Pol Pot

В камбоджийском фамилия Пол . имени этом В соответствии с камбоджийским обычаем, этого человека следует называть имени по Пот .

Pol Pot
Пол Пот
Генеральный секретарь Коммунистической партии Кампучии
In office 22 February 1963 – 6 December 1981
Deputy	Nuon Chea
Preceded by	Tou Samouth (1962)
Succeeded by	Position abolished (party dissolved)
Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea
In office 25 October 1976 – 7 January 1979
President	Khieu Samphan
Deputy	Ieng Sary Son Sen Vorn Vet
Preceded by	Nuon Chea (acting)
Succeeded by	Pen Sovan (1981)
In office 14 April 1976 – 27 September 1976
President	Khieu Samphan
Deputy	Ieng Sary Son Sen Vorn Vet
Preceded by	Khieu Samphan (acting)
Succeeded by	Nuon Chea (acting)
Commander-in-chief of Kampuchea Revolutionary Army
In office 1977–1979
General Secretary of the Party of Democratic Kampuchea
In office 1981–1985
Preceded by	Himself (as General Secretary of the Communist Party of Kampuchea)
Succeeded by	Khieu Samphan
Personal details
Born	Saloth Sâr (1925-05-19)19 May 1925 Prek Sbauv, Kampong Thom Province, Cambodia, French Indochina
Died	15 April 1998(1998-04-15) (aged 72) Choam, Trapeang Prei, Anlong Veng, Oddar Meanchey, Cambodia 14.353862°N 104.121282°E / 14.353862; 104.121282
Resting place	Choam, Trapeang Prei, Anlong Veng, Oddar Meanchey, Cambodia 14.342910°N 104.057948°E / 14.342910; 104.057948
Political party	Party of Democratic Kampuchea (1981–1993) Communist Party of Kampuchea (1960–1981)
Other political affiliations	French Communist Party (1950s)
Spouses	Khieu Ponnary ​ ​ (m. 1956; div. 1979)​ Mea Son ​ (m. 1986)​
Children	Sar Patchata
Education	EFREI (no degree)
Signature
Military service
Allegiance	Khmer Rouge Democratic Kampuchea
Branch/service	Revolutionary Army of Kampuchea
Years of service	1963–1997
Rank	General
Battles/wars	Vietnam War Cambodian Civil War Cambodian–Vietnamese War

Pol Pot (урожденный Салот Сар ; 19 мая 1925 — 15 апреля 1998) — камбоджийский -коммунист революционер , политик и диктатор , правивший Камбоджей в качестве премьер-министра Демократической Кампучии в период с 1976 по 1979 год. Идеологически маоист и кхмерский этнонационалист , он был ведущим членом коммунистического движения Камбоджи. Красных Кхмеров , с 1963 по 1997 год, занимал пост генерального секретаря Коммунистической партии Кампучии. с 1963 по 1981 год. Его администрация превратила Камбоджу в однопартийное коммунистическое государство и совершила камбоджийский геноцид .

Born to a prosperous farmer in Prek Sbauv, French Cambodia, Pol Pot was educated at some of Cambodia's most elite schools. Arriving in Paris in October 1949 on an academic scholarship, he later joined the French Communist Party in 1951 while studying at École française de radioélectricité. Returning to Cambodia in 1953, he involved himself in the Khmer Viet Minh organisation and its guerrilla war against King Norodom Sihanouk's newly independent government. Following the Khmer Viet Minh's 1954 retreat into North Vietnam, Pol Pot returned to Phnom Penh, working as a teacher while remaining a central member of Cambodia's Marxist–Leninist movement. In 1959, he helped formalise the movement into the Kampuchean Labour Party, which was later renamed the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK). To avoid state repression, in 1962 he relocated to a jungle encampment and in 1963 became the CPK's leader. In 1968, he relaunched the war against Sihanouk's government. After Lon Nol ousted Sihanouk in a 1970 coupСилы Пол Пота встали на сторону свергнутого лидера против нового правительства , которое было поддержано вооруженными силами Соединенных Штатов. При поддержке вьетконговских ополченцев и войск Северного Вьетнама силы красных кхмеров Пол Пота продвинулись и к 1975 году контролировали всю Камбоджу.

Pol Pot transformed Cambodia into a one-party state that he called Democratic Kampuchea. Seeking to create an agrarian socialist society that he believed would evolve into a communist society, Pol Pot's government forcibly relocated the urban population to the countryside and forced it to work on collective farms. Pursuing complete egalitarianism, money was abolished and all citizens were forced to wear the same black clothing. Mass killings of perceived government opponents, coupled with malnutrition and poor medical care, killed between 1.5 and 2 million people, approximately a quarter of Cambodia's population, a process which was later termed the Cambodian genocide. Repeated purges of the CPK generated growing discontent; by 1978 Cambodian soldiers were mounting a rebellion in the east. After several years of border clashes, the newly unified Vietnam invaded Cambodia in December 1978, toppling Pol Pot and installing a rival government in 1979. The Khmer Rouge retreated to the jungles near the Thai border, from where they continued to fight. In declining health, Pol Pot stepped back from many of his roles in the movement. In 1998, the Khmer Rouge commander Ta Mok placed Pol Pot under house arrest and shortly afterward, Pol Pot died.

Taking power at the height of global communism's impact, Pol Pot proved to be divisive to the international communist movement. Many claimed that he deviated from orthodox Marxism–Leninism, but China and the US supported his government as a bulwark against Soviet influence in Southeast Asia. He was widely denounced internationally for his role in the Cambodian genocide and he was also regarded as a totalitarian dictator who was guilty of crimes against humanity.

Early life

Childhood: 1925–1941

Pol Pot was born in the village of Prek Sbauv, outside the city of Kampong Thom. He was named Saloth Sâr, the word sâr ("white, pale") referencing his comparatively light skin complexion. French colonial records placed his birth date on 25 May 1928, but biographer Philip Short argues he was born in March 1925.

Prek Sbauv, the village where Pol Pot was born and spent his early years

His family was of mixed Chinese and ethnic Khmer heritage, but did not speak Chinese and lived as though they were fully Khmer. His father Loth, who later took the name Saloth Phem, was a prosperous farmer who owned nine hectares of rice land and several draft cattle. Loth's house was one of the largest in the village and at transplanting and harvest time he hired poorer neighbors to carry out much of the agricultural labour. Sâr's mother, Sok Nem, was locally respected as a pious Buddhist. Sâr was the eighth of nine children (two girls and seven boys), three of whom died young. They were raised as Theravada Buddhists, and on festivals travelled to the Kampong Thom monastery. Despite his family's relatively prosperous origins, in an interview with Yugoslav television in 1977, Pol Pot claimed that he was born into a "poor, peasant family".

At the time, Cambodia was a monarchy but the French colonial regime held effective political control of the country. Sâr's family had connections to the Cambodian royalty: his cousin Meak was a consort of King Sisowath Monivong and later worked as a ballet teacher. When Sâr was six years old, he and an older brother were sent to live with Meak in Phnom Penh; informal adoptions by wealthier relatives were then common in Cambodia. In Phnom Penh, he spent 18 months as a novice monk in the city's Vat Botum Vaddei monastery, learning Buddhist teachings and to read and write the Khmer language.

In summer 1935, Sâr went to live with his brother Suong and the latter's wife and child. That year, he began an education at a Roman Catholic primary school, the École Miche, with Meak paying the tuition fees. Most of his classmates were the children of French bureaucrats and Catholic Vietnamese. He became literate in French and familiar with Christianity. Sâr was not academically gifted and was held back two years, receiving his Certificat d'Etudes Primaires Complémentaires in 1943 at the age of 18. He continued to visit Meak at the king's palace, and it was there that he had some of his earliest sexual experiences with some of the king's concubines.

Later education: 1942–1948

While Sâr was at the school, King Monivong died. In 1941, the French authorities appointed Norodom Sihanouk as his replacement. A new junior middle school, the Collége Pream Sihanouk, was established in Kampong Cham, and Sâr was selected as a boarder at the institution in 1942. This level of education afforded him a privileged position in Cambodian society. He learned to play the violin and took part in school plays. Much of his spare time was spent playing football (soccer) and basketball. Several fellow pupils, among them Hu Nim and Khieu Samphan, later served in his government. During the new year vacation in 1945, Sâr and several friends from his college theatre troupe went on a provincial tour in a bus to raise money for a trip to Angkor Wat. In 1947, he left the school.

That year, he passed exams that admitted him into the Lycée Sisowath, meanwhile living with Suong and his new wife. In summer 1948, he sat the brevet entry examinations for the upper classes of the Lycée, but failed. Unlike several of his friends, he could not continue on at the school for a baccalauréat. Instead, he enrolled in 1948 to study carpentry at the Ecole Technique in Russey Keo, in Phnom Penh's northern suburbs. This drop from an academic education to a vocational one likely came as a shock. His fellow students were generally of a lower class than those at the Lycée Sisowath, though they were not peasants. At the Ecole Technique, he met Ieng Sary, who became a close friend and later a member of his government. In summer 1949, Sâr passed his brevet and secured one of five scholarships allowing him to travel to France to study at one of its engineering schools.

During the Second World War, Nazi Germany invaded France, and in 1941 the Japanese ousted the French from Cambodia, with Sihanouk proclaiming his country's independence. After the war ended, France reasserted its control over Cambodia in 1946, but allowed for the creation of a new constitution and the establishment of various political parties. The most successful of these was the Democratic Party, which won the 1946 general election. According to historian David Chandler, Sâr and Sary worked for the party during its successful election campaign; conversely, Short maintains that Sâr had no contact with the party. Sihanouk opposed the party's left-leaning reforms and in 1948 dissolved the National Assembly, instead ruling by decree. The Việt Minh attempted to establish a nascent communist movement, but it was beset by ethnic tensions between the Khmer and Vietnamese. News of the group was censored from the press, and it is unlikely Sâr was aware of it.

Paris: 1949–1953

Sâr arrived in Paris on 1 October 1949. Paris pictured in 1950.

Access to further education abroad made Sâr part of a tiny elite in Cambodia. He and the 21 other selected students sailed from Saigon aboard the SS Jamaïque, stopping at Singapore, Colombo, and Djibouti en route to Marseille. Sâr arrived in Paris on 1 October 1949. In January 1950, Sâr enrolled at the École française de radioélectricité to study radio electronics. He took a room in the Cité Universitaire's Indochinese Pavilion, then lodgings on the rue Amyot, and eventually a bedsit on the corner of the rue de Commerce and the rue Letellier. Sâr earned good marks during his first year. He failed his first end-of-year exams but was allowed to retake them and narrowly passed, enabling him to continue his studies.

Sâr spent three years in Paris. In summer 1950, he was one of 18 Cambodian students who joined French counterparts in traveling to the FPR Yugoslavia to volunteer in a labour battalion building a motorway in Zagreb. He returned to Yugoslavia the following year for a camping holiday. Sâr made little or no attempt to assimilate into French culture and was never completely at ease in the French language. He nevertheless became familiar with French literature; one of his favorite authors being Jean-Jacques Rousseau. His most significant friendships in the country were with Ieng Sary, who had joined him there, Thiounn Mumm and Keng Vannsak. He was a member of Vannsak's discussion circle, whose ideologically diverse membership discussed ways to achieve Cambodian independence.

