a book of condolences for Fidel Castro at the Cuban Embassy in Dublin in 2016

Niall Ó Donnghaile, Seán Crowe and members of Ógra Shinn Féin at a pro-Palestine rally held by the party in Dublin in 2017

Members of Sinn Féin protesting against Brexit and a "hard border" being implemented between Northern Ireland and Ireland in 2019

Martin McGuinness, Seán Crowe and Gerry Adams in 2014 showing their support for Catalan independence by holding a red Estelada

Sinn Féin has longstanding fraternal ties with the African National Congress and was described by Nelson Mandela as an "old friend and ally in the anti-apartheid struggle". Sinn Féin supports the independence of Catalonia from Spain, Palestine in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the right to self-determination regarding independence of the Basque Country from Spain and France. Sinn Féin opposes the United States embargo against Cuba and has called for a normalization of relations between the two countries. In 2016, the Sinn Féin party president, Gerry Adams was invited by the Cuban government to attend the state funeral of Fidel Castro whom Adams described as a "freedom fighter" and a "friend of Ireland's struggle". Sinn Féin is opposed to NATO membership.

European Union

Historically, Sinn Féin has been considered to be Eurosceptic. The party campaigned for a "No" vote in the Irish referendum on joining the European Economic Community in 1972. Sinn Féin was on the same side of the debate as the DUP and most of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) in that they wanted to pull out when UK had its referendum in 1975. The party was critical of the supposed need for an EU constitution as proposed in 2002, and urged a "No" vote in the 2008 referendum on the Lisbon Treaty, although Mary Lou McDonald said that there was "no contradiction in being pro-Europe, but anti-treaty". In its manifesto for the 2015 UK general election, Sinn Féin pledged that the party would campaign for the UK to stay within the European Union (EU), with Martin McGuinness saying that an exit "would be absolutely economically disastrous". Gerry Adams said that, if there were to be a referendum on the question, there ought to be a separate and binding referendum for Northern Ireland. Its policy of a "Europe of Equals", and its critical engagement after 2001, together with its engagement with the European Parliament, marks a change from the party's previous opposition to the EU. The party expresses, on one hand, "support for Europe-wide measures that promote and enhance human rights, equality and the all-Ireland agenda", and on the other a "principled opposition" to a European superstate. This has led political commentators to define the party as soft Eurosceptic since the 21st century.

Since moving to this "soft Euroscepticism" position, Sinn Féin support a policy of "critical engagement with the EU", and have a "principled opposition" to a European superstate. It opposes an EU constitution because it would reduce the sovereignty of the member-states. It also critiques the EU on grounds of neoliberalism. Sinn Féin MEP Matt Carthy says that the "European Union must become a cooperative union of nation states committed to working together on issues such as climate change, migration, trade, and using our common strengths to improve the lives of citizens. If it does not, EU disintegration becomes a real possibility." The party supported continued UK membership of the European Union in the UK's 2016 EU referendum and in April 2022, Mary Lou McDonald said in the Dáil that "We strongly support the Ukrainian people's stated desire to join the European Union".

История лидерства

Основная статья: Президент заработной платы

Имя	Даты	Примечания
Эдвард Мартин	1905–1908
Джон Свитман	1908–1911
Артур Гриффит	1911–1917
Эамон де Валера	1917–1926	Подал в отставку из Синн Фейн и сформировал Фианну Файл в 1926 году
Джон Дж. О'Келли (SCEILG)	1926–1931
Брайан О'Хиггинс	1931–1933
Майкл О'Фланаган	1933–1935
Катал - Мурчадха	1935–1937
Маргарет Бакли	1937–1950	Первая женщина -президент партии.
Пэдди МакЛоган	1950–1952
Томас - Дубххалл	1952–1954
Пэдди МакЛоган	1954–1962
Томас Мак Джолла	1962–1970	С 1970 года был президентом Официального Синн Фейн, переименованной в Рабочей партию в 1982 году.
Ruairí ó Brádaigh	1970–1983	Слева - затухание, а сформированные республики - Waws в 1986 году.
Джерри Адамс	1983–2018	Президент самого долгого обслуживания в истории партии и TD для Лаута с 2011 по 2020 год.
Мэри Лу Макдональд	2018 - Present	TD для Dublin Central с 2011 года.

