Правый популизм

«Национальный популизм» перенаправляется сюда. О книге Роджера Итвелла и Мэтью Гудвина см. « Национальный популизм: восстание против либеральной демократии» .

Бывший президент Бразилии Жаир Болсонару и бывший президент США Дональд Трамп в 2019 году

Президент Сальвадора Наиб Букеле выступит в 2022 году

Премьер-министр Италии Джорджия Мелони выступает на конференции CPAC 2022 года

Инаугурация Хавьера Милея и Виктории Вильярруэль на посту президента и вице-президента Аргентины в 2023 году.

Правый популизм , также называемый национальным популизмом и правым национализмом , - это политическая идеология , сочетающая правую политику с популистской риторикой и темами. Его риторика использует антиэлитарные настроения , оппозицию истеблишменту и обращение к « простым людям » или от их имени. Повторяющиеся темы правых популистов включают неонационализм , социальный консерватизм , экономический национализм и финансовый консерватизм . Зачастую они стремятся защитить национальную культуру, самобытность и экономику от предполагаемых нападок со стороны посторонних. Правый популизм остается доминирующей политической силой в Республиканской партии США с 2010 - х годов.

Правый популизм в западном мире обычно ассоциируется с такими идеологиями, как антиэкологизм , антиглобализм , национализм , и протекционизм . В Европе этот термин часто используется для описания групп, политиков и политических партий, известных своей оппозицией иммиграции . особенно из мусульманского мира , и за евроскептицизм . Правые популисты могут поддерживать расширение государства всеобщего благосостояния , но только для тех, кого они считают достойными его получить; эта концепция получила название « шовинизма благосостояния ».

С 1990-х годов правые популистские партии утвердились в законодательных органах различных демократических стран. Хотя крайне правые движения в США (где их обычно называют « правыми радикалами ») обычно характеризуются как отдельные образования, некоторые авторы считают их частью более широкого правопопулистского явления.

Со времени Великой рецессии , Европейские правопопулистские движения, такие как « Братья Италии» и « Лига Италии», « Национальное объединение» (ранее « Национальный фронт» ), Партия свободы и Форум за демократию в Нидерландах, «Все за Латвию» , Партия финнов , Шведские демократы , Датская народная партия , Vox в Испании, Партия свободы Австрии , Закон и справедливость в Польше, Партия независимости Великобритании , Альтернатива для Германии , Швейцарская народная партия и Партия реформ Великобритании (бывшая Партия Брексита ) начали расти в популярность, во многом из-за растущего противодействия иммиграции с Ближнего Востока и Африки , роста евроскептицизма и недовольства экономической политикой Европейского Союза . Американский бизнесмен и медийный деятель Дональд Трамп победил на президентских выборах в США в 2016 году , выбрав платформу , основанную на правых популистских темах.

Определение

Смотрите также: Популизм § Авторитаризм

Правый популизм — это идеология, которая в первую очередь поддерживает неонационализм , социальный консерватизм и экономический национализм .

Кас Мудде утверждает, что то, что он называет «правыми радикальными популистами», начинается с идеи « нации ». Однако он отвергает использование национализма в качестве основной идеологии правого популизма на том основании, что существуют также чисто «гражданские» или «либеральные» формы национализма, предпочитая вместо этого термин « нативизм »: ксенофобская форма национализма, утверждающая, что «государства должны быть населены исключительно членами местной группы («нации»), и что неместные элементы (люди и идеи) фундаментально угрожают однородному национальному государству». Мудде далее утверждает, что «хотя нативизм может включать в себя расистские аргументы, он также может быть нерасистским (включая и исключая на основе культуры или даже религии)», и что термин «нативизм» не сводит стороны к простым партиям, занимающимся одним вопросом. , например, термин «антиммигрантский». В максимальном определении к нативизму добавляется авторитаризм — отношение, не обязательно антидемократическое или автократическое, отдающее предпочтение « закону и порядку». "и подчинение власти — и популизм — «тонкоцентричная идеология», которая считает, что общество в конечном итоге разделено на две однородные и антагонистические группы, «чистые люди» и «коррумпированную элиту», и которая утверждает, что политика должна быть выражением «общей воле народа", независимо от прав человека или конституционных гарантий. Кас Мудде и Кристобаль Ровира Кальтвассер подтвердили в 2017 году, что внутри европейского правого популизма существует «брак по расчету» популизма, основанный на «этническом и шовинистическом определении народа», авторитаризме и национализме. В результате правый популизм имеет «ксенофобскую природу».

Роджер Итвелл, почетный профессор сравнительной политологии в Университете Бата , пишет, что «хотя популизм и фашизм заметно различаются идеологически, на практике последний заимствовал аспекты популистского дискурса и стиля, и популизм может переродиться в ориентированную на лидера авторитарную и исключающую политику. ." Для перехода популизма в фашизм или протофашизм необходимы « нигилистическая культура и трудноразрешимый кризис».

[П]опулизм подобен фашизму в том, что он является ответом на либеральные и социалистические объяснения политики. А также, как и фашизм, популизм не признает законного политического места для оппозиции, которую он считает действующей против желаний народа и которую он также обвиняет в тиранстве, заговоре и антидемократичности. ... Оппоненты превращены во врагов народа, но только на словах. Если популизм перейдет от риторической вражды к практикам выявления и преследования врагов, мы можем говорить о его трансформации в фашизм или другую форму диктаторских репрессий. Это случалось в прошлом... и, вне всякого сомнения, это может произойти в будущем. Такая трансформация популизма обратно в фашизм всегда возможна, но она очень редка, и когда это происходит и популизм становится полностью антидемократическим, это уже не популизм.

Эрик Берггрен и Андрес Неергард писали в 2015 году, что «[большинство] исследователей согласны [...] с тем, что ксенофобия , антииммиграционные настроения , нативизм , этнонационализм по-разному являются центральными элементами идеологий, политики и практик». правого популизма и крайне правых партий». Точно так же историк Рик Шенкман описывает идеологию, представленную правым популизмом, как «смертельную смесь ксенофобии, расизма и авторитаризма». Тамир Бар-Он также пришел к выводу в 2018 году, что в литературе обычно «нативизм» или «этнический национализм» рассматриваются как основная концепция идеологии, которая «неявно постулирует политически доминирующую группу, в то время как меньшинства воспринимаются как угроза нации». Это «в целом, но не обязательно, расистски»; например, в случае с голландской PVV «главным «врагом» является религиозное [меньшинство, т.е. мусульмане], а не этническое меньшинство».

Ученые непоследовательно используют терминологию, иногда называя правый популизм « радикальным правым ». или другие термины, такие как новый национализм . Пиппа Норрис отметила, что «стандартные справочники используют альтернативные типологии и разнообразные ярлыки, классифицирующие партии как « крайние » или «крайние» правые, « новые правые », « антиммигрантские » или « неофашистские », «антиистеблишментские» и « анти-истеблишментские ». национал-популистский», «протестный», «этнический», « авторитарный », « антиправительственный », «антипартийный», « ультранационалистический », « право-либертарианский » и так далее».

Что касается авторитарного аспекта правого популизма, политический психолог Шон В. Розенберг утверждает, что его «интеллектуальные корни и лежащая в его основе логика» лучше всего рассматриваться как «современное выражение фашистских идеологий начала 20 века».