In Paris, Ieng Sary and two others established the Cercle Marxiste ("Marxist Circle"), an organisation arranged in a clandestine cell system. The cells met to read Marxist texts and hold self-criticism sessions. Sâr joined a cell that met on the rue Lacepède; his cell comrades included Hou Yuon, Sien Ary, and Sok Knaol. He helped to duplicate the Cercle's newspaper, Reaksmei ("The Spark"), named after a former Russian paper. In October 1951, Yuon was elected head of the Khmer Student Association (AEK; l'Association des Etudiants Khmers), establishing close links between the organisation and the leftist Union Nationale des Étudiants de France. The Cercle Marxiste manipulated the AEK and its successor organisations for the next 19 years. Several months after the Cercle Marxiste's formation, Sâr and Sary joined the French Communist Party (PCF). Sâr attended party meetings, including those of its Cambodian group, and read its magazine, Les Cahiers Internationaux. To many young people in France and Cambodia, communism seemed to be the future; the Chinese Communist Party won the Chinese Civil War and the French Communist Party was one of the country's largest, attracting the votes of around 25% of the French electorate.

In Paris, Pol Pot was inspired by the writings of Mao Zedong and Joseph Stalin (pictured together in 1949) on how to conduct a revolution

Sâr found many of Karl Marx's denser texts difficult, later saying he "didn't really understand" them. But he became familiar with the writings of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, including The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). Sâr also read Mao's work, especially On New Democracy, a text outlining a framework for carrying out a revolution in colonial and semi-colonial, semi-feudal societies. Alongside these texts, Sâr read the anarchist Peter Kropotkin's book on the French Revolution, The Great Revolution. From Kropotkin he took the idea that an alliance between intellectuals and the peasantry was necessary for revolution; that a revolution had to be carried out without compromise to its conclusion to succeed; and that egalitarianism was the basis of a communist society.

In Cambodia, growing internal strife resulted in King Sihanouk dismissing the government and declaring himself prime minister. In response, Sâr wrote an article, "Monarchy or Democracy?", published in the student magazine Khmer Nisut under the pseudonym "Khmer daom" ("Original Khmer"). In it, he referred positively to Buddhism, portraying Buddhist monks as an anti-monarchist force on the side of the peasantry. At a meeting, the Cercle decided to send someone to Cambodia to assess the situation and determine which rebel group they should support; Sâr volunteered for the role. His decision to leave may also have been because he had failed his second-year exams two years in a row and thus lost his scholarship. In December, he boarded the SS Jamaïque, returning to Cambodia without a degree.

Revolutionary and political activism

Return to Cambodia: 1953–1954

King Sihanouk disbanded the Cambodian government and National Assembly before securing independence from French colonial rule in 1953.

Sâr arrived in Saigon on 13 January 1953, the same day on which Sihanouk disbanded the Democratic-controlled National Assembly, began ruling by decree, and imprisoned Democratic members of parliament without trial. Amid the broader First Indochina War in neighboring French Indochina, Cambodia was in a civil war, with civilian massacres and other atrocities carried out by all sides. Sâr spent several months at the headquarters of Prince Norodom Chantaraingsey—the leader of one faction—in Trapeng Kroloeung, before moving to Phnom Penh, where he met with fellow Cercle member Ping Say to discuss the situation. Sâr regarded the Khmer Việt Minh, a mixed Vietnamese and Cambodian guerrilla subgroup of the North Vietnam-based Việt Minh, as the most promising resistance group. He believed the Khmer Việt Minh's relationship to the Việt Minh and thus the international movement made it the best group for the Cercle Marxiste to support. The Cercle members in Paris took his recommendation.

In August 1953, Sâr and Rath Samoeun travelled to Krabao, the headquarters of the Việt Minh Eastern Zone. Over the following nine months, around 12 other Cercle members joined them there. They found that the Khmer Việt Minh was run and numerically dominated by Vietnamese guerrillas, with Khmer recruits largely given menial tasks; Sâr was tasked with growing cassava and working in the canteen. At Krabao, he gained a rudimentary grasp of Vietnamese, and rose to become secretary and aide to Tou Samouth, the Secretary of the Khmer Việt Minh's Eastern Zone.

Sihanouk desired independence from French rule, but after France refused his requests he called for public resistance to its administration in June 1953. Khmer troops deserted the French Army in large numbers and the French government relented, rather than risk a costly, protracted war to retain control. In November, Sihanouk declared Cambodia's independence. The civil conflict then intensified, with France backing Sihanouk's war against the rebels. Following the Geneva Conference held to end the First Indochina War, Sihanouk secured an agreement from the North Vietnamese that they would withdraw Khmer Việt Minh forces from Cambodian territory. The last Khmer Việt Minh units left Cambodia for North Vietnam in October 1954. Sâr was not among them, deciding to remain in Cambodia; he trekked, via South Vietnam, to Prey Veng to reach Phnom Penh. He and other Cambodian revolutionaries decided to pursue their aims through electoral means.

Developing the movement: 1955–1959

Cambodia's communists wanted to operate clandestinely but also established a socialist party, Pracheachon, to serve as a front organization through which they could compete in the 1955 election. Although Pracheachon had strong support in some areas, most observers expected the Democratic Party to win. Sihanouk feared a Democratic Party government and in March 1955 abdicated the throne in favor of his father, Norodom Suramarit. This allowed him to legally establish a political party, the Sangkum Reastr Niyum, with which to contest the election. The September election witnessed widespread voter intimidation and electoral fraud, resulting in Sangkum winning all 91 seats. Sihanouk's establishment of a de facto one-party state extinguished hopes that the Cambodian left could take power electorally. North Vietnam's government nevertheless urged the Khmer Party not to restart the armed struggle; the former was focused on undermining South Vietnam and had little desire to destabilize Sihanouk's regime given that it had—conveniently for them—remained internationally un-aligned rather than following the Thai and South Vietnamese governments in allying with the anti-communist United States.

Sâr rented a house in the Boeng Keng Kang area of Phnom Penh. Although not qualified to teach at a state school, he gained employment teaching history, geography, French literature, and morals at a private school, the Chamraon Vichea ("Progressive Knowledge"); his pupils, who included the later novelist Soth Polin, described him as a good teacher. He courted society belle Soeung Son Maly before entering a relationship with fellow communist revolutionary Khieu Ponnary, the sister of Sary's wife Thirith. They were married in a Buddhist ceremony on 14 July 1956. According to Philip Short, Sâr had chosen this date in order to coincide with the symbolic Bastille Day All correspondence between the Democratic Party and the Pracheachon went through him, as did most communication with underground elements. Sihanouk cracked down on the movement, whose membership had halved since the end of the civil war. Links with the North Vietnamese communists declined, something Sâr later portrayed as a good thing as "it gave us the chance to be independent and develop ourselves". He and other members increasingly regarded Cambodians as too deferential to their Vietnamese counterparts; to deal with this, Sâr, Tou Samouth, and Nuon Chea drafted a programme and statutes for a new party that would be allied with but not subordinate to the Vietnamese. They established party cells, emphasising the recruitment of small numbers of dedicated members, and organized political seminars in safe houses.

Kampuchean Labour Party: 1959–1962

At a 1959 conference, the movement's leadership established the Kampuchean Labour Party, based on the Marxist–Leninist model of democratic centralism. Sâr, Tou Samouth and Nuon Chea were part of a four-man General Affair Committee leading the party. Its existence was to be kept secret from non-members. The Kampuchean Labour Party's conference, held clandestinely from September to October 1960 in Phnom Penh, saw Samouth become party secretary and Nuon Chea his deputy, while Sâr took the third senior position and Ieng Sary the fourth.

Sihanouk spoke out against the Cambodian Khmer communists; he also warned of its totalitarian character and its suppression of personal liberty. In January 1962, Sihanouk's security services cracked down further on Cambodia's socialists, incarcerating Pracheachon's leaders and leaving the party largely moribund. In July, Samouth was arrested, tortured and killed. Nuon Chea had also stepped back from his political activities, leaving open Sâr's path to become party leader.

As well as facing leftist opposition, Sihanouk's government faced hostility from right-wing opposition centred on Sihanouk's former Minister of State, Sam Sary, who was backed by the United States, Thailand and South Vietnam. After the South Vietnamese supported a failed coup against Sihanouk, relations between the countries deteriorated and the United States initiated an economic blockade of Cambodia in 1956. After Sihanouk's father died in 1960, Sihanouk introduced a constitutional amendment allowing himself to become head of state for life. In February 1962, anti-government student protests turned into riots, at which Sihanouk dismissed the Sangkum government, called new elections, and produced a list of 34 left-leaning Cambodians, demanding that they meet him to establish a new administration. Sâr was on the list, perhaps because of his role as a teacher, but refused to meet with Sihanouk. He and Ieng Sary left Phnom Penh for a Viet Cong encampment near Thboung Khmum in the jungle along Cambodia's border with South Vietnam. According to Chandler, "from this point on he was a full-time revolutionary".

Plotting rebellion: 1962–1968

Conditions at the Viet Cong camp were basic and food scarce. As Sihanouk's government cracked down on the movement in Phnom Penh, growing numbers of its members fled to join Sâr at his jungle base. In February 1963, at the party's second conference, held in a central Phnom Penh apartment, Sâr was elected party secretary, but soon fled into the jungle to avoid repression by Sihanouk's government. In early 1964, Sâr established his own encampment, Office 100, on the South Vietnamese side of the border. The Viet Cong allowed his actions to be officially separate from its own, but still wielded significant control over his camp. At a plenum of the party's Central Committee, it was agreed that they should re-emphasize their independence from Vietnamese control and endorse armed struggle against Sihanouk.

The Central Committee met again in January 1965 to denounce the "peaceful transition" to socialism espoused by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, accusing him of being a revisionist. In contrast to Khrushchev's interpretation of Marxism–Leninism, Sâr and his comrades sought to develop their own, explicitly Cambodian variant of the ideology. Their interpretation moved away from the orthodox Marxist focus on the urban proletariat as the forces of a revolution to build socialism, giving that role instead to the rural peasantry, a far larger class in Cambodian society. By 1965, the party regarded Cambodia's small proletariat as full of "enemy agents" and systematically refused them membership. The party's main area of growth was in the rural provinces and by 1965 membership was at 2000. In April 1965, Sâr travelled by foot along the Ho Chi Minh Trail to Hanoi to meet North Vietnamese government figures, among them Ho Chi Minh and Lê Duẩn. The North Vietnamese were preoccupied with the ongoing Vietnam War and thus did not want Sâr's forces to destabilize Sihanouk's government; the latter's anti-American stance rendered him a de facto ally. In Hanoi, Sâr read through the archives of the Workers' Party of Vietnam, concluding that the Vietnamese Communists were committed to pursuing an Indochinese Federation and that their interests were therefore incompatible with Cambodia's.

In November 1965, Saloth Sâr flew from Hanoi to Beijing, where his official host was Deng Xiaoping, although most of his meetings were with Peng Zhen. Sâr gained a sympathetic hearing from many in the governing Chinese Communist Party (CCP)—especially Chen Boda, Zhang Chunqiao and Kang Sheng—who shared his negative view of Khrushchev amid the Sino-Soviet split. CCP officials also trained him on topics like dictatorship of the proletariat, class struggles and political purge. In Beijing, Sâr witnessed China's ongoing Cultural Revolution, influencing his later policies.