Министры и представители

Северная Ирландия

См. Также: Исполнительный директор 6 -й Ассамблеи Северной Ирландии

• Первый министр Северной Ирландии : Мишель О'Нил
• Министр сообществ : Дейрдре Харджи
• Министр финансов : Конор Мерфи
• Министр инфраструктуры : Джон О'Дауд

Республика Ирландия

Смотрите также: Sinn Féin Front Clead

Портфель	Имя
Лидер оппозиции Президент заработной платы	Мэри Лу Макдональд
Заместитель лидера Синн Фейн в Дейл Пресс -секретарь финансов	Пирс Доэрти
Представитель сельского хозяйства, еды и морской пехоты	Мэтт Карти
Пресс -секретарь детей, равенства, инвалидности, интеграции и молодежи	Кэтлин Фанчион
Пресс -секретарь окружающей среды, климата и коммуникаций и транспорта	Даррен О'Рурк
Пресс -секретарь по развитию сообщества и сельских районов и островов	Клэр однажды
Представитель социальной защиты
Пресс -секретарь в обороне	Джон Брэди
Представитель иностранных дел
Пресс -секретарь образования	Доннчадх - Лаогхайр
Пресс -секретарь предприятия, торговли и занятости	Луиза О'Рейли
Пресс -секретарь здоровья	Дэвид Каллинан
Пресс -секретарь ирландцев, гаэлтахт, искусство и культура	Aengus ónodaigh
Пресс -секретарь высшего образования, инноваций и науки	Роуз Конвей-Уолш
Представитель жилья, местного самоуправления и наследия	Eoin ó Broin
Пресс -секретарь справедливости	Мартин Кенни
Пресс -секретарь туризма, спорта и СМИ	Имельда Мюнстер
Представитель государственных расходов и реформ	Мейрэд Фаррелл

Результаты выборов

См. Также: Результаты выборов Sinn Féin и результаты выборов Sinn Féin Westminster

Северная Ирландия

Переданные выборы законодательного органа

Выборы	Лидер	Места выиграли	±	Позиция	Первые предпочтения голоса	%	Правительство	Тело
1921	Эамон де Валера	6 / 52	6	2 -й	104,917	20.5%	Воздержание	палата общин
1982	Ruairí ó Brádaigh	5 / 78	5	5 -й	64,191	10.1%	Воздержание	Сборка
1996	Джерри Адамс	17 / 110	17	4 -й	116,377	15.5%	Воздержание	Форум
1998		18 / 108	18	4 -й	142,858	17.7%	Распределение мощности (UUP-SDLP-DUP-SF)	Сборка
2003		24 / 108	6	3 -й	162,758	23.5%	Прямое правило
2007		28 / 108	4	2 -й	180,573	26.2%	Распределение мощности (DUP-SF-SDLP-UUP-AP)
2011		29 / 108	1	2 -й	178,224	26.3%	Распределение мощности (DUP-SF-UUP-SDLP-AP)
2016		28 / 108	1	2 -й	166,785	24.0%	Распределение энергии (Dup-Sf-ind.)
2017		27 / 90	1	2 -й	224,245	27.9%	Распределение мощности (DUP-SF-UUP-SDLP-AP)
2022	Мэри Лу Макдональд	27 / 90	0	1 -й	250,388	29%	Распределение энергии (SF-dup-uup-AP)