Руководствуясь своими корнями в идеологическом фашизме... и своей близостью к фашистским правительствам Германии и Италии 1930-х годов, [правый популизм] имеет тенденцию делегировать необычную власть своему руководству, точнее, своему ключевому лидеру. Этот лидер воплощает волю народа, разъясняет ее всем остальным и действует соответственно. Таким образом, различия между руководством, народом в целом и отдельными людьми стираются, поскольку их воля объединяется в единую цель. (стр.5) ... В этой политической культурной концепции индивиды имеют вторичный и несколько производный статус. Они обретают смысл и ценность, поскольку являются частью коллектива, народа и нации. Индивиды, таким образом, конституируются как масса, обладающая одним общим значимым категориальным качеством: они являются гражданами, членами нации. ... В этой концепции личность и нация неразрывно переплетены, грань между ними размыта. Как предполагали философы фашизма... государство реализуется в народе, а народ реализуется в государстве. Это симбиотические отношения. Индивиды реализуются в проявлении национальных особенностей и через участие в национальной миссии. При этом личность одновременно определяется и ценится, признается и прославляется. (стр. 12)

По мнению Розенберга, правый популизм признает примат «народа», но отвергает защиту прав меньшинств со стороны либеральной демократии и отдает предпочтение этнонационализму над юридической концепцией нации как государственного устройства, в котором народ является его членами. ; в целом он отвергает верховенство закона. Все эти атрибуты, а также предпочтение сильного политического руководства указывают на фашистские наклонности правого популизма. Историк Федерико Финчелштейн определяет популизм как форму авторитарной демократии, а фашизм — как ультранасильственную диктатуру.

Мотивации и методы

По словам Роджера Итвелла и Мэтью Гудвина , «национал-популисты отдают приоритет культуре и интересам нации и обещают дать голос людям, которые чувствуют, что ими пренебрегают и даже презирают далекие и зачастую коррумпированные элиты». Они являются частью «растущего восстания против господствующей политики и либеральных ценностей. Этот вызов в целом не является антидемократичным. Скорее, национал-популисты выступают против определенных аспектов либеральной демократии в том виде, в котором она развилась на Западе. [...] [Их] «прямая» концепция демократии отличается от «либеральной» концепции, которая процветала на Западе после поражения фашизма и которая постепенно стала более элитарной по своему характеру». Более того, национал-популисты подвергают сомнению то, что они называют «эрозией национального государства», «гиперэтническими изменениями» и «способностью быстро поглощать [высокий] уровень иммиграции», «крайне неравным обществом» нынешнего экономического урегулирования Запада. . Они с подозрением относятся к «космополитическим и глобализирующим программам». Популистские партии используют кризисы в своих правительствах для усиления антиглобалистской реакции; к ним относятся воздержание от торговой и антииммиграционной политики. Поддержка этих идеологий обычно исходит от людей, чья занятость может иметь низкую профессиональную мобильность. Это делает их более склонными к развитию антииммигрантского и антиглобалистского менталитета, который соответствует идеалам популистской партии.

Жан-Ив Камю и Николя Лебур рассматривают «национальный популизм» как попытку объединить социально-экономические ценности левых и политические ценности правых, а также поддержку референдумной республики, которая обойдет традиционные политические разногласия и институты, поскольку они стремятся к единство политической ( демос ), этнической ( этнос ) и социальной ( рабочий класс ) интерпретаций «народа», национал-популисты претендуют на защиту «среднего гражданина» и «здравого смысла» от «предательства неизбежно коррумпированные элиты». Как выразился в 1970-х годах идеолог Национального фронта Франсуа Дюпра , вдохновленный латиноамериканскими правыми того времени, правый популизм стремится создать «национальную, социальную и популярную» идеологию. Если и левая, и правая партии разделяют сам популизм , их предпосылки действительно различны в том, что правые популисты воспринимают общество как находящееся в состоянии упадка, от которого «только здоровые простые люди могут освободить нацию, сформировав один национальный класс из разных». социальных классов и отбрасывание коррумпированных элит».

С методологической точки зрения, заимствуя концепции левых – такие как мультикультурализм и этноплюрализм , которые поддерживаются левыми как средство сохранения культур этнических меньшинств в плюралистическом обществе – а затем отбрасывая их неиерархическую сущность, правые популисты могут По словам социолога Йенса Ридгрена , «мобилизуйтесь на основе ксенофобского и расистского общественного мнения, не подвергаясь при этом стигматизации как расистов». Социолог Ханде Эслен-Зия утверждает, что правые популистские движения полагаются на «науку троллей», а именно на «(искаженные) научные аргументы, преобразованные в популистский дискурс», которые создают альтернативное повествование. Помимо риторических методов, правые популистские движения также процветают за счет использования инструментов цифровых медиа, включая веб-сайты и информационные бюллетени, группы и страницы в социальных сетях, а также каналы Youtube и чат-группы для обмена сообщениями.

и

Хотя иммиграция является общей темой, лежащей в центре многих национальных правых популистских движений, эта тема часто кристаллизуется вокруг культурных вопросов, таких как религия, гендерные роли и сексуальность, как в случае с транснациональными антигендерными теориями. Ряд научных исследований также обнаружил, что популистские движения используют или основываются на теориях заговора, слухах и лжи. Некоторые ученые утверждают, что ассоциация правого популизма с заговором, слухами и ложью может быть более распространена в цифровую эпоху благодаря широко доступным средствам производства и распространения контента. Эти изменения в средствах массовой информации и коммуникации в контексте конкретных исторических сдвигов в иммиграционной и культурной политике привели к ассоциации правого популизма с политикой постправды .

История

Германия и Франция

Немецкий и французский правый популизм можно проследить до периода 1870–1900 годов, после франко-прусской войны , с зарождением двух разных тенденций в Германии и Франции: фолькишского движения и буланжизма . Фёлкишены представляли романтические националистические , расистские , а с 1900-х годов антисемитские тенденции в немецком обществе, поскольку они идеализировали биомистическую «первоначальную нацию», которую, по их взглядам, все еще можно было найти в сельских регионах, форму «примитивной демократии, свободно подчиняются своей естественной элите». Во Франции антипарламентская Лига Патриотов , возглавляемая Буланже , Деруледом и Барресом , призывала к «плебисцитарной республике», в которой президент избирался бы всеобщим голосованием , а народная воля выражалась бы не через избранных представителей («коррумпированные элиты»). «), а скорее посредством «законодательных плебисцитов», другого названия референдумов. Он также перерос в антисемитизм после дела Дрейфуса (1894 г.).

Дания и Норвегия (1970

Современный национальный популизм - то, что Пьерро Игнаци назвал «постиндустриальными партиями». - возник в 1970-е годы в динамике, поддерживаемой неприятием избирателями государства всеобщего благосостояния и налоговой системы, которые считались «конфискационными»; рост ксенофобии на фоне иммиграции, которая, поскольку происходила из-за пределов Европы, считалась иммиграцией нового типа; и, наконец, конец процветания, царившего после Второй мировой войны, символом которого стал нефтяной кризис 1973 года . В начале 1970-х годов появились две партии-предшественницы: Партия прогресса , прародительница Датской народной партии , и партия Андерса Ланге в Норвегии.

Нидерланды и Франция

Новая волна правого популизма возникла после терактов 11 сентября . «Неопопулисты» — это политики-националисты и исламофобы, которые стремятся «быть защитниками свобод меньшинств (геев, евреев, женщин) против арабо-мусульманских масс»; Эта тенденция впервые была воплощена в голландском списке Пима Фортейна , а затем ей последовали Герта Вилдерса и Партия свободы Национальное Жана Мари и его дочери Марин Ле Пен объединение . По мнению Жан-Ива Камю и Николя Лебура , эти партии не представляют собой настоящий синкретизм левых и правых, поскольку их идеология и избирательная база являются межклассовыми. Более того, неопопулистские партии перешли от критики государства всеобщего благосостояния к критике мультикультурализма , и их приоритетным требованием остается сокращение иммиграции.

Движения по странам

Пьеро Игнаци , итальянский политолог , разделил правые популистские партии, которые он назвал «крайне правыми партиями», на две категории: он поместил традиционные правые партии, развившиеся из исторических правых, и постиндустриальные партии. партии, которые развивались самостоятельно. В первую категорию он поместил Британскую национальную партию , Национал-демократическую партию Германии , Немецкий народный союз и бывшую голландскую Центристскую партию , прототипом которой станет расформированное Итальянское общественное движение . Напротив, он поместил Французский национальный фронт , немецких республиканцев , голландских демократов-центристов , бывшего бельгийского Флаамского блока (который будет включать в себя некоторые аспекты традиционных крайне правых партий), Датскую Партию прогресса , Норвежскую Партию прогресса и Партию свободы. Австрии во второй категории.