The flag of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, a group whose members were informally known as the "Khmer Rouge"

Sâr left Beijing in February 1966, and flew back to Hanoi before a four-month journey along the Ho Chi Minh Trail to reach the Cambodian's new base at Loc Ninh. In October 1966, he and other Cambodian party leaders made several key decisions. They renamed their organisation the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK), a decision initially kept secret. Sihanouk began referring to its members as the "Khmer Rouge" ('Red Cambodians'), but they did not adopt this term themselves. It was agreed that they would move their headquarters in Ratanakiri Province, away from the Viet Cong, and that—despite the views of the North Vietnamese—they would command each of the party's zone committees to prepare for the relaunch of armed struggle. North Vietnam refused to assist in this, rejecting their requests for weaponry. In November 1967, Sâr travelled from Tay Ninh to base Office 102 near Kang Lêng. During the journey, he contracted malaria and required a respite in a Viet Cong medical base near Mount Ngork. By December, plans for armed conflict were complete, with the war to begin in the North-West Zone and then spread to other regions. As communication across Cambodia was slow, each Zone would have to operate independently much of the time.

Cambodian Civil War

Main article: Cambodian Civil War

Against Sihanouk

In January 1968, the war was launched with an attack on the Bay Damran army post south of Battambang. Further attacks targeted police and soldiers and seized weaponry. The government responded with scorched-earth policies, aerially bombarding areas where rebels were active. The army's brutality aided the insurgents' cause; as the uprising spread, over 100,000 villagers joined them. In the summer, Sâr relocated his base 48 kilometres (30 mi) north to the more mountainous Naga's Tail, to avoid encroaching government troops. At this base, called K-5, he increased his dominance over the party and had his own separate encampment, staff, and guards. No outsider was allowed to meet him without an escort. He took over from Sary as the Secretary of the North East Zone. In November 1969, Sâr trekked to Hanoi to persuade the North Vietnamese government to provide direct military assistance. They refused, urging him to revert to a political struggle. In January 1970 he flew to Beijing. There, his wife began showing early signs of the chronic paranoid schizophrenia she would later be diagnosed with.

Against Lon Nol

Collaboration with Sihanouk: 1970–1971

In 1970, a coup led to Lon Nol taking control of Cambodia and instituting a right-wing, pro-U.S. administration

In March 1970, while Sâr was in Beijing, Cambodian parliamentarians led by Lon Nol deposed Sihanouk when he was out of the country. Sihanouk also flew to Beijing, where the Chinese and North Vietnamese Communist Parties urged him to form an alliance with the Khmer Rouge to overthrow Lon Nol's right-wing government. Sihanouk agreed. On Zhou Enlai's advice, Sâr also agreed, although his dominant role in the CPK was concealed from Sihanouk. Sihanouk then formed his own government-in-exile in Beijing and launched the National United Front of Kampuchea to rally Lon Nol's opponents. Sihanouk's support for the Khmer Rouge helped greatly in recruitment, with Khmer Rouge undergoing a massive expansion in size. Many of the new recruits for the Khmer Rouge were apolitical peasants who fought in support of the King, not for communism, of which they had little understanding.

In April 1970, Sâr flew to Hanoi. He stressed to Lê Duẩn that while he wanted the Vietnamese to supply the Khmer Rouge with weapons, he did not want troops: the Cambodians needed to oust Lon Nol themselves. North Vietnamese armies, in collaboration with the Viet Cong, nevertheless invaded Cambodia to attack Lon Nol's forces; in turn, South Vietnam and the United States sent troops to the country to bolster his government. This pulled Cambodia into the Second Indochina War already raging across Vietnam. The U.S. dropped three times as many bombs on Cambodia during the conflict as they had on Japan during World War II. Although targeting Viet Cong and Khmer Rouge encampments, the bombing primarily affected civilians. This helped fuel recruitment to the Khmer Rouge, which had an estimated 12,000 regular soldiers at the end of 1970 and four times that number by 1972.

After Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia to overthrow Lon Nol's government, the U.S. (forces pictured) also sent in its military to bolster his administration

In June 1970, Sâr left Vietnam and reached his K-5 base. In July he headed south; it was at this point that he began referring to himself as "Pol", a name he later lengthened to "Pol Pot". By September, he was based at a camp on the border of Kratie and Kompong Thom, where he convened a meeting of the CPK Standing Committee. Although few senior members could attend, it issued a resolution setting out the principle of "independence-mastery", the idea that Cambodia must be self-reliant and fully independent of other countries. In November, Pol Pot, Ponnary, and their entourage relocated to the K-1 base at Dângkda. His residence was set up on the northern side of the Chinit river; entry was strictly controlled. By the end of the year, Marxist forces had a presence in over half of Cambodia; the Khmer Rouge played a restricted role in this, for throughout 1971 and 1972, the majority of fighting against Lon Nol was carried out by Vietnamese or by Cambodians under Vietnamese control.

In January 1971, a Central Committee meeting was held at this base, bringing together 27 delegates to discuss the war. During 1971, Pol Pot and the other senior party members focused on the construction of a regular Khmer Rouge army and administration that could take a central role when the Vietnamese withdrew. Membership of the party was made more selective, permitting only those regarded as "poor peasants", not those seen as "middle peasants" or students. In July and August, Pol Pot oversaw a month-long training course for CPK cadres in the Northern Zone headquarters. This was followed by the CPK's Third Congress, attended by around 60 delegates, where Pol Pot was confirmed as the Secretary of the Central Committee and Chairman of its Military Commission.

Continuing the conflict: 1972

Uniforms worn by the Khmer Rouge during their period of control

In early 1972, Pol Pot embarked on his first tour of the Marxist-controlled areas across Cambodia. In these areas, called "liberated zones", corruption was stamped out, gambling was banned, and alcohol and extramarital affairs were discouraged. From 1970 to 1971, the Khmer Rouge had generally sought to cultivate good relations with the inhabitants, organising local elections and assemblies. Some people regarded as hostile to the movement were executed, although this was uncommon. Private motor transport was requisitioned. Wealthier peasants had their land redistributed so that by the end of 1972, all families living in the Marxist-controlled areas possessed an equal amount of land. The poorest strata of Cambodian society benefited from these reforms.

From 1972, the Khmer Rouge began trying to refashion all of Cambodia in the image of the poor peasantry, whose rural, isolated, and self-sufficient lives were regarded as worthy of emulation. As of May 1972, the group began ordering all of those living under its control to dress like poor peasants, with black clothes, red-and-white krama scarves, and sandals made from car tyres. These restrictions were initially imposed on the Cham ethnic group before being rolled out across other communities. Pol Pot also dressed in this fashion.

CPK members were expected to attend regular (sometimes daily) "lifestyle meetings" in which they engaged in criticism and self-criticism. These cultivated an atmosphere of perpetual vigilance and suspicion within the movement. Pol Pot and Nuon Chea led such sessions at their headquarters, although they were exempt from criticism themselves. By early 1972, relations between the Khmer Rouge and its Vietnamese Marxist allies were becoming strained and some violent clashes had broken out. That year, the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong main-force divisions began pulling out of Cambodia primarily for the offensive against Saigon. As it became more dominant, the CPK imposed increasing numbers of controls over Vietnamese troops active in Cambodia. In 1972, Pol Pot suggested that Sihanouk leave Beijing and tour the areas of Cambodia under CPK control. When Sihanouk did so, he met with senior CPK figures, including Pol Pot, although the latter's identity was concealed from the king.

Collectivisation and the conquest of Phnom Penh: 1973–1975

In May 1973, Pol Pot ordered the collectivisation of villages in territory that the Khmer Rouge controlled. This move was both ideological, in that it built a socialist society void of private property, and tactical, in that it allowed the Khmer Rouge greater control over the food supply, ensuring that farmers did not provision government forces. Many villagers resented the collectivisation and slaughtered their livestock to prevent it from becoming collective property. Over the following six months, about 60,000 Cambodians fled from areas under Khmer Rouge control. The Khmer Rouge introduced conscription to bolster its forces. Relations between the Khmer Rouge and the North Vietnamese remained strained. After the latter temporarily reduced the flow of arms to the Khmer Rouge, in July 1973 the CPK Central Committee agreed that the North Vietnamese should be considered "a friend with a conflict". Pol Pot ordered the internment of many of the Khmer Rouge who had spent time in North Vietnam and were considered too sympathetic to them. Most of these people were later executed.

In summer 1973, the Khmer Rouge launched its first major assault on Phnom Penh, but was forced back amid heavy losses. Later that year, it began bombarding the city with artillery. In the autumn, Pol Pot traveled to a base at Chrok Sdêch on the eastern foothills of the Cardamom Mountains. By winter, he was back at the Chinit Riber base where he conferred with Sary and Chea. He concluded that the Khmer Rouge should start talking openly about its commitment to making Cambodia a socialist society and launch a secret campaign to oppose Sihanouk's influence. In September 1974, a Central Committee meeting was held at Meakk in Prek Kok commune. There the Khmer Rouge agreed that it would expel the populations of Cambodia's cities to rural villages. They thought this was necessary to dismantle capitalism which they associated with the urban culture.

View of Phnom Penh from a US helicopter, 12 April 1975

By 1974, Lon Nol's government had lost a great deal of support, both domestically and internationally. In 1975, the troops defending Phnom Penh began discussing surrender, eventually doing so and allowing the Khmer Rouge to enter the city on 17 April. There, Khmer Rouge soldiers executed between 700 and 800 senior government, military, and police figures. Other senior figures escaped; Lon Nol fled into exile in the US. He left Saukham Khoy as acting president, although he too fled aboard a departing US Navy ship just twelve days later. Within the city, Khmer Rouge militia under the control of different Zone commanders clashed with one another, partly as a result of turf wars and partly due to the difficulty of establishing who was a group member and who was not.

The Khmer Rouge had long viewed Phnom Penh's population with mistrust, particularly as the city's numbers had been swelled by peasant refugees who had fled the Khmer Rouge's advance and were considered to be traitors. Shortly after taking the city, the Khmer Rouge announced that its inhabitants had to evacuate to escape a forthcoming US bombing raid; the group falsely claimed that the population would be allowed to return after three days. This evacuation entailed moving over 2.5 million people out of the city with very little preparation; between 15,000 and 20,000 of these were removed from the city's hospitals and forced to march. Checkpoints were erected along the roads out of the city where Khmer Rouge cadres searched marchers and removed many of their belongings. The march took place in the hottest month of the year and an estimated 20,000 people died along the route. For the Khmer Rouge, emptying Phnom Penh was considered as demolishing not just capitalism in Cambodia, but also Sihanouk's power base and the spy network of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). This dismantling facilitated Khmer Rouge dominance over the country and enabled driving the urban population toward agricultural production.

Leader of Democratic Kampuchea

Main articles: Democratic Kampuchea and Khmer Rouge Killing Fields

Establishing the new government: 1975

Pol Pot's government held its early meetings in the Silver Pagoda, which later served as Pol Pot's home

On 20 April 1975, three days after Phnom Penh fell, Pol Pot secretly arrived in the abandoned city. Along with other Khmer Rouge leaders, he based himself in the railway station, which was easy to defend. In early May, they moved their headquarters to the former Finance Ministry building. The party leadership soon held a meeting at the Silver Pagoda, where they agreed that raising agricultural production should be their government's top priority. Pol Pot declared that "agriculture is key both to nation-building and to national defence"; he believed that unless Cambodia could develop swiftly then it would be vulnerable to Vietnamese domination, as it had been in the past. Their goal was to reach 70 to 80% farm mechanisation in five to ten years, and a modern industrial base in fifteen to twenty years. As part of this project, Pol Pot saw it as imperative that they develop means of ensuring that the farming population worked harder than before.