Вестминстерские выборы

Выборы	Лидер	Места (в at)	±	Позиция	Общее количество голосов	% (принадлежащий)	% (из Великобритании)	Правительство
1924	Эамон де Валера	0 / 13		Никто	34,181		0.2%	Нет мест
1950	Маргарет Бакли	0 / 12		Никто	23,362		0.1%	Нет мест
1955	Пэдди МакЛоган	2 / 12	2	4 -й	152,310		0.6%	Воздержание
1959		0 / 12	2	Никто	63,415		0.2%	Нет мест
1983	Ruairí ó Brádaigh	1 / 17	1	8 -й	102,701	13.4%	0.3%	Воздержание
1987	Джерри Адамс	1 / 17		6 -й	83,389	11.4%	0.3%	Воздержание
1992		0 / 17	1	Никто	78,291	10.0%	0.2%	Нет мест
1997		2 / 18	2	8 -й	126,921	16.1%	0.4%	Воздержание
2001		4 / 18	2	6 -й	175,933	21.7%	0.7%	Воздержание
2005		5 / 18	1	6 -й	174,530	24.3%	0.6%	Воздержание
2010		5 / 18		6 -й	171,942	25.5%	0.6%	Воздержание
2015		4 / 18	1	6 -й	176,232	24.5%	0.6%	Воздержание
2017		7 / 18	3	6 -й	238,915	29.4%	0.7%	Воздержание
2019	Мэри Лу Макдональд	7 / 18		6 -й	181,853	22.8%	0.6%	Воздержание
2024		7 / 18		5 -й	210,891	27.0%	0.7%	Воздержание

Тенденции

Синн Фейн вернулся на выборы в Северную Ирландию на выборах в Ассамблею 1982 года , выиграв пять мест с 64 191 голосом (10,1%). Партия едва не пропустила завоевание дополнительных мест в Белфасте Северном и Фермане и Южном Тайроне . На всеобщих выборах в 1983 году в Великобритании восемь месяцев спустя Синн Фейн увеличил свою поддержку, впервые преодолев шестизначный барьер в Северной Ирландии, опрашивая 102 701 голоса (13,4%). Джерри Адамс выиграл избирательный округ Белфаст Уэст, а Дэнни Моррисон упал всего на 78 голосов, не достигнув победы в Мидлстере .

Европейские выборы 1984 года оказались разочарованием, когда кандидат Синн Фейн Дэнни Моррисон опросил 91 476 (13,3%) и значительно отстая от кандидата от SDLP Джона Хьюма .

К началу 1985 года Синн Фейн выиграл свое первое представительство по местным советам, благодаря трем победам на дополнительных выборах в Омах (Симус Керр, май 1983 г.) и Белфаст (Алекс Маски в июне 1983 года и Шон Макнайт в марте 1984 года ). Три действующих советника также отправились в Синн Фейн в Дунганноне, Фермане и Дерри (последний дефект из SDLP). Синн Фейн удалось завоевать 59 мест на выборах в местном правительстве 1985 года , после того как он предсказал выиграть всего 40 мест. Тем не менее, результаты продолжали показывать снижение с пика 1983 года, поскольку партия нанесла 75 686 голосов (11,8%). Сторона не смогла получить каких-либо мест на дополнительных выборах 1986 года, вызванных отставкой юнионистских депутатов в знак протеста против англо-ирландского соглашения . В то время как это было отчасти из -за избирательного договора между кандидатами в профсоюз, голосование SF упало в четырех избирательных округах, которые они оспаривали.

На всеобщих выборах 1987 года Джерри Адамс прошел свое место в Белфасте, но партия не смогла совершить прорывы в других местах и ​​в целом набрал 83 389 голосов (11,4%). В том же году на выборах в Дейл в Ирландии выборы партии в Ирландии; Тем не менее, он не смог выиграть каких -либо мест и опрашивался менее 2%.

На выборах местного самоуправления 1989 года было выпущено поддержку Sinn Féin. Защищая 58 мест (59 выиграл в 1985 году, плюс два роста выбора в 1987 году в Западном Белфасте, за вычетом трех советников, которые отправились в республиканский Синн Фейн в 1986 году), партия потеряла 15 мест. После выборов Митчелл Маклафлин признался, что недавняя деятельность IRA повлияла на голосование Sinn Féin.

На европейских выборах 1989 года Дэнни Моррисон снова не смог выиграть место, опрошенные в 48 914 голосах (9%).

Надир для SF в этот период появился в 1992 году, когда Джерри Адамс потерял свое место в Белфаст -Западе в SDLP, и голосование SF, падение в других избирательных округах, которые они оспаривали относительно 1987 года.

На всеобщих выборах в Великобритании 1997 года Адамс восстановил Белфаст -Запад. Мартин МакГиннесс также выиграл место в Среднем Ольстере . На всеобщих выборах ирландцев в том же году партия выиграла свое первое место с 1957 года , а Caoimhghín ó Caoláin получит место в избирательном округе Cavan -Monaghan . На ирландских местных выборах 1999 года партия увеличила число своих советников с 7 до 23.