К правым популистским партиям в англоязычном мире относятся Партия независимости Великобритании Австралии и «Единая нация» . США В состав Республиканской партии и Консервативной партии Канады входят правые популистские фракции.

Африка

Нигерия

Рабиу Кванквасо , как и его Народная партия Новой Нигерии , в целом являются такими же популистами. и ультраконсервативный . Подражая Амину Кано , Кванквасо выразил поддержку государству всеобщего благосостояния и строительству новых университетов , одновременно увеличивая численность нигерийских вооруженных сил и нигерийской полиции . Кванквасо считается крайне консервативным в культурном отношении и глубоко набожным мусульманином , хотя он и не является исламистом . Несмотря на культурный консерватизм Кванквасо, он выразил поддержку правам женщин в Нигерии .

Южная Африка

Основные статьи: африканерский национализм и либертарианство в Южной Африке

По словам Джона Кэмпбелла из Совета по международным отношениям , «Фронт свободы плюс» является политической партией, в которой доминируют белые и цветные , и которая пропагандирует африканерский национализм . Нынешний партийный манифест, написанный Питером Грюнвальдом , призывает положить конец позитивным действиям и расширению экономических прав чернокожих, одновременно поддерживая пропорциональное представительство . Freedom Front Plus всегда продвигал консервативную по своей природе политику и поддерживал говорящих на языке африкаанс и христиан из Голландской реформатской церкви Южной Африки .

Уганда

Президент Йовери Мусевени и его партия «Движение национального сопротивления » обычно являются правыми популистами. Анти-ЛГБТ , и националистический . По словам Корины Лакатус, «Мусевени пришел к власти в 1986 году как популистский деятель, который принял авторитарный стиль руководства и с годами превратился в авторитарного лидера. На протяжении многих лет он продолжал полагаться на проверенный популистский дискурс. это, в первую очередь, обеспечило ему политический успех, чтобы продолжить продвижение своего режима и продвигать свою избирательную кампанию».

Америка

Аргентина

Incumbent President of Argentina Javier Milei

Хавьер Милей , действующий президент Аргентины, известен своей яркой личностью, отличительным личным стилем и сильным присутствием в средствах массовой информации. Взгляды Милея выделяют его на политическом ландшафте Аргентины и привлекли значительное внимание общественности и неоднозначную реакцию. В политическом отношении его описывают как правого либертарианца и правого популиста , он поддерживает экономику невмешательства , в частности, согласуясь с минархистскими и анархо-капиталистическими принципами. Милей предложил провести комплексный пересмотр финансовой и структурной политики страны. Он поддерживает свободу выбора в отношении наркополитики, огнестрельного оружия, проституции, однополых браков, сексуальных предпочтений и гендерной идентичности, выступая против абортов и эвтаназии. Во внешней политике он выступает за более тесные отношения с США, поддержку Украины в ответ на российское вторжение в страну и дистанцирование Аргентины от геополитических связей с Китаем. He has been variously described as far right, far-right populist, right-wing libertarian, ultraconservative, and ultra-liberal. A philosophical anarcho-capitalist who is for practical purposes a minarchist, Milei advocates minimal government, focusing on justice and security, with a philosophy rooted in life, liberty, and property, and free-market principles. He criticizes socialism and communism, advocating economic liberalization and restructuring government ministries. He opposes Argentina's Central Bank and current taxation policies.

Economically, Milei is influenced by the Austrian School and admires former president Carlos Menem's policies. He supports capitalism, viewing socialism as embodying envy and coercion. Milei proposes reducing government ministries and addressing economic challenges through spending cuts and fiscal reforms, criticizing previous administrations for excessive spending. He has praised the economic policies of former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and called her "a great leader".

Brazil

Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro in 2019

In Brazil, right-wing populism began to rise roughly around the time Dilma Rousseff won the 2014 presidential election. In the Brazilian general election of 2014, Levy Fidelix, from the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, presented himself with a conservative speech and, according to him, the only right-wing candidate. He spoke for traditional family values and opposed abortion, legalization of marijuana, and same-sex marriage and proposed that homosexual individuals be treated far away from the good citizens' and workers' families. In the first round of the general election, Fidelix received 446,878 votes, representing 0.43% of the popular vote. Fidelix ranked 7th out of 11 candidates. In the second round, Fidelix supported candidate Aécio Neves.

In addition, according to the political analyst of the Inter-Union Department of Parliamentary Advice, Antônio Augusto de Queiroz, the National Congress elected in 2014 may be considered the most conservative since the "re-democratization" movement, noting an increase in the number of parliamentarians linked to more conservative segments, such as ruralists, the military, the police, and the religious right. The subsequent economic crisis of 2015 and investigations of corruption scandals led to a right-wing movement that sought to rescue fiscally and socially conservative ideas in opposition to the left-wing policies of the Workers' Party. At the same time, right-libertarians, such as those that make up the Free Brazil Movement, emerged among many others. For Manheim (1952), within a single real generation, there may be several generations which he called "differentiated and antagonistic". For him, it is not the common birth date that marks a generation, though it matters, but rather the historical moment in which they live in common. In this case, the historical moment was the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. They can be called the "post-Dilma generation".

Centrist interim President Michel Temer took office following the impeachment of President Rousseff. Temer held 3% approval ratings in October 2017, facing a corruption scandal after accusations of obstructing justice and racketeering against him. He managed to avoid trial thanks to the support of the right-wing parties in the Brazilian Congress. On the other hand, President of the Senate Renan Calheiros, acknowledged as one of the key figures behind Rousseff's destitution and a member of the centrist Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, was removed from office after facing embezzlement charges.

In March 2016, after entering the Social Christian Party, far-right congressman Jair Bolsonaro decided to run for President of the Republic. In 2017, he tried to become the presidential nominee of Patriota, but, eventually, Bolsonaro entered the Social Liberal Party and, supported by the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, he won the 2018 presidential election, followed by left-wing former Mayor of São Paulo Fernando Haddad of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's Workers' Party. Lula was banned from running after being convicted on criminal corruption charges and imprisoned. Bolsonaro has been accused of racist, xenophobic, misogynistic, and homophobic rhetoric. His campaign was centered on opposition to crime, political corruption, and LGBT identity, and support for tax cuts, militarism, Catholicism, and Evangelicalism.

Canada

Canada has a history of right-wing populist protest parties and politicians, most notably in Western Canada, partly due to the idea of Western alienation. The highly successful Social Credit Party of Canada consistently won seats in British Columbia, Alberta, and Saskatchewan but fell into obscurity by the 1970s.

In the late 1980s, the Reform Party of Canada, led by Preston Manning, became another right-wing populist movement formed due to the policies of the center-right Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, which alienated many Blue Tories and led to a feeling of neglect in the West of Canada. Initially motivated by a single-issue desire to give a voice to Western Canada, the Reform Party expanded its platform to include a blend of socially conservative and right-wing populist policies. It grew from a fringe party into a major political force in the 1990s and became the official opposition party before reforming itself as the Canadian Alliance. The Alliance ultimately merged with the Progressive Conservative Party to form the modern-day Conservative Party of Canada, after which the Alliance faction dropped some of its populist and socially conservative ideas.

In recent years, right-wing populist elements have existed within the Conservative Party of Canada and mainstream provincial parties and have most notably been espoused by Ontario MP Kellie Leitch; businessman Kevin O'Leary; Quebec Premier François Legault; the former Mayor of Toronto Rob Ford; and his brother, Ontario Premier Doug Ford.