The Khmer Rouge wanted to establish Cambodia as a self-sufficient state. They did not reject foreign assistance altogether, although they regarded it as pernicious. While China supplied them with substantial food aid, this was not publicly acknowledged. Shortly after the taking of Phnom Penh, Ieng Sary travelled to Beijing, negotiating the provision of 13,300 tons of Chinese weaponry to Cambodia. At the National Congress meeting in April, the Khmer Rouge declared that it would not permit any foreign military bases on Cambodian soil, a threat to Vietnam, which still had 20,000 troops in Cambodia. To quell tensions arising from recent territorial clashes with Vietnamese soldiers over the disputed Wai Island, Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, and Ieng Sary travelled secretly to Hanoi in May, where they proposed a Friendship Treaty between the two countries. In the short term, this successfully eased tensions. After Hanoi, Pol Pot proceeded to Beijing, again in secret. There he met with Mao and then Deng. Although communication with Mao was hindered by the reliance on translators, Mao warned the younger Cambodian against uncritically imitating the path to socialism pursued by China or any other country, and advised him to avoid repeating the drastic measures that the Khmer Rouge had imposed before. In China, Pol Pot also received medical treatment for his malaria and gastric ailments. Pol Pot then travelled to North Korea, meeting with Kim Il Sung. In mid-July he returned to Cambodia, and spent August touring the South-Western and Eastern Zones.

You have a lot of experience. It's better than ours. We don't have the right to criticise you ... Basically you are right. Have you made mistakes or not? I don't know. Certainly you have. So rectify yourselves; do rectification! ... The road is tortuous.

— Mao's advice to Pol Pot, 1975

In May, Pol Pot adopted the Silver Pagoda as his main residence. He then relocated to the city's tallest structure, the 1960s-built Bank Buildings, which became known as "K1". Several other senior government figures—Nuon Chea, Sary, and Vorn Vet—also lived there. Pol Pot's wife, whose schizophrenia had worsened, was sent to live in a house in Boeung Keng Kâng. Later in 1975, Pol Pot also took Ponnary's old family home in the rue Docteur Hahn as a residence, and subsequently also took a villa in the south of the city for his own. To give his government a greater appearance of legitimacy, Pol Pot organised a parliamentary election, although there was only one candidate in every constituency except in Phnom Penh. The parliament then met for only three hours.

Although Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge remained the de facto government, initially the formal government was the GRUNK coalition, although its nominal head, Penn Nouth, remained in Beijing. Throughout 1975, the Communist Party's control over Cambodia was kept secret. At a special National Congress meeting from 25 to 27 April, the Khmer Rouge agreed to make Sihanouk the nominal head of state, a status he retained throughout 1975. Sihanouk had been dividing his time between Beijing and Pyongyang but in September was allowed to return to Cambodia. Pol Pot was aware that if left abroad, Sihanouk could become a rallying point for opposition and thus was better brought into the Khmer government itself; he also hoped to take advantage of Sihanouk's stature in the Non-Aligned Movement. Once home, Sihanouk settled into his palace and was well treated. Sihanouk was allowed to travel abroad, in October addressing the UN General Assembly to promote the new Cambodian government and in November embarking on an international tour.

The Khmer Rouge's military forces remained divided into differing zones and at a July military parade Pol Pot announced the formal integration of all troops into a national Revolutionary Army, to be headed by Son Sen. Although a new Cambodian currency had been printed in China during the civil war, the Khmer Rouge decided not to introduce it. At the Central Committee Plenum held in Phnom Penh in September, they agreed that currency would lead to corruption and undermine their efforts to establish a socialist society. Thus, there were no wages in Democratic Kampuchea. The population were expected to do whatever the Khmer Rouge commanded of them, without pay. If they refused, they faced punishment, sometimes execution. For this reason, Short characterised Pol Pot's Cambodia as a "slave state", with its people effectively forced into slavery by working without pay. At the September Plenum, Pol Pot announced that all farmers were expected to meet a quota of three tons of paddy, or unmilled rice, per hectare, an increase on what was previously the average yield. There he also announced that manufacturing should focus on the production of basic agricultural machinery and light industrial goods such as bicycles.

Rural reform

From 1975 onward, all of those Cambodians who were living in rural co-operatives, meaning the vast majority of Cambodia's population, were reclassified as members of one of three groups: the full-rights members, the candidates, and the depositees. The full-rights members, most of whom were poor or lower-middle peasants, were entitled to full rations, and able to hold political posts in the co-operatives and join both the army and the Communist Party. Candidates could still hold low-level administrative positions. The application of this tripartite system was uneven and it was introduced to different areas at different times. On the ground, the basic societal division remained between the "base" people and the "new" people. It was never Pol Pot and the party's intention to exterminate all "new" people although the latter were usually treated harshly and this led some commentators to believe extermination was the government's desire. Pol Pot instead wanted to double or triple the country's population, hoping it could reach between 15 and 20 million within a decade.

Within the village co-operatives, Khmer Rouge militia regularly killed those Cambodians who they deemed to be "bad elements". A common statement used by the Khmer Rouge to those they executed was that "to keep you is no profit, to destroy you is no loss." Those killed were often buried by the fields, to act as fertiliser. During the first year of Khmer Rouge rule, most areas of the country were able to stave off starvation despite significant population increases caused by the evacuation of the cities. There were exceptions, such as parts of the North-West Zone and western areas of Kompong Chhnang, where starvation did occur in 1975.

The new Standing Committee decreed that the population would work ten day weeks with one day off from labor; a system modelled on that used after the French Revolution. Measures were taken to indoctrinate those living in the co-operatives, with set phrases about hard work and loving Cambodia being widely employed, for instance broadcast via loudspeakers or on the radio. Neologisms were introduced and everyday vocabulary was altered to encourage a more collectivist mentality; Cambodians were encouraged to talk about themselves in the plural "we" rather than the singular "I". While working in the fields, people were typically segregated by sex. Sport was prohibited. The only reading material that the population were permitted to read was that produced by the government, most notably the newspaper Padevat ("Revolution"). Restrictions were placed on movement, with people permitted to travel only with the permission of the local Khmer Rouge authorities.

Democratic Kampuchea: 1976–1979

The flag of Democratic Kampuchea

In January 1976, a cabinet meeting was held to promulgate a new constitution declaring that the country was to be renamed "Democratic Kampuchea". The constitution asserted state ownership of the means of production, declared the equality of men and women, and the rights and obligation of all citizens to work. It outlined that the country would be governed by a three-person presidium, and at the time Pol Pot and Khmer Rouge leaders expected that Sihanouk would take one of these roles. Sihanouk was nevertheless increasingly uncomfortable with the new government and in March he resigned his role as head of state. Pol Pot tried repeatedly, but unsuccessfully, to get him to change his mind. Sihanouk asked to be allowed to travel to China, citing the need for medical treatment, but this was denied. He was instead kept in his palace, which was sufficiently stocked with goods to allow him a luxurious lifestyle throughout the Khmer Rouge years.

The removal of Sihanouk ended the pretence that the Khmer Rouge government was a united front. With Sihanouk no longer part of the government, Pol Pot's government stated that the "national revolution" was over and that the "socialist revolution" could begin, allowing the country to move towards pure communism as swiftly as possible. Pol Pot described the new state as "a precious model for humanity" with a revolutionary spirit that outstripped that of earlier revolutionary socialist movements. In the 1970s, world communism was at its strongest point in history, and Pol Pot presented the Cambodian example as the one which other revolutionary movements should follow.

As part of the new Presidium, Pol Pot became the country's prime minister. It was at this point that he took on the public pseudonym of "Pol Pot"; as no-one in the country knew who this was, a fictitious biography was presented. Pol Pot's key allies took the other two positions, with Nuon Chea as President of the Standing Committee of the National Assembly and Khieu Samphan as the head of state. In principle, the Khmer Rouge Standing Committee made decisions on the basis of the principle of democratic centralism. In reality it was more autocratic, with Pol Pot's decisions being implemented. The parliament which had been elected the previous year never met after 1976. In September 1976, Pol Pot publicly revealed that the "Angkar", or "Organization", as the secretive body exercising supreme power was known, was a Marxist–Leninist organisation. In September 1977, at a rally in the Olympic Stadium, Pol Pot then revealed that "Angkar" was a pseudonym for the CPK. In September 1976, it was announced that Pol Pot had stepped down as prime minister, to be replaced by Nuon Chea, but in reality he remained in power, returning to his former position in October. This was possibly a diversionary tactic to distract the Vietnamese government while Pol Pot purged the CPK of individuals he suspected of harbouring Vietnamese sympathies. Despite their Marxist pretences, the Khmer Rouge sought to eradicate the working class, seeing it as a "decadent relic of the past". The Khmer Rouge also renounced communism in 1977, with Ieng Sary stating "We are not communists ... we are revolutionaries [who do not] belong to the commonly accepted grouping of communist Indochina."

The standard of the [Bolshevik] revolution of 7 November 7 1917, was raised very high, but Khrushchev pulled it down. The standard of Mao's [Chinese] revolution of 1949 stands high until now, but it has faded and is wavering: it is no longer firm. The standard of the [Cambodian] revolution of 17 April 1975, raised by Comrade Pol Pot, is brilliant red, full of determination, wonderfully firm and wonderfully clear-sighted. The whole world admires us, sings our praises and learns from us.

— Pol Pot

The Cambodian population were officially known as "Kampuchean" rather than "Khmer" to avoid the ethnic specificity associated with the latter term. The Khmer language, now labelled "Kampuchean" by the government, was the only legally recognised language, and the Sino-Khmer minority were prohibited from speaking in the Chinese languages they commonly used. Pressure was exerted on the Cham to culturally assimilate into the larger Khmer population.

Pol Pot initiated a series of major irrigation projects across the country. In the Eastern Zone, for instance, a huge dam was built. Many of these irrigation projects failed due to a lack of technical expertise on the part of the workers.

The Standing Committee agreed to link several villages in a single co-operative of 500 to 1000 families, with the goal of later forming commune-sized units twice that size. Communal kitchens were also introduced so that all members of a commune ate together rather than in their individual homes. Foraging or hunting for additional food was prohibited, regarded as individualistic behaviour. From the summer of 1976, the government ordered that children over the age of seven would live not with their parents but communally with Khmer Rouge instructors. The co-operatives produced less food than the government believed, in part due to a lack of motivation among laborers and the diversion of the strongest workers to irrigation projects. Fearing criticism, many party cadres falsely claimed that they had met the government's food production quota. The government became aware of this, and by the end of 1976 Pol Pot acknowledged food shortages in three quarters of the country.

Members of the Khmer Rouge received special privileges not enjoyed by the rest of the population. Party members had better food, with cadres sometimes having access to clandestine brothels. Members of the Central Committee could go to China for medical treatment, and the highest echelons of the party had access to imported luxury products.

Purges and executions

The Khmer Rouge also classified people based on their religious and ethnic backgrounds. Under the leadership of Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge had a policy of state atheism. Buddhist monks were viewed as social parasites and designated a "special class". Within a year of the Khmer Rouge's victory in the civil war, the country's monks were set to manual labor in the rural co-operatives and irrigation projects. Despite its ideological iconoclasm, many historical monuments were left undamaged by the Khmer Rouge; for Pol Pot's government, like its predecessors, the historic state of Angkor was a key point of reference.