Партия обогнала своего националистического соперника, социал -демократическую и лейбористскую партию, как крупнейшая националистическая партия на местных выборах и всеобщие выборы в Великобритании 2001 года, выиграв четыре места Вестминстера на три SDLP. Однако партия продолжает подписаться на воздержавшуюся политику в отношении Вестминстерского британского парламента из -за противодействия этой юрисдикции парламента в Северной Ирландии, а также его клятвам королю.

Результаты в Северной Ирландии от всеобщих выборов Великобритании. Sinn Féin увеличила свое количество мест с двух в 1997 году до пяти в 2005 году, четыре из них на Западе. Он сохранил свои пять мест в 2010 году, в 2015 году было сокращено до четырех, а в 2017 году увеличилось до семи.

Синн Фейн увеличила свою долю в националистическом голосовании на в 2003 , 2007 и выборах 2011 годов , когда Мартин МакГиннесс , бывший министр образования, Мартин МакГиннесс, вступивший в должность заместителя первого министра в Исполнительном комитете по обмену властью в Северной Ирландии. У партии есть три министра в исполнительной власти.

На всеобщих выборах 2010 года партия сохранила свои пять мест, И впервые возглавил опрос на Вестминстерских выборах в Северной Ирландии, выиграв 25,5% голосов. Все депутаты Sinn Féin увеличили свою долю голосов, и, за исключением Fermanagh и South Tyrone , увеличили их большинство. В Fermanagh и South Tyrone, профсоюзные партии согласились с совместным кандидатом, Это привело к ближайшему соревнованиям на выборах, когда депутат Синн Фейн Мишель Гилдернью держал свое место на 4 голоса после 3 концертов и ходатайство о выборах, оспаривающих результат.

Синн Фейн проиграл немного почвы на выборах в ассамблею 2016 года , бросив одно место, чтобы закончить с 28, десятью за Дьюпом. На выборах на восемь месяцев спустя, вызванной отставкой МакГиннесса в качестве заместителя первого министра, однако партия выросла, выиграв 27,9% голосов из общего 18 мест. Вывод кнута Dup Party Whip от Джима Уэллса в мае 2018 года означал, что Синн Фейн стал совместной партией в собрании вместе с DUP, с 27 местами каждый.

Республика Ирландия

Выборы Dáil Eireann

Выборы	Лидер	1 -й Pref. голоса	%	Поступок	Места	±	Правительство
1918 (Вестминстер)	Эамон де Валера	476,087	46.9	#1	73 / 105	73	Декларация Ирландская Республика
1921 (HOC S. Ирландия)					124 / 128 (избранный без сопротивления)	51
1922	Майкл Коллинз (Pro-treaty)	239,195	38.5	#1	58 / 128		Меньшинство
	Эамон де Валера (Анти-тип)	135,310	21.8	#2	36 / 128		Воздержание
1923	Эамон де Валера	288,794	27.4	#2	44 / 153	8	Воздержание
Июнь 1927 года	Джон Дж. О'Келли	41,401	3.6	#6	5 / 153	39	Воздержание
1954	Томас - Дубххалл	1,990	0.1	#6	0 / 147		Эксплуататор
1957	Пэдди МакЛоган	65,640	5.3	#4	4 / 147	4	Воздержание
1961		36,396	3.1	#4	0 / 144	4	Эксплуататор
Февраль 1982	Ruairí ó Brádaigh	16,894	1.0	#5	0 / 166		Эксплуататор
1987	Джерри Адамс	32,933	1.9	#6	0 / 166		Эксплуататор
1989		20,003	1.2	#6	0 / 166		Эксплуататор
1992		27,809	1.6	#7	0 / 166		Эксплуататор
1997		45,614	2.5	#7	1 / 166	1	Оппозиция
2002		121,020	6.5	#4	5 / 166	4	Оппозиция
2007		143,410	6.9	#4	4 / 166	1	Оппозиция
2011		220,661	9.9	#4	14 / 166	10	Оппозиция
2016		295,319	13.8	#3	23 / 158	9	Оппозиция
2020	Мэри Лу Макдональд	535,595	24.5	#1	37 / 160	14	Оппозиция

У партии были избраны пять TD на всеобщих выборах в 2002 году , увеличившись на четыре из предыдущих выборов. На всеобщих выборах в 2007 году партия имела ожидания значительного успеха, с прогнозами опроса, что они получат пять до десяти мест. Тем не менее, партия потеряла одно из своих мест из -за Fine Gael . Шон Кроу , который возглавил опрос на юго-западе Дублина , упал на пятое место, а его первое предпочтение было сокращено с 20,28% до 12,16%.