In August 2018, Conservative MP Maxime Bernier left the party, and the following month he founded the People's Party of Canada, which has self-described as "smart populism" and been described as a "right of centre, populist" movement. Bernier lost his seat in the 2019 Canadian elections, and the People's Party scored just above 1% of the vote; however, in the 2021 election, it saw improved performance and climbed to nearly 5% of the popular vote.

Pierre Poilievre, who has been described as populist by some journalists, won the 2022 Conservative Party of Canada leadership election and became the leader of both the Conservative Party and the Official Opposition. Some journalists have compared Poilievre to American Republican populists such as Donald Trump and Ted Cruz, however many journalists have dismissed these comparisons due to Poilievre's pro-choice, pro-immigration, and pro-same-sex-marriage positions.

Costa Rica

In the 2018 political campaign, both Evangelical Christian candidate Fabricio Alvarado and right-wing anti-establishment candidate Juan Diego Castro were described as examples of right-wing populists.

United States

See also: Trumpism

In the United States, right-wing populism is frequently aligned with evangelical Christianity, segregationism, nationalism, nativism anti-intellectualism and anti-Semitism. The Republican Party (United States), particularly supporters of Donald Trump, includes right-wing populist factions.

Moore (1996) argues that "populist opposition to the growing power of political, economic, and cultural elites" helped shape "conservative and right-wing movements" since the 1920s. Historical right-wing populist figures in both major parties in the United States have included Thomas E. Watson (D-GA), Strom Thurmond, Joe McCarthy (R-WI), Barry Goldwater (R-AZ), George Wallace (D-AL), and Pat Buchanan (R-VA).

Several of the prominent members of the Populist Party of the 1890s and 1900s, while economically liberal, supported social aspects of right-wing populism. Watson, the Vice-Presidential nominee of the Populist Party in 1896 and presidential nominee in 1900, eventually embraced white supremacy and anti-Semitism. William Jennings Bryan, the 1896 Populist presidential nominee, was socially and theologically conservative, supporting creationism, Prohibition and other aspects of Christian fundamentalism. Bradley J. Longfield posits Bryan was a "theologically conservative Social Gospeler". An article by National Public Radio's Ron Elving likens the populism of Bryan to the later right-wing populism of Trump.

In 2010, Rasmussen and Schoen characterized the Tea Party movement as "a right-wing anti-systemic populist movement". They added: "Today our country is in the midst of a...new populist revolt that has emerged overwhelmingly from the right – manifesting itself as the Tea Party movement". In 2010, David Barstow wrote in The New York Times: "The Tea Party movement has become a platform for conservative populist discontent". Some political figures closely associated with the Tea Party, such as U.S. Senator Ted Cruz and former U.S. Representative Ron Paul, have been described as appealing to right-wing populism. In the U.S. House of Representatives, the Freedom Caucus, associated with the Tea Party movement, has been described as right-wing populist.

Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign, noted for its anti-establishment, anti-immigration, and protectionist rhetoric, was characterized as right-wing populist. The ideology of Trump's former Chief Strategist, Steve Bannon, has also been described as such. Donald Trump's policies and rhetoric as have been frequently described as right-wing populist by academics and political commentators.

Asia-Pacific countries

Australia

Pauline Hanson, leader of One Nation

Right-wing populism has also been represented by One Nation, led by Pauline Hanson, Senator for Queensland with typically support for the opposition Coalition., and Katter's Australian Party, led by Queensland MP Bob Katter.

Furthermore, the main center-right party the Coalition has certain members belonging to the right-wing populist faction known as National Right including the current opposition leader Peter Dutton.

China

The wave of refugees caused by the Syrian crisis has caused a wave of anti-immigration sentiment on the Chinese Internet, and many narratives very similar to those of the populist right have since been observed, such as anti-"white leftism", Islamophobia, and anti-multiculturalism.

India

See also: Hindutva

Israel

See also: Neo-Zionism

Japan

Netto-uyoku, Zaitokukai, and the Japan First Party are evaluated as similar to Western far-right populism and the alt-right movement.

New Zealand

Main article: Populism in New Zealand

Right-wing populism is thought to have emerged in New Zealand with Robert Muldoon, the New Zealand National Party prime minister from 1975 to 1984. A economic nationalist and social conservative, Muldoon has been cited as having appealed to the masses through his animosity towards the media and leftists and his own abrasive and colourful public persona. He also often made rude or unusually frank comments about foreign leaders, including American president Jimmy Carter and Australian prime minister Malcolm Fraser, whom he ridiculed and even bullied.

Pakistan

In Pakistan, Pakistan Tehreek Insaaf (PTI) has recently been described as centrist-populist while sharing some characteristics with right-wing populists. Its leader Imran Khan has furiously attacked traditional politicians and made people believe that only he has the solutions. British journalist Ben Judah, in an interview, compared Imran Khan with Donald Trump on his populist rhetoric.

South Korea

Hong Jun-pyo, former leader of LKP

Conservatism in South Korea has traditionally been more inclined toward elitism than populism. However, since the 2016 South Korean political scandal, Korean conservative forces have changed their political lines to populism as the distrust of the elite spread among the Korean public.

Hong Joon-pyo and Lee Un-ju of the People Power Party are leading right-wing populists advocating anti-homosexuality, anti-immigration and social conservative views. Yoon Seok-youl, president of South Korea and candidate for the PPP in the 2022 South Korean presidential election, has been criticized as a "populist" for using hostile sentiment toward feminism and proposing unrealistic economic policies.

South Korean right-wing circles insist that the impeachment of former president Park Geun-hye is wrong, stimulating conservative public nostalgia for the Park Chung-hee administration. It also shows a radical anti-North Korea, anti-Chinese and anti-communist stance.

Taiwan

Taiwan's right-wing populists tend to deny the independent identity of their country's 'Taiwan' and emphasize their identity as a 'Republic of China'. Taiwan's left-wing Taiwanese nationalists have strong pro-American tendencies, so Taiwan's major and minor conservatives are critical of this. In particular, Taiwan's right-wing populists demand that economic growth and right-wing Chinese nationalist issues be more important than liberal democracy and that they become closer to the People's Republic of China. Some of Taiwan's leading right-wing populists include Terry Gou, Han Kuo-yu, and Chang Ya-chung.

European countries

Main article: Radical right (Europe)

In 2016, Senior European Union diplomats cited growing anxiety in Europe about Russian financial support for far-right and populist movements and told the Financial Times that the intelligence agencies of "several" countries had scrutinized possible links with Moscow. Also in 2016, the Czech Republic warned that Russia was trying to "divide and conquer" the European Union by supporting right-wing populist politicians across the bloc. However, as there in the United States of America, there seems to be an underlying problem that is not massively discussed in the media. That underlying problem is that of housing. A 2019 study shows an immense correlation between the price of housing and voting for populist parties. In that study, it was revealed that the French citizens that saw the price of their houses stagnate or drop were much more likely to vote for Marine Le Pen in the 2017 French presidential election. Those who saw the price of their house rise were much more likely to vote for Emmanuel Macron. The same pattern emerged in the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, in which those that saw the price of their house rise voted to Remain. Whereas those that saw it flatline or drop voted to Leave.

Austria

The Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ), established in 1955, claims to represent a "Third Camp" (Drittes Lager) beside the Socialist Party and the social Catholic Austrian People's Party. It succeeded the Federation of Independents founded after World War II, adopting the pre-war heritage of German nationalism, although it did not advocate Nazism and placed itself in the political center. Though it did not gain much popularity for decades, it exercised a considerable balance of power by supporting several federal governments, be it right-wing or left-wing, e.g., the Socialist Kreisky cabinet of 1970 (see Kreisky–Peter–Wiesenthal affair).