Several isolated revolts broke out against Pol Pot's government. The Khmer Rouge Western Zone regional chief Koh Kong and his followers began launching small-scale attacks on government targets along the Thai border. There were also several village rebellions among the Cham. In February 1976, explosions in Siem Reap destroyed a munitions depot. Pol Pot suspected senior military figures were behind the bombing and, although unable to prove who was responsible, had several army officers arrested.

The Tuol Sleng School, also known as S-21, where those regarded as enemies of the government were tortured and killed

In September 1976, various party members were arrested and accused of conspiring with Vietnam to overthrow Pol Pot's government. Over the coming months the numbers arrested grew. The government invented claims of assassination attempts against its leading members to justify this internal crack-down within the CPK itself. These party members were accused of being spies for either the CIA, the Soviet KGB, or the Vietnamese. They were encouraged to confess to the accusations, often after torture or the threat of torture, with these confessions then being read out at party meetings. As well as occurring in the area around Phnom Penh, trusted party cadres were sent into the country's zones to initiate further purges among the party membership there.

The Khmer Rouge converted a disused secondary school in Phnom Penh's Tuol Sleng region into a security prison, S-21. It was placed under the responsibility of the defence minister, Son Sen. The numbers sent to S-21 grew steadily as the CPK purge proceeded. In the first half of 1976, about 400 people were sent there; in the second half of the year that number was nearer to 1,000. By the spring of 1977, 1,000 people were being sent there each month. Between 15,000 and 20,000 people would be killed at S-21 during the Khmer Rouge period. About a dozen of them were Westerners. Pol Pot never personally visited S-21.

From late 1976 onward, and especially in the middle of 1977, the levels of violence increased across Democratic Kampuchea, particularly at the village level. In rural areas, most of the killings were perpetrated by young cadres who were enforcing what they believed to be the government's will. Across the country, peasant cadres tortured and killed members of their communities whom they disliked. Many cadres ate the livers of their victims and tore unborn foetuses from their mothers for use as koan kroach talismans. The CPK Central Command was aware of such practices but did nothing to stop them. By 1977, the growing violence, coupled with poor food, was generating disillusionment even within the Khmer Rouge's core support base. Growing numbers of Cambodians attempted to flee into Thailand and Vietnam. In the autumn of 1977, Pol Pot declared the purges at an end. According to the CPK's own figures, by August 1977 between 4,000 and 5,000 party members had been liquidated as "enemy agents" or "bad elements".

In 1978, the government initiated a second purge, during which tens of thousands of Cambodians were accused of being Vietnamese sympathisers and killed. At this point the remaining CPK members who had spent time in Hanoi were killed, along with their children. In January 1978, Pol Pot announced to his colleagues that their slogan should be "Purify the Party! Purify the army! Purify the cadres!"

Foreign relations

Pol Pot meeting with Romanian Marxist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu during the latter's visit to Cambodia in 1978

Outwardly, relations between Cambodia and Vietnam were warm following the establishment of Democratic Kampuchea; after Vietnam was unified in July 1976, the Cambodian government issued a message of congratulations. Privately, relations between the two were declining. In a speech on the first anniversary of their victory in the civil war, Khieu referred to the Vietnamese as imperialists. In May 1976, a negotiation to draw up a formal border between the two countries failed.

On taking power, the Khmer Rouge spurned both the Western states and the Soviet Union as sources of support. Instead, China became Cambodia's main international partner. With Vietnam increasingly siding with the Soviet Union over China, the Chinese saw Pol Pot's government as a bulwark against Vietnamese influence in Indochina. Mao pledged $1 billion in military and economic aid to Cambodia, including an immediate $20 million grant. Many thousands of Chinese military advisors and technicians were also sent to the country to assist in projects like the construction of the Kampong Chhnang military airport. The relationship between the Chinese and Cambodian governments was nevertheless marred by mutual suspicion and China had little influence on Pol Pot's domestic policies. It had greater influence on Cambodia's foreign policy, successfully pushing the country to pursue rapprochement with Thailand and open communication with the U.S. to combat Vietnamese influence in the region.

After Mao died in September 1976, Pol Pot praised him and Cambodia declared an official period of mourning. In November 1976, Pol Pot travelled secretly to Beijing, seeking to retain his country's alliance with China after the Gang of Four were arrested. From Beijing, he was then taken on a tour of China, visiting sites associated with Mao and the Chinese Communist Party. The Chinese were the only country allowed to retain their old Phnom Penh embassy. All other diplomats were made to live in assigned quarters on the Boulevard Monivong. This street was barricaded off and the diplomats were not permitted to leave without escorts. Their food was brought to them and provided through the only shop that remained open in the country. Pol Pot saw the Khmer Rouge as an example that should be copied by other revolutionary movements across the world and courted Marxist leaders from Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand, allowing Thai Marxists to establish bases along the Cambodian border with Thailand. In November 1977, Burma's Ne Win was the first foreign head of government to visit Democratic Kampuchea, followed soon after by Romania's Nicolae Ceaușescu.

Number of deaths

Skulls of Khmer Rouge victims

Mass grave in Choeung Ek

Ben Kiernan estimates that 1.671 million to 1.871 million Cambodians died as a result of Khmer Rouge policy, or between 21% and 24% of Cambodia's 1975 population. A study by French demographer Marek Sliwinski calculated slightly fewer than 2 million unnatural deaths under the Khmer Rouge out of a 1975 Cambodian population of 7.8 million; 33.5% of Cambodian men died under the Khmer Rouge compared to 15.7% of Cambodian women. According to a 2001 academic source, the most widely accepted estimates of excess deaths under the Khmer Rouge range from 1.5 million to 2 million, although figures as low as 1 million and as high as 3 million have been cited; conventionally accepted estimates of deaths due to Khmer Rouge executions range from 500,000 to 1 million, "a third to one half of excess mortality during the period". However, a 2013 academic source (citing research from 2009) indicates that execution may have accounted for as much as 60% of the total, with 23,745 mass graves containing approximately 1.3 million suspected victims of execution.

While considerably higher than earlier and more widely accepted estimates of Khmer Rouge executions, the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam)'s Craig Etcheson defended such estimates of over one million executions as "plausible, given the nature of the mass grave and DC-Cam's methods, which are more likely to produce an under-count of bodies rather than an over-estimate." Demographer Patrick Heuveline estimated that between 1.17 million and 3.42 million Cambodians died unnatural deaths between 1970 and 1979, with between 150,000 and 300,000 of those deaths occurring during the civil war. Heuveline's central estimate is 2.52 million excess deaths, of which 1.4 million were the direct result of violence. Despite being based on a house-to-house survey of Cambodians, the estimate of 3.3 million deaths promulgated by the Khmer Rouge's successor regime, the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), is generally considered to be an exaggeration; among other methodological errors, the PRK authorities added the estimated number of victims that had been found in the partially-exhumed mass graves to the raw survey results, meaning that some victims would have been double-counted.

An estimated 300,000 Cambodians starved to death between 1979 and 1980, largely as a result of the after-effects of Khmer Rouge policies.

Fall of Democratic Kampuchea

Main article: Cambodian–Vietnamese War

In December 1976, the Kampuchean Communist Party Central Committee's annual plenum proposed the country ready itself for the prospect of war with Vietnam. Pol Pot believed that Vietnam was committed to expansionism and thus was a threat to Cambodian independence. There were renewed border clashes between Cambodia and Vietnam in early 1977, continuing into April. On 30 April, Cambodian units, backed by artillery fire, entered Vietnam and attacked a series of villages, killing several hundred Vietnamese civilians. Vietnam responded by ordering its Air Force to bomb Cambodian border positions. Several months later, the fighting resumed; in September, two divisions of the Cambodian Eastern Zone entered the Tay Ninh area of Vietnam, where they attacked several villages and slaughtered their inhabitants. That month, Pol Pot travelled to Beijing, and from there to North Korea, where Kim Il Sung spoke out against Vietnam in solidarity with the Khmer Rouge.

Busts of Pol Pot were produced in anticipation of a cult of personality ultimately never realized. This example is displayed in the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum.

In December, Vietnam sent 50,000 troops over the border along a 100-mile stretch, penetrating 12 miles into Cambodia. Cambodia then formally broke off diplomatic relations with Vietnam. Cambodian forces fought back against the invaders, who had withdrawn to Vietnam by 6 January 1978. At this point, Pol Pot ordered Cambodia's military to take an aggressive, proactive stance, attacking Vietnamese troops before the latter had the chance to act. In January and February 1978, the Cambodian Army launched raids on various Vietnamese villages. The Vietnamese Politburo then concluded that it must not leave Pol Pot in power, but must remove him from power before the Cambodian military strengthened further. In 1978, it established military training camps for Cambodian refugees in southern Vietnam, forming the nucleus of a future Cambodian regime. The Cambodian government also readied itself for war. Plans for a personality cult revolving around Pol Pot were drawn up, based on the Chinese and North Korean models, in the belief that such a cult would unify the population in wartime. Large photographs of Pol Pot began to be placed in communal dining halls, while oil paintings and busts of him were produced. The cult was ultimately never implemented.

The failure of Cambodian troops in the Eastern Zone to successfully resist the Vietnamese incursion made Pol Pot suspicious of their allegiances. He ordered a purge of the Eastern Zone, with over 400 CPK cadres from the area being sent to S-21. Aware that they would be killed on Pol Pot's orders, increasing numbers of Eastern Zone troops began rebelling against the Khmer Rouge government. Pol Pot sent more troops into the Eastern Zone to defeat the rebels, ordering them to slaughter the inhabitants of any villages that were believed to be harbouring any rebel forces. This suppression in the east was, according to Short, "the bloodiest single episode under Pol Pot's rule". Fleeing the government troops, many leading rebels—including Zone deputy chiefs Heng Samrin and Pol Saroeun—made it into Vietnam, where they joined the anti-Pol Pot exile community. By August 1978, Pol Pot could only consider Mok's forces in the south-west and Pauk's in the Central Zone as being reliable.

Early in 1978, Pol Pot's government began trying to improve relations with various foreign countries, such as Thailand, to bolster its position against Vietnam. Many other governments in Southeast Asia sympathised with Cambodia's situation, fearing the impact of Vietnamese expansionism and Soviet influence on their own countries. Although supportive of the Cambodians, the Chinese government decided not to send its army into Cambodia, fearing that an all-out conflict with Vietnam could provoke a war with the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, Vietnam was planning its full-scale invasion of Cambodia. In December 1978, it formally launched the Khmer National United Front for National Salvation (KNUFNS), a group made up of Cambodian exiles which it hoped to install in place of the Khmer Rouge. Initially, KNUFNS was headed by Heng Samrin. Fearing this Vietnamese threat, Pol Pot wrote an anti-Vietnamese tract titled the Black Paper.

In September 1978, Pol Pot began increasingly courting Sihanouk in the hope that the latter could prove a rallying point in support of the Khmer Rouge government. That same month, Pol Pot flew to China to meet with Deng. Deng condemned Vietnamese aggression but suggested that the Khmer Rouge had precipitated the conflict by being too radical in its policies and by allowing Cambodian troops to behave anarchically along the border with Vietnam. On returning to Cambodia, in October Pol Pot ordered the country's army to switch tactics, adopting a defensive strategy involving the heavy use of land mines to stop Vietnamese incursions. He also cautioned the army to avoid direct confrontations which would incur heavy losses and instead adopt guerrilla tactics. In November 1978, the CPK held its Fifth Congress. Here, Mok was appointed the third ranked figure in the government, behind Pol Pot and Nuon Chea. Soon after the Congress, two senior government members—Vorn Vet and Kong Sophal—were arrested and sent to S-21. This precipitated another round of purges.