26 ноября 2010 года Пирс Доэрти выиграла место в донегале на юго-западе . Это была первая победа на дополнительных выборах в Ирландии в Ирландии с 1925 года. После переговоров с левым независимым TDS Finian McGrath и Maureen O'sullivan техническая группа, чтобы дать своим членам больше времени выступления. в Dáil была сформирована

На всеобщих выборах в 2011 году партия добилась значительных успехов. Все его сидячие TD были возвращены, а Шон Кроу восстановил место, которое он потерял в 2007 году на юго-западе Дублина. В дополнение к выигрышным местам с длинными целями, такими как Дублин Центральный и Дублин Северо-Запад , вечеринка получила неожиданные места на Корке-Востоке и Слайго-Северном Лейтриме . В конечном итоге он выиграл 14 мест, что является лучшим выступлением в то время для нынешнего воплощения партии. Партия выиграла три места на выборах в Шанаде, которые последовали за их успехом на всеобщих выборах. На выборах 2016 года он добился дальнейшего прибыли, закончив с 23 места и обгоняя лейбористскую партию как третью по величине партию в Dáil Он провел семь кандидатов на выборах в Шанаде, все из которых были успешными.

Партия достигла своего величайшего современного результата на всеобщих выборах в 2020 году , возглавив голоса первого предприятия с 24,5% и выиграв 37 мест. Из-за плохих результатов на местных выборах и выборах в Европейский парламент 2019 года, партия провела только 42 кандидата и не участвовала в конкурсе на Корке на северо-западе . Партия достигла неожиданного успеха в начале подсчета, когда 27 кандидатов были избраны по первым подсчетам. Лидер партии Мэри Лу Макдональд назвал результат «революцией» и объявила, что будет продолжать формирование правительства, включая Синн Фейн. В конечном итоге переговоры по сформированию нового правительства привели к тому, что Финна Файл, Файн -Гаэль и Зеленая Партия согласились войти в правительство большинства коалиции в июне. Синн Фейн пообещал стать сильной оппозицией новой коалиции.

Президентские выборы

Выборы	Кандидат	1 -й Pref. голоса	%	+/–	Позиция
2011	Мартин МакГиннесс	243,030	13.7%	—	#3
2018	Лиад Ня Риада	93,987	6.4%	7.3	#4

Выборы местного самоуправления

Выборы	Страна	Первый Pref. голосование	Голосование %	Места
1920	Ирландия	–	27.0%	–
1974	Республика Ирландия	–	–	7 / 802
1979	Республика Ирландия	–	–	11 / 798
1985	Северная Ирландия	75,686	11.8%	59 / 565
1985	Республика Ирландия	46,391	3.3%	–
1989	Северная Ирландия	69,032	11.2%	43 / 565
1991	Республика Ирландия	29,054	2.1%	8 / 883
1993	Северная Ирландия	77,600	12.0%	51 / 582
1997	Северная Ирландия	106,934	17.0%	74 / 575
1999	Республика Ирландия	49,192	3.5%	21 / 883
2001	Северная Ирландия	163,269	21.0%	108 / 582
2004	Республика Ирландия	146,391	8.0%	54 / 883
2005	Северная Ирландия	163,205	23.2%	126 / 582
2009	Республика Ирландия	138,405	7.4%	54 / 883
2011	Северная Ирландия	163,712	24.8%	138 / 583
2014	Северная Ирландия	151,137	24.1%	105 / 462
2014	Республика Ирландия	258,650	15.2%	159 / 949
2019	Северная Ирландия	157,448	23.2%	105 / 462
2019	Республика Ирландия	164,637	9.5%	81 / 949
2023	Северная Ирландия	230,793	30.9%	144 / 462
2024	Республика Ирландия	218,620	11.8%	102 / 949