Heinz-Christian Strache, former leader of the Freedom Party of Austria and Vice-Chancellor of Austria

From 1980, the Freedom Party adopted a more moderate stance. Upon the 1983 federal election, it entered a coalition government with the Socialist Party, whereby party chairman Norbert Steger served as Vice-Chancellor. The liberal interlude, however, ended when Jörg Haider was elected chairman in 1986. Haider re-integrated the party's nationalist base voters through his down-to-earth manners and patriotic attitude. Nevertheless, he also obtained votes from large sections of the population disenchanted with politics by publicly denouncing the corruption and nepotism of the Austrian Proporz system. The electoral success was boosted by Austria's accession to the European Union in 1995.

Upon the 1999 federal election, the Freedom Party (FPÖ), with 26.9% of the votes cast, became the second strongest party in the National Council parliament. Having entered a coalition government with the People's Party, Haider had to face the disability of several FPÖ ministers and the impossibility of agitation against members of his cabinet. In 2005, he finally countered the FPÖ's loss of reputation with the Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ) relaunch to carry on his government. The remaining FPÖ members elected Heinz-Christian Strache chairman, but since the 2006 federal election, both right-wing parties have run separately. After Haider was killed in a car accident in 2008, the BZÖ lost a measurable amount of support.

The FPÖ regained much of its support in subsequent elections. Its candidate Norbert Hofer made it into the runoff in the 2016 presidential election, though he narrowly lost the election. After the 2017 legislative elections, the FPÖ formed a government coalition with the Austrian People's Party but lost seats in 2019.

Belgium

Flag used by the now-defunct Vlaams Blok

Vlaams Blok, established in 1978, operated on a platform of law and order, anti-immigration (with a particular focus on Islamic immigration), and secession of the Flanders region of the country. The secession was originally planned to end in the annexation of Flanders by the culturally and linguistically similar Netherlands until the plan was abandoned due to the multiculturalism in that country. In the elections to the Flemish Parliament in June 2004, the party received 24.2% of the vote, within less than 2% of being the largest party. However, in November of the same year, the party was ruled illegal under the country's anti-racism law for, among other things, advocating segregated schools for citizens and immigrants.

In less than a week, the party was re-established under the name Vlaams Belang, initially with a near-identical ideology before moderating parts of its statute. It advocates the adoption of the Flemish culture and language by immigrants who wish to stay in the country. It also calls for a zero-tolerance stance on illegal immigration and the reinstatement of border controls. Despite some accusations of antisemitism from Belgium's Jewish population, the party has demonstrated a staunch pro-Israel stance as part of its opposition to Islam. In Antwerp, sections of the city's significant Jewish population have begun to support the party. With 23 of 124 seats, Vlaams Belang leads the opposition in the Flemish Parliament and holds 11 out of the 150 seats in the Belgian House of Representatives.

The Flemish nationalist and conservative liberal N-VA party has been described as populist or containing right-wing populist elements by foreign media such as the German Die Zeit magazine. However, the party has rebutted the term and does not label itself as such.

In the French-speaking Walloon region, Mischaël Modrikamen, an associate of Steve Bannon, was chairman of the Parti Populaire (PP), which contested elections in Wallonia. Political analysts have generally observed that right-wing populist parties tend to perform better with the Flemish electorate over French-speaking Belgian voters, on the whole, owing to the Flemish vote moving to the right in recent decades and Flemish parties intertwining Flemish nationalism with other issues.

As of the 2019 federal, regional, and European elections, Vlaams Belang (VB) has surged from 248,843 votes in 2014 to 783,977 on 26 May 2019.

Bulgaria

There are several right-wing populist parties in Bulgaria, including IMRO-BNM, National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria, and Attack. For the 2017 Bulgarian parliamentary election, they formed the United Patriots electoral alliance, which won 27 seats in Parliament. United Patriots entered a coalition with GERB to form the Third Borisov Government. Volya, another right-wing populist party with 12 seats in Parliament, also supported the government.

Following the 2021 Bulgarian general election, another right-wing populist party, Revival, entered Parliament, while IMRO-BNM, NFSB, Attack, and Volya failed to win any seats.

Cyprus

The ELAM was formed in 2008. Its platform includes advocating for Unification with Greece, opposition to further European integration, immigration, and the status quo that remains due to Turkey's invasion of a third of the island (and the international community's lack of intention to solve the issue).

Denmark

Pia Kjærsgaard, former leader of the Danish People's Party from 1995 to 2012. She held the prestigious post of Speaker of the Folketing from 2015 to 2019

In the early 1970s, the home of the strongest right-wing populist party in Europe was in Denmark, the Progress Party. In the 1973 election, it received almost 16% of the vote. In the following years, its support dwindled, but the Danish People's Party replaced it in the 1990s, becoming an important support party for the governing coalition in the 2000s. At the height of its popularity, it won 21% of the vote (corresponding to 37 seats) in the 2015 Danish general election, becoming the second-largest party in the Folketing and serving once again as support party for two minority governments 2015-2019 before being reduced to 16 seats in the 2019 Danish general election and 5 seats (2.6% of the vote) in 2022. In 2015 the Nye Borgerlige party was founded, which gained six seats (3.7% of the vote) at the 2022 election. In 2022 the Denmark Democrats were founded as the most recent right-wing populist party in the Folketing, gaining 8% of the vote and 14 seats at the 2022 general election.

Finland

In Finland, the main right-wing party is the Finns Party. It formed the government coalition with National Coalition and Centre-Party after the 2015 parliamentary election. In 2017 the governmental branch broke off to form the Blue Reform, which took the coalition position from the Finns Party. Blue Reform is currently in the government coalition, and the Finns Party is in opposition and is the fastest-growing party in Finland. In 2018 a Finnish member of the parliament, Paavo Väyrynen, formed the Seven Star Movement. The party is anti-immigration but is in the center in economic politics.

France

See also: Gaullism

Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Front and 2017 and 2022 presidential candidate

Gaullism is considered part of (right-wing) populism because it is based on charisma, popular mobilization, French nationalism, and exceptionalism. Gaullism is deeply embedded in modern right-wing politics in France.

France's National Front (NF) – renamed in 2018 as the "National Rally" – has been cited as the "prototypical populist radical right-wing party". The party was founded in 1972 by Jean-Marie Le Pen as the unification of several French nationalist movements of the time; he developed it into a well-organized party. After struggling for a decade, the party reached its first peak in 1984. By 2002, Le Pen received more votes than the Socialist candidate in the first round of voting for the French presidency, becoming the first NF candidate to qualify for a presidential runoff election. After Le Pen's daughter, Marine Le Pen, took over as the head of the party in 2011, the National Front established itself as one of the main political parties in France. Marine Le Pen's policy of "de-demonizing" or normalizing the party resulted in her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, being first suspended and then ejected from the party in 2015. Marine Le Pen finished second in the 2017 election and lost in the second round of voting versus Emmanuel Macron, which was held on 7 May 2017. However, polls published in 2018 showed that a majority of the French population considers the party to be a threat to democracy.

Right-wing populism in France has also congealed around cultural issues such as the anti-gay marriage and anti-gender theory movements exemplified by La Manif Pour Tous.

Germany

Alternative for Germany is a political party, founded in 2013 and now led by Alice Weidel and Tino Chrupalla, which is now Germany's leading right-wing populist party

Since 2013, the most popular right-wing populist party in Germany has been Alternative for Germany, which managed to finish third in the 2017 German federal election, making it the first right-wing populist party to enter the Bundestag, Germany's national parliament. Before, right-wing populist parties had gained seats in German State Parliaments only. Left-wing populism is represented in the Bundestag by The Left party.

Right-wing populist movements like Pro NRW and Citizens in Rage (Bürger in Wut, BIW) sporadically attract some support. In 1989, The Republicans (Die Republikaner), led by Franz Schönhuber, entered the Abgeordnetenhaus of Berlin and achieved more than 7% of the German votes cast in the 1989 European election, with six seats in the European Parliament. The party also won seats in the Landtag of Baden-Württemberg twice in 1992 and 1996. However, after 2000 the Republicans' support eroded in favor of the far-right German People's Union and the Neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), which in the 2009 federal election held 1.5% of the popular vote (winning up to 9% in regional Landtag parliamentary elections).