Vietnamese Invasion: 1978–1979

Main article: Cambodian-Vietnamese War

On 25 December 1978, the Vietnamese Army launched its full-scale invasion. Its columns initially advanced into north-east Cambodia, taking Kratie on 30 December and Stung Treng on 3 January. The Vietnamese main force then entered Cambodia on 1 January 1979, heading along Highways one and seven toward Phnom Penh. Cambodia's forward defences failed to stop them. With an attack on Phnom Penh imminent, in January Pol Pot ordered Sihanouk and his family to be sent to Thailand. The entire diplomatic corps followed shortly after. On 7 January, Pol Pot and other senior government figures left the city and drove to Pursat. They spent two days there before moving on to Battambang.

After the Khmer Rouge evacuated Phnom Penh, Mok was the only senior government figure left in the city, tasked with overseeing its defence. Nuon Chear ordered the cadres in control of S-21 to kill all remaining inmates prior to it being captured by the Vietnamese. However, the troops guarding the city were unaware how close the Vietnamese Army actually were; the government had concealed the extent of the Vietnamese gains from the population. As the Vietnamese approached, many officers and other soldiers guarding the city fled; the defence was highly disorganised. There were isolated examples of Cambodian villagers killing Khmer Rouge officials in revenge. In January, Vietnam installed a new government under Samrin, composed of Khmer Rouge who had fled to Vietnam to avoid the purges. The new government renamed Cambodia the "People's Republic of Kampuchea". Although many Cambodians had initially hailed the Vietnamese as saviours, over time resentment against the occupying force grew.

The Khmer Rouge turned to China for support against the invasion. Sary travelled to China via Thailand. There, Deng urged the Khmer Rouge to continue a guerrilla war against the Vietnamese and to establish a broad, non-communist front against the invaders, with a prominent role given to Sihanouk. China sent its vice premier, Geng Biao, to Thailand to negotiate the shipment of arms to the Khmer Rouge through Thailand. China also sent diplomats to stay with the Khmer Rouge encampments near the Thai border. Pol Pot met with these diplomats twice before the Chinese government withdrew them for their safety in March. In China, the Khmer Rouge set up their "Voice of Democratic Kampuchea" radio station, which remained their main outlet for communicating with the world. In February, the Chinese attacked northern Vietnam, hoping to draw Vietnamese troops away from the invasion of Cambodia. As well as China, the Khmer Rouge also received the support of the United States and most other non-Marxist southeast Asian countries who feared Vietnamese aggression as a tool of Soviet influence in the region.

On 15 January, the Vietnamese reached Sisophon. Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, and Khieu Samphan then moved to Palin on the Thai side of the border, and in late January relocated again, to Tasanh, where Sary joined them. There, on 1 February, they held a Central Committee conference, deciding against Deng's advice about a united front. In the second half of March, the Vietnamese moved to hem in the Khmer Rouge along the Thai border, where many of Pol Pot's troops had crossed into Thailand itself. The Vietnamese advanced on Tasanh, from which the Khmer Rouge leaders had fled only a few hours before it was captured.

After Democratic Kampuchea

Fighting back against the Vietnamese: 1979–1989

In 1979, Khieu Samphan (pictured here in 2011) replaced Pol Pot as Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea

In July 1979, Pol Pot established a new headquarters, Office 131, on the western flank of Mount Thom. He dropped the name "Pol Pot" and began calling himself "Phem". In September 1979, Khieu announced that the Khmer Rouge was establishing a new united front, the Patriotic Democratic Front, bringing together all Cambodians who opposed the Vietnamese occupation. Senior Khmer Rouge members began disavowing the cause of socialism. The group members stopped wearing uniform black outfits; Pol Pot himself started wearing jungle green fatigues and later Thai-made safari suits. Short believed that these changes reflected a genuine ideological shift in the Khmer Rouge. In October, Pol Pot ordered an end to executions, a command which was largely followed. In November 1979, the United Nations General Assembly voted to recognise the Khmer Rouge delegation, rather than that of the Vietnamese-backed government, as the legitimate government of Cambodia. In December, Samphan replaced Pol Pot as prime minister of Democratic Kampuchea, a move that allowed Pol Pot to focus on the war effort and which was perhaps also designed to improve the Khmer Rouge's image.

During the monsoons of summer 1979, the Khmer Rouge troops began filtering back into Cambodia. Many young Cambodians joined the Khmer Rouge forces, wanting to drive the Vietnamese Army out. Boosted by the new Chinese supplies, the Khmer Rouge rebuilt its military structure in early 1980. By mid-1980, the Khmer Rouge claimed it had 40,000 troops active in Cambodia. From 1981, Pol Pot's main goal was to attract popular support among the Cambodian population, believing that this would be vital in enabling him to win the war. In August 1981, he travelled, via Bangkok, to Beijing, where he met with Deng and Zhao Ziyang. Deng had been pushing for Sihanouk, living in Pyongyang, to become Cambodian head of state, something the monarch had reluctantly agreed to in February 1981. In September, Sihanouk, Samphan, and Son Sann issued a joint statement in Singapore announcing the formation of their own coalition government.

I am old now and handicapped. I know that people inside Cambodia fear me. So when we drive out the contemptible Vietnamese and gain peace, I will retire if the comrades so desire. But if I return now, and the comrades can't drive out the Vietnamese, how can I sit still? I must share my experience and knowledge. If the Vietnamese leave and we can defend our country, I will ... retire. And when I die I will die peacefully.

— Pol Pot, 1987

In December 1981, Pol Pot and Nuon Chea decided to dissolve the Communist Party of Kampuchea, a decision taken with very little discussion among the party's membership, some of whom were shocked. Many outside commentators believed the dissolution was a ruse, and that the CPK was actually going underground once more, although Short noted that this was not the case. Pol Pot proposed a new Movement of Nationalists that would replace the party, although this failed to fully materialise. The CPK Standing Committee was replaced by a Military Directorate, the focus of which was on driving out the Vietnamese. Pol Pot's decision to disband the party was informed by global events; his anti-Vietnamese army was backed by many capitalist countries while the Vietnamese were backed by most Marxist-governed countries. At the same time, he believed that his main Marxist backers, the Chinese, were themselves restoring capitalism with Deng's reforms. Reflecting the ideological shift, among the Khmer Rouge, collective eating was ended, the ban on individual possessions was lifted, and children were again allowed to live with their parents. Pol Pot commented that his previous administration had been too left-wing and claimed that it had made mistakes because he had placed too much trust in treacherous individuals around him.

In June 1982, at an event in Kuala Lumpur, the Khmer Rouge were among the factions declaring the formation of a Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) as an alternative to the administration in Phnom Penh. On the ground in Cambodia there nevertheless remained little military collaboration between these factions, which included the Khmer Rouge as well as the Sihanoukist National Army and Son Senn's Khmer People's National Liberation Front. In 1983, Pol Pot travelled to Bangkok for a medical check-up; there he was diagnosed with Hodgkin's disease. In mid-1984, Office 131 was moved to a new base further into Cambodia, near the O'Suosadey river. In December, the Vietnamese Army launched a major offensive, overrunning the Khmer Rouge's Cambodian base and pushing Pol Pot back into Thailand. There, he established a new base, K-18, several miles outside Trat.

В сентябре 1985 года Пол Пот ушел с поста главнокомандующего силами красных кхмеров в пользу Сон Сена; тем не менее он продолжал обладать значительным влиянием. In the summer he married a young woman named Mea; the following spring their daughter, Sitha, was born. Затем он отправился в Пекин, чтобы пройти лечение от рака в военном госпитале, и вернулся в Камбоджу только летом 1988 года. В 1988 году антивьетнамские группировки вступили в переговоры с правительством Пномпеня. Пол Пот посчитал это слишком поспешным, поскольку опасался, что красные кхмеры не получили достаточной народной поддержки, чтобы добиться значительных успехов на каких-либо послевоенных выборах.

Падение красных кхмеров: 1990–1998 гг.

Падение Берлинской стены и последующее окончание холодной войны имели последствия для Камбоджи. Поскольку Советский Союз больше не представлял угрозы, США и их союзники больше не считали вьетнамское доминирование в Камбодже проблемой. США объявили, что больше не признают CGDK законным правительством Камбоджи на Генеральной Ассамблее ООН. В июне различные камбоджийские группировки согласились на прекращение огня под надзором Организации Объединенных Наций с формированием нового Верховного национального совета для содействия проведению демократических выборов. Пол Пот согласился на эти условия, опасаясь, что, если он откажется, все остальные фракции объединятся против красных кхмеров. В ноябре Сианук вернулся в Камбоджу. Там он похвалил поддерживаемого Вьетнамом лидера Хун Сена и заявил, что лидеры красных кхмеров должны предстать перед судом за свои преступления. Когда Самфан прибыл в Пномпень с делегацией красных кхмеров, его избила толпа.

Пол Пот основал новый штаб вдоль границы, недалеко от провинции Пайлин . Он призвал красных кхмеров удвоить свои усилия по получению поддержки в деревнях Камбоджи. В июне Самфан объявил, что в нарушение ранее заключенных соглашений его войска не будут разоружаться, заявив, что он отказывается сделать это, пока вьетнамские солдаты остаются в Камбодже. «Красные кхмеры» становились все более конфронтационными, расширяя свою территорию через западную Камбоджу. Он устроил резню вьетнамских поселенцев, недавно прибывших в этот район. Силы Хун Сена также вели военные действия, при этом миротворцы ООН оказались неэффективными в предотвращении насилия. В январе 1993 года Сианук вернулся в Пекин, заявив, что Камбоджа не готова к выборам. «Красные кхмеры» сформировали новую партию — Партию национального единства Камбоджи , через которую могли принять участие в выборах, но в марте Пол Пот объявил, что они будут бойкотировать голосование. В этот момент он перенес свою штаб-квартиру в Пном Чхат ; Самфан присоединился к нему, выведя свою делегацию красных кхмеров из Пномпеня.

На в мае 1993 года выборах Ранаридда Нородома ФУНСИНПЕК получила 58 из 120 имеющихся мест в Национальной ассамблее ; Хун Сена Второе место заняла Народная партия Камбоджи . Сен, которого поддерживали вьетнамцы, отказался признать поражение. Сианук провел переговоры о формировании коалиционного правительства между двумя партиями, введя систему, согласно которой в Камбодже будут два премьер-министра, Ранаридд и сенатор. Затем новая Камбоджийская национальная армия начала наступление против красных кхмеров. К августу они захватили Пном Чхат, а Пол Пот бежал обратно в Таиланд. Красные кхмеры начали контрнаступление, вернув себе большую часть территории, которую они недавно потеряли, к маю 1994 года. Пол Пот переехал в Анлонг Венг , но, поскольку он был захвачен в 1994 году, он переехал в Кбал Ансоанг , на гребне гор Дангрек . Тем не менее, в первой половине 1990-х годов «красные кхмеры» столкнулись с растущим уровнем дезертирства.