Синн Фейн представлен в большинстве окружных и городских советов. Он добился значительных успехов на местных выборах 2004 года , увеличив число своих советников с 21 до 54 и заменив прогрессивных демократов как четвертую по величине партию в местном правительстве. На местных выборах в июне 2009 года голосование партии упало на 0,95% до 7,34%, без изменения количества мест. Потери в Дублине и городских районах были сбалансированы за счет достижения в таких областях, как Лимерик, Уиклоу, Корк, Типперари и Килкенни и границы. Тем не менее, трое из семи представителей Синн Фейна в Дублинском городском совете подали в отставку в течение шести месяцев после выборов в июне 2009 года, один из которых был обращен к лейбористской партии .

Европейские выборы

Выборы	Страна	Лидер	1 -й Pref. голоса	%	Места	+/−	EP Group
1984	Северная Ирландия	Дэнни Моррисон	91,476	13.35% (#4)	0 / 3	Новый	−
	Республика Ирландия	Джерри Адамс	54,672	4.88% (#4)	0 / 15	Новый
1989	Северная Ирландия	Дэнни Моррисон	48,914	9.15% (#4)	0 / 3	0
	Республика Ирландия	Джерри Адамс	35,923	2.20% (#8)	0 / 15	0
1994	Северная Ирландия	Том Хартли	55,215	9.86% (#4)	0 / 3	0
	Республика Ирландия	Джерри Адамс	33,823	2.97% (#7)	0 / 15	0
1999	Северная Ирландия	Митчел Маклафлин	117,643	17.33% (#4)	0 / 3	0
	Республика Ирландия	Джерри Адамс	88,165	6.33% (#5)	0 / 15	0
2004	Северная Ирландия	Бэрбер де Брун	144,541	26.31% (#2)	1 / 3	1	CUE/NGL
	Республика Ирландия	Джерри Адамс	197,715	11.10% (#3)	1 / 13	1
2009	Северная Ирландия	Бэрбер де Брун	126,184	25.81% (#1)	1 / 3	0
	Республика Ирландия	Джерри Адамс	205,613	11.24% (#5)	0 / 12	1
2014	Северная Ирландия	Мартина Андерсон	159,813	25.52% (#1)	1 / 3	0
	Республика Ирландия	Джерри Адамс	323,300	19.52% (#3)	3 / 11	3
2019	Северная Ирландия	Мартина Андерсон	126,951	22.17% (#1)	1 / 3	0	Левые
	Республика Ирландия	Мэри Лу Макдональд	196,001	11.68% (#3)	1 / 13	2
2024	Республика Ирландия		194,403	11.14% (#3)	2 / 14	1

На в европейском парламенте 2004 года выборах Бэрбер де Брун выиграл первое место Синн Фейн в Европейском парламенте за счет SDLP. Она заняла второе место после Джима Аллистера из Dup. На выборах 2009 года де Брун был переизбран с 126 184 голосами первого предпочтения, единственным кандидатом, достигшим квоты по первым подсчетам. Это был первый раз с момента начала выборов в 1979 году, когда DUP не смог занять первое место, и был первым случаем, когда Sinn Féin возглавил опрос на любых выборах в Северной Ирландии.

Синн Фейн произвел прорыв в Дублинском округе в 2004 году . Кандидат от партии, Мэри Лу Макдональд , была избран по шестому счету как один из четырех членов Европейских Ебарта для Дублина. На выборах 2009 года , когда представительство Дублина было сокращено до трех Европейских Европейских Хпозиций, она не смогла удержать свое место. В южном округе их кандидат, советник Тойреаса Феррис , сумел почти удвоить число голосов первого предпочтения, Лежать третьим после первого подсчета, но не удалось получить достаточно переводов, чтобы выиграть место. На 2014 года выборах Мартина Андерсон возглавил опрос в Северной Ирландии , как и Линн Бойлан в Дублине . Лиада Ни Риада была избрана в южном округе, а Мэтт Карти в Мидлендс-Северном Западе . На выборах 2019 года Карти был переизбран, но Бойлан и Ни Риада потеряли свои места. Андерсон также занимал свое место в Северной Ирландии до начала 2020 года, когда ее срок был прерван Brexit .