In 2005, a nationwide Pro Germany Citizens' Movement (pro Deutschland) was founded in Cologne. The Pro Germany movement appears as a conglomerate of numerous small parties, voters' associations, and societies, distinguishing themselves by campaigns against extremism and immigrants. Its representatives claim a zero-tolerance policy and combat corruption. Their politics extend to far-right positions with the denial of a multiethnic society (Überfremdung) and Islamization. Other minor right-wing populist parties include the German Freedom Party, founded in 2010, the former East German German Social Union (DSU), and the dissolved Party for a Rule of Law Offensive ("Schill party").

Greece

Panos Kammenos, leader of Independent Greeks and Greek Minister for National Defence

The most prominent right-wing populist party in Greece is the Independent Greeks (ANEL). Despite being smaller than the more extreme Golden Dawn party, after the January 2015 legislative elections, ANEL formed a governing coalition with the left-wing Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), thus making the party a governing party and giving it a place in the Cabinet of Alexis Tsipras.

The Neo-Nazi Golden Dawn has grown significantly in Greece during the economic downturn, gaining 7% of the vote and 18 out of 300 seats in the Hellenic Parliament. The party's ideology includes annexing territory in Albania and Turkey, including the Turkish cities of Istanbul and İzmir. Controversial measures by the party included a poor people's kitchen in Athens, which only supplied Greek citizens and was shut down by the police.

The Popular Orthodox Rally is not represented in the Greek legislature but supplied 2 of the country's 22 MEPS until 2014. It supports anti-globalization, lower taxes for small businesses, and opposition to Turkish accession to the European Union and the Republic of Macedonia's use of the name Macedonia and immigration only for Europeans. Its participation in government has been one of the reasons why it became unpopular with its voters who turned to Golden Dawn in Greece's 2012 elections.

The Greek Solution is right wing to far-right and has been described as ideologically ultranationalist and right-wing populist. The party garnered 3.7% of the vote in the 2019 Greek legislative election, winning 10 out of the 300 seats in the Hellenic Parliament and 4.18% of the vote in the 2019 European Parliament election in Greece, winning one seat in the European Parliament.

Hungary

Viktor Orbán (Fidesz-KDNP), the incumbent Prime Minister of Hungary

The 2018 Hungarian parliamentary election result was a victory for the Fidesz–KDNP alliance, preserving its two-thirds majority, with Viktor Orbán remaining prime minister. Orbán and Fidesz campaigned primarily on the issues of immigration and foreign meddling, and the election was seen as a victory for right-wing populism in Europe.

Italy

See also: Berlusconism

Silvio Berlusconi, leader of the liberal-conservative Forza Italia and former Prime Minister of Italy.

In Italy, the most prominent right-wing populist party in the last twenty years was Lega, formerly Lega Nord (Northern League), whose leaders reject the right-wing label, though not the "populist" one. The League is a federalist, regionalist, and sometimes secessionist party, founded in 1991 as a federation of several regional parties of Northern and Central Italy, most of which had arisen and expanded during the 1980s. LN's program advocates the transformation of Italy into a federal state, fiscal federalism, and greater regional autonomy, especially for the Northern regions. At times, the party has advocated for the secession of the North, which it calls Padania. The party generally takes an anti-Southern Italian stance as members are known for opposing Southern Italian emigration to Northern Italian cities, stereotyping Southern Italians as welfare abusers and detrimental to Italian society, and attributing Italy's economic troubles and the disparity of the North–south divide in the Italian economy to supposed inherent negative characteristics of the Southern Italians, such as laziness, lack of education, or criminality. Certain LN members have been known to publicly deploy the offensive slur "terrone", a common pejorative term for Southern Italians evocative of negative Southern Italian stereotypes. As a federalist, regionalist, populist party of the North, LN is also highly critical of the centralized power and political importance of Rome, sometimes adopting to a lesser extent an anti-Roman stance in addition to an anti-Southern stance.

Giorgia Meloni, leader of the national-conservative Brothers of Italy and current Prime Minister of Italy

With the rise of immigration into Italy since the late 1990s, LN has increasingly turned its attention to criticizing mass immigration to Italy. The LN, which also opposes illegal immigration, is critical of Islam and proposes Italy's exit from the Eurozone and is considered a Eurosceptic movement and, as such, is a part of the Identity and Democracy(ID) group in the European Parliament. LN was or is part of the national government in 1994, 2001–2006, 2008–2011, and 2018–2019. Most recently, the party, including among its members the Presidents of Lombardy and Veneto, won 17.4% of the vote in the 2018 general election, becoming the third-largest party in Italy (largest within the centre-right coalition). In the 2014 European election, under the leadership of Matteo Salvini, it took 6.2% of votes. Under Salvini, the party has, to some extent, embraced Italian nationalism and emphasized Euroscepticism, opposition to immigration, and other "populist" policies while allying with right-wing populist parties in Europe.

Silvio Berlusconi, leader of Forza Italia and Prime Minister of Italy from 1994 to 1995, 2001–2006, and 2008–2011, has sometimes been described as a right-wing populist, although his party is not typically described as such.

Between the late 2010s and the early 2020s, another right-wing populist movement emerged within the centre-right coalition. The nationalist and national-conservative Brothers of Italy (FdI), led by Giorgia Meloni, gained 4.4% of votes in the 2018 election and, four years later, it became the most voted party in the 2022 general election, gaining 26% of votes. Meloni was appointed prime minister on 22 October, at the head of what it was considered as the most rightist Italian government since 1945.

Some national conservative, nationalist, and arguably right-wing populist parties are strong, especially in Lazio, the region around Rome, and Southern Italy. Most of them originated due to the Italian Social Movement (a national-conservative party whose best result was 8.7% of the vote in the 1972 general election) and its successor National Alliance (which reached 15.7% of the vote in the 1996 general election). In addition to Brothers of Italy, they include New Force (0.3%), CasaPound (0.1%), Tricolour Flame (0.1%), Social Idea Movement (0.01%) and Progetto Nazionale (0.01%).

Additionally, in the German-speaking South Tyrol, the local second-largest party, Die Freiheitlichen, is often described as a right-wing populist party.

Netherlands

Geert Wilders, leader of the Party for Freedom.

Eva Vlaardingerbroek, activist and legal philosopher.

In the Netherlands, right-wing populism was represented in the 150-seat House of Representatives in 1982 when the Centre Party won a single seat. During the 1990s, a splinter party, the Centre Democrats, was slightly more successful, although its significance was still marginal. Not before 2002 did a right-wing populist party break through in the Netherlands, when the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) won 26 seats and subsequently formed a coalition with the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) and People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). Fortuyn, who had strong views against immigration, particularly by Muslims, was assassinated in May 2002, two weeks before the election. Ideologically, the LPF differed somewhat from other European right-wing populist movements by holding more liberal stances on certain social issues such as abortion, gay rights, and euthanasia (Fortuyn himself was openly gay) while maintaining an uncompromising stance on immigration, law and order, and the European Union. Fortuyn was also credited with shifting the Dutch political landscape by bringing the topics of multiculturalism, immigration, and the integration of immigrants into the political mainstream. However, the coalition had broken up by 2003, and the LPF went into steep decline until it was dissolved.

Since 2006, the Party for Freedom (PVV) has been represented in the House of Representatives and described as inheriting the mantle of the Pim Fortuyn List. Following the 2010 general election, it has been in a pact with the right-wing minority government of CDA and VVD after it won 24 seats in the House of Representatives. The party is Eurosceptic and plays a leading role in the changing stance of the Dutch government towards European integration as they came second in the 2009 European Parliament election, winning 4 out of 25 seats. The party's main program revolves around strong criticism of Islam, restrictions on migration from new European Union countries and Islamic countries, pushing for cultural assimilation of migrants into Dutch society, opposing the accession of Turkey to the European Union, advocating for the Netherlands to withdraw from the European Union and advocating for a return to the guilder and abandoning the euro.