Пол Пот снова сделал акцент на тех, кто живет на территории красных кхмеров, имитируя жизнь беднейших крестьян, и в 1994 году приказал конфисковать частный транспорт и положить конец трансграничной торговле с Таиландом. В сентябре он приказал казнить британца, француза и австралийца, захваченных в результате нападения красных кхмеров на поезд. В июле 1996 года среди «красных кхмеров» вспыхнул мятеж, а в августе было объявлено, что Иенг Сари, И Чхеан и Сок Пхип отделяются от движения, забирая верные им войска. Это означало, что около 4000 солдат ушли, что почти вдвое сократило силы войск, которыми тогда командовали красные кхмеры. К концу 1996 года красные кхмеры потеряли почти всю территорию, которую они удерживали во внутренних районах Камбоджи, ограничившись несколькими сотнями миль вдоль северной границы. Пол Пот сказал своим помощникам: «Мы как рыба в капкане. Мы не можем так продержаться долго». Здоровье Пол Пота ухудшалось. Он страдал аортальным стенозом и больше не имел доступа к последующему лечению ранее перенесенного рака. В результате инсульта у него парализовало левую сторону тела. и в конечном итоге ему потребовался ежедневный доступ к кислороду. Он проводил все больше времени со своей семьей, особенно с дочерью.

Заключение и смерть: 1997–1998 гг.

Могила Пол Пота в районе Анлонг Венг провинции Оддар Минчей.

Пол Пот с подозрением относился к Сон Сену и в июне 1997 года приказал его убить. Впоследствии члены «красных кхмеров» убили Сена и 13 членов его семьи и помощников; Позже Пол Пот заявил, что он не санкционировал все эти убийства. Та Мок был обеспокоен тем, что Пол Пот тоже может напасть на него. Мок собрал верные ему войска у Анлонг Венга , сообщив им, что Пол Пот предал их движение, а затем направился к Кбал Ансоангу . Опасаясь войск Мока, 12 июня Пол Пот, его семья и несколько телохранителей бежали пешком. Пол Пот был очень слаб, и его приходилось нести. После того, как войска Мока задержали их, Пол Пот был помещен под домашний арест . Кхиеу Самфан и Нуон Чеа встали на сторону Мока.

Американский журналист Нейт Тайер дал последнее интервью Пол Поту, когда Пол Пот находился под домашним арестом. Пол Пот заявил, что его «совесть чиста», но признал, что были допущены ошибки, и сказал Тайеру: «Я хочу, чтобы вы знали: все, что я сделал, я сделал для своей страны». Он также отверг идею о том, что миллионы умерли, заявив: «Сказать, что миллионы умерли, - это слишком» и что «Вы знаете, что касается других людей, младенцев, молодых, я не приказывал их убивать».

В конце июля Пол Пот и трое оставшихся верными ему командиров красных кхмеров были доставлены на массовый митинг возле Сангнама . Тайера пригласили снять это событие. Там красные кхмеры приговорили Пол Пота к пожизненному заключению; трое других командиров были приговорены к смертной казни. Три месяца спустя Та Мок разрешил Тайеру посетить Пол Пота и взять у него интервью.

15 апреля 1998 года Пол Пот умер во сне от сердечного приступа . Тайер, присутствовавший при этом, утверждал, что Пол Пот покончил с собой, когда узнал о плане Та Мока передать его Соединенным Штатам, заявив, что «Пол Пот умер после приема смертельной дозы комбинации валиума и хлорохина ». Его тело было законсервировано льдом после того, как импровизированное бальзамирование формальдегидом не удалось, так что его смерть могли подтвердить журналисты, присутствовавшие на его похоронах. Три дня спустя его жена кремировала его тело на костре из покрышек и мусора, используя традиционные буддийские погребальные обряды.

В мае вдова Пол Пота и Теп Хуннал сбежали в Малайзию, где поженились. Сами «красные кхмеры» продолжали нести территориальные потери от камбоджийской армии, а в марте 1999 года Та Мок также был захвачен, и «красные кхмеры» фактически прекратили свое существование.

Политическая идеология

Целью Поля было погрузить страну в ад революционных перемен, где, конечно же, старые идеи и те, кто отказался отказаться от них, погибли бы в огне, но из которого сама Камбоджа вышла бы, окрепшая и очищенная, как образец коммунистической добродетели. .

- Журналист Филип Шорт, 2004 г.

Шорт отметил, что основная доктринальная точка зрения красных кхмеров заключалась в том, что «всегда лучше зайти слишком далеко, чем недостаточно далеко», и этот подход был «корнем многих злоупотреблений», которые происходили при их режиме. Внутри самих красных кхмеров голод, недостаток сна и долгие часы труда использовались в тренировочных лагерях, чтобы усилить физическое и психическое давление и, таким образом, облегчить идеологическую обработку. Шорт отметил, что «ни одна другая коммунистическая партия» в истории никогда не заходила «так далеко в своих попытках напрямую изменить сознание своих членов».

Пол Пот распустил свою Коммунистическую партию в 1980-х годах, чтобы попытаться представить себя в новом, благоприятном свете, а также потому, что большая часть его поддержки исходила от капиталистических стран. В течение этого десятилетия Пол Пот часто отмечал: «Мы выбрали коммунизм, потому что хотели восстановить нашу нацию. Мы помогли вьетнамцам, которые были коммунистами. Но теперь коммунисты борются с нами. Поэтому мы должны повернуться к Западу и следовать их путем». ." Это действие заставило Шорта предположить, что «вид марксизма-ленинизма, скрывавший камбоджийский радикализм, когда-либо был лишь поверхностным». Перед своей смертью в 1997 году он заявил: «Когда я умру, моим единственным желанием будет, чтобы Камбоджа осталась Камбоджей и принадлежала Западу. Для коммунизма все кончено, и я хочу это подчеркнуть».

Пол Пот заявил, что его вдохновило то, что он видел, происходящее в Индии с Ганди и Неру . Он сказал, что начинал как «националист, а затем патриот», а затем, находясь в Париже, прочитал «прогрессивные книги» и французскую газету L'Humanite . По поводу происхождения своих политических взглядов он заметил: «Я не могу сказать вам ни о каком каком-то одном влиянии. Может быть, оно немного отсюда, немного оттуда».

Шорт заметил, что процесс принятия решений в Камбодже Пол Пота был «неуправляемым», что отличало его от централизованных, организованных процессов, которые наблюдались в других ортодоксальных коммунистических государствах. В Демократической Кампучии существовало множество региональных и местных различий в том, как партийные кадры выполняли приказы Пол Пота.

Дэн Сяопин раскритиковал красных кхмеров за «отступления от марксизма-ленинизма». из Албании Энвер Ходжа назвал Пота «варварским фашистом».

Внешние видео
Презентация Филипа Шорта о Пол Поте: анатомия кошмара , 9 марта 2005 г. , C-SPAN

По-новому интерпретируя революционную роль классов и «за тончайшим марксистским покровом» пролетариата , Пол Пот принял идею революционного союза между крестьянством и интеллектуалами .

Правительство Пол Пота было тоталитарным . и его называют диктатором . Пол Пот желал автаркии или полной самодостаточности Камбоджи. Шорт предположил, что Пол Пот был «подлинным выразителем» стремления многих кхмеров к «возвращению своего былого величия», эпохи Кхмерской империи . Чендлер отметил, что Пол Пот, как и предыдущие камбоджийские лидеры, подчеркивал убежденность в том, что Камбоджа чище других стран. Руководство партии называют ксенофобским. Пол Пот неоднократно заявлял или подразумевал, что камбоджийцы по своей сути превосходят другие этнические или национальные группы и что они невосприимчивы к иностранному влиянию. Шорт также отметил, что красные кхмеры обычно считали иностранцев врагами; во время гражданской войны в Камбодже они убили множество иностранных журналистов, которых взяли в плен, тогда как вьетнамские марксисты обычно их отпускали. Родные религии были запрещены в рамках попытки красных кхмеров искоренить религию в стране.

Личная жизнь и характеристики

Еще больше путаницы вызывает то, что даже его личность [Пол Пота] остается под вопросом. В интервью югославскому телевидению в 1977 году Пол Пот заявил, что происходит из бедной крестьянской семьи. Но камбоджийский беженец в Париже Лаау Фуок настаивает на том, что настоящее имя Пол Пота — Салот Сар и что его отец был землевладельцем, имеющим отдаленное отношение к королевской семье. красных кхмеров Третья версия состоит в том, что Пол Пот на самом деле - это Тол Сат, революционер, который был избран в Народное представительное собрание в Пномпене в 1976 году. Чтобы дополнить тайну, фотографии Пол Пота имеют тенденцию слегка меняться с годами. .

— Журналист Кристофер Джонс, 1981 г.

Дэвид Чендлер охарактеризовал Пол Пота как человека, жаждущего власти. будучи интроспективным, скромный, и проявление самообладания. Его также описывали как человека, который был очень затворником. одержимый тайной, и опасаясь угрозы убийства. Он часто контролировал ситуацию, хотя и притворялся, что это не так; Шорт заявил, что ему «нравилось казаться тем, кем он не был, - безымянным лицом в толпе». За свою политическую карьеру он использовал множество псевдонимов: Поук, Хэй, Пол, 87, дедушка, старший брат, первый брат, а в последующие годы он использовал псевдонимы 99 и Фем. Он сказал секретарю, что «чем чаще вы меняете свое имя, тем лучше. Это сбивает с толку врага». В более позднем возрасте он скрывал и фальсифицировал многие детали своей жизни. Он так и не объяснил, почему выбрал псевдоним «Пол Пот». хотя в 1997 году Уильям Т. Воллманн заявил, что оно произошло от французской фразы «politique potentiel».

Согласно официальной биографии Пол Пота, опубликованной в сентябре 1978 года Департаментом печати и информации Министерства иностранных дел Демократической Кампучии , Пол Пот любил жить и работать спокойно, у него был «большой дух единства», он проявлял «революционный оптимизм» и он был «глубоко и твердо уверен в народе, в массах, особенно в беднейшем крестьянстве». Пол Пот продемонстрировал то, что Чендлер назвал «благородной харизмой». и то, что Шорт назвал «магнетической личностью». В детстве брат характеризовал его как добродушного и уравновешенного человека, а одноклассники вспоминали, что Пол Пот был посредственным, но приятным человеком. Ученики характеризовали его как учителя как спокойного, честного и убедительного человека. обладающий «очевидным добродушием и привлекательной личностью». Чендлер отметил, что при общении с людьми у него был «общий подход»; по словам Шорта, разнообразное и эклектичное воспитание Пол Пота означало, что он «был способен естественно общаться с людьми всех мастей и состояний, устанавливая инстинктивное взаимопонимание, которое неизменно вызывало у них желание полюбить его». Многие наблюдатели отметили его характерную улыбку. Выступая перед публикой, он обычно держал в руках веер, который в камбоджийской культуре традиционно ассоциировался с монашеством.

Пол Пот говорил тихо. Во время выступлений он был безмятежен и спокоен, даже несмотря на агрессивную риторику. Чендлер отметил, что при встрече с людьми Пол Пот проявлял «явную теплоту» и был известен своими «медленно произносимыми словами». Конг Зыонг, который работал с Пол Потом в 1980-х годах, сказал, что он был «очень симпатичным, действительно хорошим человеком. Он был дружелюбным, и все, что он говорил, казалось очень разумным. Он никогда не обвинял вас и не ругал вас в лицо».