Смотрите также

• Друзья Синн Фейн (международная организация, предназначенная для поддержки дела Синн Фейн, с членами Великобритании, Соединенных Штатов, Канады и Австралии)
• Список нынешних избранных представителей Sinn Féin
• Список политических партий в Северной Ирландии
• Список политических партий в Ирландии Республики
• Список депутатов Sinn Féin (для членов, избранных в британский парламент)

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• О'Брайен, Брендан (2019). Короткая история ИРА: с 1916 года . Пресса О'Брайена. ISBN  9781788491167 Полем Архивировано из оригинала 5 января 2022 года . Получено 4 января 2022 года .
• Паттерсон, Генри (2006). Ирландия с 1939 года . Дублин: Пингвин Ирландия.
• Рактер, Кевин (2005). Синн Фейн, 1905–2005 гг.: В тени боевиков . Дублин: Гилл и Макмиллан . ISBN  9780717139927 .
• Тейлор, Питер (1997). Проводит Ира и заработная плата . Bloomsbury Publishing . ISBN  978-0-7475-3818-9 .
• Сандерс, Эндрю (2011). Внутри ИРА: диссидентские республиканцы и война за легитимность . Эдинбургский университет издательство . ISBN  978-0748641123 Полем Архивировано из оригинала 4 января 2022 года . Получено 4 января 2022 года .
• Синнотт, Ричард (1995). Ирландские избиратели решают: поведение голосования на выборах и референдуме с 1918 года . Манчестерское университетское издательство . ISBN  978-0-7190-4037-5 .
• Suiter, Джейн (2016). «Ирландия: рост популизма слева и среди независимых» . В Торил Аалберг; Фрэнк Эсер; Карстен Рейнманн; Jesper Stromback; Claes de Vreese (ред.). Популистское политическое общение в Европе . Routledge . ISBN  978-1-317-22474-7 Полем Архивировано из оригинала 9 мая 2022 года . Получено 21 апреля 2020 года .
• Уайт, Роберт В. (2006). Руайр - Брада, жизнь и политика ирландского революционера . Издательство Университета Индианы . ISBN  978-0-253-34708-4 .
• Уайт, Роберт (2017). Из пепла: устная история временного ирландского республиканского движения . Merrion Press . ISBN  978-1-78537-093-9 .

Дальнейшее чтение

• Куган, Тим Пэт ​​(1995–1996). Проблемы . Стрелка. ISBN  978-0-09-946571-3 .
• Куган, Тим Пэт ​​(1990). Майкл Коллинз . Хатчинсон. ISBN  978-0-09-174106-8 .
• Фостер, Рой (27 октября 1988 г.). Ирландия 1660–1972 гг . Аллен Лейн. ISBN  978-0713990102 .
• Ки, Роберт (1972–2000). Зеленый флаг: история ирландского национализма . Пингвин. ISBN  978-0-14-029165-0 .
• Кеннеди, Джеральдин (2002). Гид Нилона по 29 -м Даилу и Шанаду . Джилл и Макмиллан. ISBN  978-0-7171-3288-1 . .
• Лион, FSL (1971). Ирландия со времен голода . Лондон: Вайденфельд и Николсон. ISBN  0297002236 .
• Мэй, Брайан. Артур Гриффит . Гриффит колледж публикации.
• Макардл, Дороти (1968). Ирландская Республика . Корги. ISBN  978-0-552-07862-7 .
• О'Каллаган, Шон (1999). Информатор . Корги. ISBN  978-0-552-14607-4 .
• О'Гегарти, Патрик Сарсфилд (представление Тома Гарвина ), победа Синн Фейн: как оно выиграло и как оно его использовало (1999) ISBN   978-1-900621-17-5
• Тейлор, Питер (1999). За маской: Ира и Синн Фейн . Телевизионные книги. ISBN  978-1-57500-077-0 .

Внешние ссылки

• Официальный сайт
• Делегирование Sinn Féin в группу Gue/NGL в европейском парламенте в Брюсселе
• Категория Sinn Féin в The Guardian