The PVV withdrew its support for the First Rutte cabinet in 2012 after refusing to support austerity measures. This triggered the 2012 general election in which the PVV was reduced to 15 seats and excluded from the new government.

In the 2017 Dutch general election, Wilders' PVV gained an extra five seats to become the second largest party in the Dutch House of Representatives, bringing their total to 20 seats.

From 2017 onwards, the Forum for Democracy (FvD) emerged as another right-wing populist force in the Netherlands. The FvD also advocates a stricter immigration policy and a referendum on Dutch membership of the EU.

The Farmer–Citizen Movement, described as a right-wing populist party, won the 2023 Dutch provincial elections, winning the popular vote and receiving the most seats in all twelve provinces. The party has been supported by local pundits such as Eva Vlaardingerbroek.

Poland

Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) leader Jarosław Kaczyński with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán

The largest right-wing populist party in Poland is Law and Justice, which currently holds the presidency. It combines social conservatism and criticism of immigration with strong support for NATO and an interventionist economic policy.

Polish Congress of the New Right, headed by Michał Marusik, aggressively promotes fiscally conservative concepts like radical tax reductions preceded by the abolishment of social security, universal public healthcare, state-sponsored education, and Communist Polish 1944 agricultural reform as a way to dynamical economic and welfare growth. The party is considered populist both by right-wing and left-wing publicists.

Romania

The Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), a right-wing populist party, became the fourth-largest political force in Romania after the 2020 Romanian legislative election.

Russia

See also: Putinism and Ruscism

Spain

Santiago Abascal, leader of VOX, during the party conference in October 2018.

Isabel Díaz Ayuso, president of Madrid, at an event in 2019.

In Spain, the appearance of right-wing populism began to gain strength after the December 2018 election for the Parliament of Andalusia, in which the right-wing populist party VOX managed to obtain 12 seats and agreed to support a coalition government of the parties of the right People's Party and Citizens, even though the Socialist Party won the elections. VOX, which has been frequently described as far-right, both by the left parties and by Spanish or international press, promotes characteristic policies of the populist right, such as the expulsion of all illegal immigrants from the country -even of legal immigrants who commit crimes-, a generalized criminal tightening, combined with traditional claims of right-wing conservatives, such as the centralization of the State and the suppression of the Autonomous Communities, and has harshly criticized the laws against gender violence, approved by the socialist government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, but later maintained by the PP executive of Mariano Rajoy, accusing the people and institutions that defend them of applying "gender totalitarianism".

Party official Javier Ortega Smith is being investigated for alleged hate speech after Spanish prosecutors admitted a complaint by an Islamic association in connection with a rally that talked about "the Islamist invasion". The party election manifesto that was finally published merged classic far-right-inspired policies with right-libertarianism in tax and social security matters.

After months of political uncertainty and protests against the party in Andalusia and other regions, in the 2019 Spanish general election, VOX managed to obtain 24 deputies in the Congress of Deputies, with 10.26% of the vote, falling short of expectations after an intense electoral campaign in which VOX gathered big crowds of people at their events. Although the People's Party and Citizens leaders, Pablo Casado and Albert Rivera, had admitted repeatedly during the campaign that they would again agree with VOX in order to reach the government, the sum of all their seats finally left them far from any possibility, giving the government to the social democrat Pedro Sánchez.

Madrilenian president Isabel Díaz Ayuso, despite being a member of the centre-right People's Party, has been sustained in government by VOX and adopted many policies championed by the party. She has embraced populist rhetoric, defended Spanish imperialism, dismissed climate change, and opposed Covid-19 lockdowns. She has been to compared to Donald Trump by several of her critics.

Sweden

In Sweden, the first openly populist movement to be represented in the Riksdag (Swedish parliament), New Democracy was founded in 1994 by businessman Bert Karlsson and aristocrat Ian Wachtmeister. Although New Democracy promoted economic issues as its foremost concern, it also advocated restrictions on immigration and welfare chauvinism. The party saw a sharp rise in support in 1994 before declining soon after.

In 2010, the Sweden Democrats entered parliament for the first time. The Sweden Democrats originally had connections to white nationalism during its early days but later began expelling hardline members and moderated its platform to transform itself into a more mainstream movement. The party calls for more robust immigration and asylum policies, compulsory measures to assimilate immigrants into Swedish society, and stricter law and order policies. The Sweden Democrats are currently the second largest party in Sweden, with 20.5% of the popular vote in the 2022 Swedish general election, and the second most seats in the Swedish parliament with 72 seats.

Switzerland

See also: Far-right politics in Switzerland

In Switzerland, the right-wing populist Swiss People's Party (SVP) reached an all-time high in the 2015 elections. The party is mainly considered national conservative, but it has also variously been identified as "extreme right" and "radical right-wing populist", reflecting a spectrum of ideologies among its members. Its far-right wing includes members such as Ulrich Schlüer and Pascal Junod, who heads a New Right study group and has been linked to Holocaust denial and neo-Nazism.

In Switzerland, radical right populist parties held close to 10% of the popular vote in 1971, were reduced to below 2% by 1979, and grew to more than 10% in 1991. Since 1991, these parties (the Swiss Democrats and the Swiss Freedom Party) have been absorbed by the SVP. During the 1990s, the SVP grew from the fourth largest party to the largest and gained a second seat in the Swiss Federal Council in 2003 with the prominent politician and businessman Christoph Blocher. In 2015, the SVP received 29.4% of the vote, the highest vote ever recorded for a single party throughout Swiss parliamentary history.

Turkey

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan have been in power since 2002.

The Victory Party is a patriotic and Kemalist political party in Turkey founded on August 26, 2021, under the leadership of Ümit Özdağ. It is represented in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey by two deputies. The party is the continuation of the Ayyıldız Movement initiated by Ümit Özdağ, the founding petition of the party was submitted to the Ministry of the Interior on 26 August 2021, and then the party was officially established. The party leader Özdağ and his deputies aim to re-institute Kemalist and Turkish nationalist ideologies in the government and aim to send back refugees to their homelands.

United Kingdom

Nigel Farage of UKIP

The Scholarly authors Breeze, Bale, Ashkenas and Aisch, and Clarke et al. characterised the UK Independence Party (UKIP), then led by Nigel Farage, as a right-wing populist party. UKIP campaigned for an exit from the European Union prior to the 2016 European membership referendum and a points-based immigration system similar to that used in Australia. In the 2019 general election, UKIP entered candidates in 44 of the 650 available seats, winning none of them, and achieving 0.1% of the popular vote. In 2013, the Conservative Party, which along with the Liberal Democrats governed from 2010 to 2015 as a coalition government, saw local party campaigners pledging support for UKIP over issues related to the European Union and gay marriage.

The role of UKIP in the UK underwent a rapid transformation post-Brexit, with Nigel Farage leading the initiative to establish the Brexit Party, which was subsequently rebranded as Reform UK. These entities have consistently been identified as extensions of UKIP, sharing common populist ideological elements.

In the Conservative Party, Thatcherism had right-wing populist elements, including nationalism and social conservatism Although Margaret Thatcher has been characterised by some scholars as a right-wing populist politician in the UK, this has been disputed by other scholars due to its applicability in the context of the 1980s. Others contend that Thatcher's role was pivotal in steering the party's ideology towards a more populist direction. The phenomenon is commonly referred to as "Thatcherite populism". Other prominent right-wing populists in the party include past prime minister Boris Johnson and Jacob Rees-Mogg, the former Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy.

Ingle and Swanson, et al. consider the Northern Ireland Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) to be a right-wing populist party.