Пол Пот страдал бессонницей и часто болел. Он страдал малярией и кишечными заболеваниями, из-за которых ему болело несколько раз в год, пока он был у власти. Помимо любви к традиционной кхмерской музыке, в детстве он увлекся романтической французской поэзией произведений Поля Верлена . , среди его любимых

Чендлер предположил, что семь лет, которые Пол Пот в основном провел в лагерях в джунглях среди своих собратьев-марксистов, оказали существенное влияние на его мировоззрение и «вероятно, укрепили его чувство судьбы и собственной важности». Пол Пот придерживался националистических взглядов и мало интересовался событиями за пределами Камбоджи. Он был самоуверен, и обычно отвергают компромисс или попытки достичь консенсуса. Шорт рассказал, что «Пол действительно верил, что действует ради общего блага, и что рано или поздно все это поймут». Чендлер отметил, что Пол Пот проявил «склонность» к насилию и террору. Шорт предположил, что Пол Пот вместе с другими высокопоставленными членами «красных кхмеров» занимался «прославлением насилия» и рассматривал кровопролитие как «повод для ликования». Это, как предположил Шорт, отличает руководство «красных кхмеров» от тех, кто возглавлял китайские и вьетнамские марксистские движения, которые склонны рассматривать насилие как неизбежное зло, а не как нечто, что следует принять с радостью.

Пол Пот хотел, чтобы его последователи развили «революционное сознание», которое позволило бы им действовать без его руководства, и часто разочаровывался, когда им не удавалось это продемонстрировать. Отчасти потому, что он не полностью доверял подчиненным, он управлял событиями на микроуровне, тщательно проверяя такие вещи, как меню государственных приемов или расписание программ радиопередач. Хотя некоторые сторонники Пол Пота хотели, чтобы ему был посвящен культ личности, подобный культу в других странах, управляемых марксизмом, в Камбодже это так и не появилось. Хотя некоторые его бюсты и картины были созданы в начале войны с Вьетнамом, Камбоджа никогда не видела написанных о нем песен и пьес, его фотография не вошла в партийную литературу, а его «мысли» не публиковались, как это было раньше. Его видели с лидерами таких стран, как Китай и Северная Корея. Чендлер считал, что предложенный культ личности «так и не стал полноценным» во многом потому, что «Пол Поту нелегко давалась самореклама». Возможно, это также отражало его искреннее противодействие индивидуализму.

Прием и наследие

Чендлер назвал Пола Пота одним из «дальновидных лидеров истории Камбоджи» за его попытки радикально преобразовать страну. К 1979 году его имя было признано во всем мире как синоним массовых убийств и хаоса. В некрологе Пол Пота The New York Times назвала его создателем «одного из самых жестоких и радикальных режимов 20-го века». И журнал BBC News , и журнал Time обвинили его правительство в «одном из худших массовых убийств 20-го века». В 2009 году Deutsche Welle описала правительство Пол Пота как инициатора одного из «самых позорных политических экспериментов в мире». в то время как Шорт назвал красных кхмеров «самым радикальным революционным движением современности». В статье для американского социалистического журнала Jacobin в 2019 году голландский социалист Алекс де Йонг охарактеризовал правительство Пол Пота как «режим геноцида» и отметил, что имя «красных кхмеров» стало «синонимом убийств и репрессий». Многие камбоджийцы, пережившие его администрацию, позже называли это время самаи а-Пот («эпоха презренного горшка»).

Идея о том, что смерти, произошедшие при правительстве Пол Пота, следует рассматривать как геноцид, была впервые выдвинута правительством Вьетнама в 1979 году после раскрытия убийств, совершенных в тюрьме Туол Сленг. Поддерживаемая Вьетнамом администрация ФРК быстро открыла тюрьму для посетителей как «Музей геноцида». Шорт утверждал, что, хотя администрация Пол Пота явно несет ответственность за преступления против человечности , обвинять ее в геноциде было бы заблуждением, поскольку она никогда не стремилась искоренить все население.

Чендлер отметил, что, хотя «камбоджийская революция» при Пол Поте привела к «миллионам жертв», у нее также были некоторые бенефициары. По словам Чендлера, те, кто был уполномочен администрацией красных кхмеров, либо «вероятно, верили» заявлениям Пол Пота о построении социалистического общества, либо «решительно делали вид, что верят». Чендлер также отметил, что сторонники Пол Пота считали, что именно «его дальновидная стратегия и тактика вырвали контроль над Камбоджей у Соединенных Штатов и их феодальных марионеток» и что он «искоренил врагов из партии, призвал к бдительности, создал союз с Китаем и разработал Четырехлетний план». Во время войны с Вьетнамом многие камбоджийцы почитали силы красных кхмеров Пол Пота как националистов, защищавших страну. На международном уровне его движение получило поддержку со стороны таких стран, как Китай, Таиланд и Соединенные Штаты во время этого конфликта, потому что они видели в нем оплот против Вьетнама и, следовательно, ключевого союзника Вьетнама, Советского Союза.

Различные группы посещали правительство Пол Пота, пока оно было у власти. Небольшая Канадская коммунистическая лига (марксистско-ленинская), например, направила делегацию на встречу с ним в Пномпене в декабре 1978 года. Еще одним сочувствующим, посетившим Пол Пота в том году, был шотландский коммунист Малкольм Колдуэлл , историк экономики, работавший в лондонской Школе восточных и африканских исследований . Он встретился с Пол Потом, но вскоре после этого был убит; виновник так и не был установлен. Также в 1978 году «красные кхмеры» встретились с делегатами Шведско-камбоджийской ассоциации дружбы, члены которой открыто симпатизировали «красным кхмерам». Один из ее членов, Гуннар Бергстрем, позже отмечал, что в 1970-х годах он был протестующим против войны во Вьетнаме, разочаровался в Советском Союзе и считал, что правительство Камбоджи строит общество, основанное на свободе и равенстве. По его мнению, режим красных кхмеров был «примером для третьего мира ». Бергстрем отметил, что он и его коллеги слышали о происходящих злодеяниях, но «не хотели им верить».

Культовые мероприятия вокруг могилы Пол Пота

Дополнительная информация: Культ личности и Список культов личности § Камбоджа.

ряд культовых действий и практик. Вокруг могилы Пол Пота наблюдался Люди из Анлонг Венга , а также из других частей Камбоджи приходят к его могиле, чтобы принести еду в определенные святые дни, включая Фестиваль мертвых и камбоджийский Новый год . Некоторые люди ежедневно приносят подношения еды, а также более значительные подношения, такие как голова свиньи и придворная музыка в исполнении оркестра. Аманда Пайк, журналист-расследователь, посетившая Камбоджу, утверждает, что некоторые сторонники Пол Пота все еще цепляются за его память и идеологию, а также утверждает, что некоторые пылкие верующие все еще поклоняются ему. Она сообщает, что эти люди раскапывают прах Пол Пота и выхватывают фрагменты его костей, чтобы увезти их в качестве талисманов . Жители камбоджийской деревни говорят, что им снится Пол Пот, а потом они выигрывают в лотерею или излечиваются от малярии . Кроме того, люди становятся на колени возле его могилы и начинают молиться. Они скандируют: «Все твои дети здесь, дедушка. Не говори, что мы тебя забыли». Они просят крепкого здоровья и образования для своих детей, как это делал Пол Пот. На вопрос, почему они ходят на могилу Пол Пота, некоторые говорят, что знали его лично. Другие говорят, что идут засвидетельствовать свое почтение бывшему лидеру. Большинство, похоже, считает, что некоторая часть мира думает о Пол Поте в негативном свете, однако они настаивают на том, что он был сторонником простого фермера и защитником Камбоджи. Были также случаи, когда люди утверждали, что видели во сне Пол Пота и шли во сне к его могиле.

Ссылки

Источники

• Чендлер, Дэвид П. (1992). Брат номер один: Политическая биография Пол Пота . Боулдер, Сан-Франциско и Оксфорд: Westview Press. ISBN  0-8133-0927-1 .
• Чорчари, Джон Д. (2014). «Китай и режим Пол Пота». История холодной войны . 14 (2): 215–35. дои : 10.1080/14682745.2013.808624 . S2CID   153491712 .
• Хинтон, Александр Лабан (2005). Почему они убивали: Камбоджа в тени геноцида . Издательство Калифорнийского университета. ISBN  978-0520241794 .
• Кирнан, Бен (2003). «Демография геноцида в Юго-Восточной Азии: число погибших в Камбодже, 1975–79 годы, и Восточном Тиморе, 1975–80 годы». Критические азиатские исследования . 35 (4): 585–97. дои : 10.1080/1467271032000147041 . S2CID   143971159 .
• Локар, Анри (2005). «Государственное насилие в Демократической Кампучии (1975–1979) и возмездие (1979–2004)». Европейский обзор истории . 12 (1): 121–143. дои : 10.1080/13507480500047811 . S2CID   144712717 .
• Коротко, Филип (2004). Пол Пот: История кошмара . Лондон: Джон Мюррей. ISBN  978-0719565694 .
• Тайнер, Джеймс А. (2018). От рисовых полей к полям смерти: природа, жизнь и труд под властью красных кхмеров . Сиракьюс, Нью-Йорк: Издательство Сиракузского университета. ISBN  978-0815635567 .

Дальнейшее чтение

• Дениз Аффонсу, «На край ада: борьба одной женщины за выживание среди красных кхмеров в Камбодже» .
• Дэвид П. Чендлер , Бен Кирнан и Чанту Буа: Пол Пот планирует будущее: Конфиденциальные документы руководства Демократической Кампучии, 1976–1977 гг . Нью-Хейвен, Коннектикут: Издательство Йельского университета, 1988.
• Стивен Хедер, Пол Пот и Кхиеу Самфан . Клейтон, Виктория: Центр исследований Юго-Восточной Азии, 1991.
• Бен Кирнан, «Социальная сплоченность в революционной Камбодже», Australian Outlook , декабрь 1976 г.
• Бен Кирнан, «Вьетнам, правительства и народ Кампучии», Бюллетень обеспокоенных азиатских ученых (октябрь – декабрь 1979 г.).
• Бен Кирнан, Режим Пол Пота: раса, власть и геноцид в Камбодже при красных кхмерах , 1975–79. Нью-Хейвен, Коннектикут: Издательство Йельского университета, 1997.
• Бен Кирнан, Как Пол Пот пришел к власти: история камбоджийского коммунизма, 1930–1975 гг . Нью-Хейвен, Коннектикут: Издательство Йельского университета, 2004.
• Анри Локар, «Государственное насилие в Демократической Кампучии (1975–1979) и возмездие (1979–2004)». Архивировано 20 октября 2017 года в Wayback Machine , European Review of History – Revue européenne d'Histoire , vol. 12, нет. 1 (март 2005 г.), стр. 121–43.
• Франсуа Поншо, Камбоджа: Нулевой год . Нью-Йорк: Холт, Райнхарт и Уинстон, 1978.
• Пьерджорджио Пескали, Индокитай . Болонья: Эмиль, 2010.
• Пьерджорджио Пескали, S-21 В тюрьме Пол Пота . Милан: La Ponga Edizioni, 2015.
• Джексон, Карл Д. (ред.). Камбоджа, 1975–1978: Встреча со смертью . Издательство Принстонского университета

Внешние ссылки

• Встреча с Пол Потом . Элизабет Беккер из The New York Times .
• Камбоджийский геноцид . Материал составлен доктором Стюартом Д. Штайном.
• Программа геноцида в Камбодже, 1994–2008 гг .
• Наблюдатель Трибунала Камбоджи .
• Биография товарища Пол Пота, секретаря ЦК Коммунистической партии Кампучии . Брошюра, опубликованная министерством иностранных дел Демократической Кампучии.