Right-wing populist political parties

Main article: List of populists

Current right-wing populist parties or parties with right-wing populist factions

Represented in national legislatures

• Argentina – La Libertad Avanza
• Australia – Liberal–National Coalition (Factions including National Right), Pauline Hanson's One Nation, United Australia Party,
• Austria – Freedom Party of Austria, Austrian People's Party (factions)
• Belgium – Vlaams Belang
• Brazil – Liberal Party (factions), Democratic Renewal Party
• Bulgaria – Revival
• Canada – Conservative Party
• Chile – Republican Party
• Costa Rica – National Restoration Party, New Republic Party, National Integration Party
• Croatia – Homeland Movement
• Cyprus – ELAM, Solidarity Movement
• Czech Republic – Freedom and Direct Democracy
• Denmark – Danish People's Party, New Right, Denmark Democrats
• El Salvador – Nuevas Ideas (Alleged)
• Estonia – Conservative People's Party of Estonia
• European Union – Identity and Democracy Party, European Conservatives and Reformists Party (factions), European People's Party (factions)
• Finland – Finns Party
• France – National Rally, Debout la France, Reconquête
• Germany – Alternative for Germany
• Greece – Greek Solution, New Democracy (factions), Spartans, Victory
• Hungary – Fidesz, Our Homeland Movement
• India – Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena
• Indonesia – Great Indonesia Movement Party, Prosperous Justice Party
• Italy – Lega (political party), Brothers of Italy, Five Star Movement (factions), Forza Italia (factions)
• Israel – Likud (factions), Yamina, Religious Zionist Party, Otzma Yehudit
• Japan – Liberal Democratic Party, Nippon Ishin no Kai, Kibō no Tō
• Latvia – National Alliance, Latvia First
• Liechtenstein – Democrats for Liechtenstein
• Luxembourg – Alternative Democratic Reform Party
• Netherlands – Party for Freedom, Forum for Democracy, JA21, Farmer-Citizen Movement,
• New Zealand – New Zealand First
• North Macedonia – VMRO-DPMNE
• Norway – Progress Party
• Panama – Realizing Goals
• Paraguay – National Union of Ethical Citizens
• Peru – Popular Renewal
• Philippines – Nacionalista Party
• Poland – Law and Justice, Confederation (KORWiN, National Movement)
• Portugal – Chega
• Romania – Alliance for the Union of Romanians, Romanian Nationhood Party
• Russia – United Russia (factions), Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, Rodina
• Serbia – United Serbia, Dveri, Serbian People's Party
• Slovakia – Slovak National Party
• Slovenia – Slovenian Democratic Party
• South Africa – Freedom Front Plus
• Spain – Vox
• Sweden – Sweden Democrats
• Switzerland – Swiss People's Party, Geneva Citizens' Movement, Ticino League
• Taiwan – Kuomintang (factions), New party
• Thailand – Pheu Thai Party (faction), United Thai Nation Party
• Turkey – Justice and Development Party, Nationalist Movement Party, New Welfare Party, Free Cause Party
• Ukraine – Svoboda
• United Kingdom – Conservative Party (faction: Blue Collar Conservatives), Reform UK, Democratic Unionist Party
• United States – Republican Party (faction: Freedom Caucus)
• Uruguay – Open Cabildo

Not represented in national legislatures

• Albania – Red and Black Alliance, Albanian National Front Party
• Australia – Shooters, Fishers and Farmers Party, Australian Protectionist Party
• Austria – Alliance for the Future of Austria, Free Party Salzburg
• Belgium – Libertair, Direct, Democratisch, People's Party VLOTT
• Botswana – Botswana Movement for Democracy
• Brazil – Alliance for Brazil, Brazilian Labour Renewal Party
• Bulgaria – Bulgaria Without Censorship, National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria, IMRO – Bulgarian National Movement, Attack, Volya
• Canada – People's Party of Canada, Alliance of the North, National Advancement Party of Canada
• Chile – National Force
• Croatia – Croatian Party of Rights, Croatian Party of Rights Dr. Ante Starčević, Independents for Croatia
• Czech Republic – Law, Respect, Expertise, Workers' Party of Social Justice
• Denmark – Progress Party, Hard Line
• Finland – Blue and White Front, Seven Star Movement, Blue Reform
• France – Alsace First
• Germany – National Democratic Party of Germany, Citizens' Movement Pro Chemnitz, German Social Union, The Republicans
• Greece – Golden Dawn, National Popular Consciousness, National Party - Hellenes, Popular Orthodox Rally, Independent Greeks
• Iceland – Icelandic National Front
• India – Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, Hindu Mahasabha
• Ireland – National Party, Irish Freedom Party
• Israel – Zehut
• Italy – Tricolour Flame, Die Freiheitlichen, Citizens' Union for South Tyrol, South Tyrolean Freedom
• Latvia – For a Humane Latvia, Platform 21
• Liechtenstein – The Independents
• Lithuania – National Alliance, Christian Union, Young Lithuania, Order and Justice
• Malta – Moviment Patrijotti Maltin
• Montenegro – Party of Serb Radicals, True Montenegro, Serb List
• Netherlands – Forza! Nederland
• New Zealand – New Conservative Party, Advance New Zealand, Vision NZ, New Zealand Public Party
• Poland – Kukiz'15, Congress of the New Right, Real Politics Union
• Portugal – National Renovator Party
• Romania – National Identity Bloc in Europe (Greater Romania Party, United Romania Party, Noua Dreaptă), New Generation Party, M10
• Serbia – Serbian Radical Party, Dveri, Hungarian Hope Movement, Enough is Enough, New Serbia, People's Freedom Movement, Leviathan Movement, Serbian Right, Love, Faith, Hope, Serbian Party Oathkeepers, Healthy Serbia
• Slovakia – Republic, We Are Family, People's Party Our Slovakia
• South Korea – New Pro-Park Party, Liberty Republican Party, Dawn of Liberty
• Sweden – Alternative for Sweden
• Switzerland – Federal Democratic Union of Switzerland, Freedom Party of Switzerland, Swiss Democrats
• Transnistria – Obnovlenie
• Ukraine – Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists
• United Kingdom – British National Party, For Britain, UK Independence Party
• United States – Constitution Party

Former or disbanded right-wing populist parties

• Austria – Team Stronach
• Belgium – National Front, Vlaams Blok, People's Party
• Canada – Union Nationale (Quebec), Ralliement national, Action démocratique du Québec, Reform Party of Canada, Canadian Alliance, Social Credit Party, British Columbia Social Credit Party
• Cyprus – New Horizons
• Croatia – Croatian Democratic Alliance of Slavonia and Baranja, Croatian Democratic Union (factions)
• Czech Republic – Public Affairs, Dawn - National Coalition
• Denmark – Progress Party
• Germany – Citizens' Movement Pro Cologne, German Freedom Party, German People's Union, Pro Germany Citizens' Movement, Pro NRW, German National People's Party
• European Union – Movement for a Europe of Liberties and Democracy
• Iceland – Citizens' Party
• India – Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Succeeded by Bharatiya Janata Party)
• Italy – National Alliance
• Japan – Japan Restoration Party
• Netherlands – Centre Democrats, Pim Fortuyn List
• Portugal – Portugal Pro-Life
• Serbia – Serbian Patriotic Alliance,
• South Korea – Democratic Republican Party, Liberty Korea Party, Onward for Future 4.0
• Spain – Platform for Catalonia
• Sweden – New Democracy
• Switzerland – Party of Farmers, Traders and Independents, Republican Movement
• Syria – Arab Liberation Movement
• Thailand – Thai Rak Thai Party
• United Kingdom – National Democrats, Veterans and People's Party

See also

• Counter-Enlightenment
• Christian right
• Criticism of multiculturalism
• Dark Enlightenment
• Left-wing nationalism
• Morenazi
• National conservatism
• National liberalism
• Paternalistic conservatism
• Racism
• Reactionary
• Revisionist Zionism
• Right-wing authoritarianism
• Right-wing antiscience
• Right-wing terrorism
• Traditionalism
• White backlash

References

Библиография

• Берлет, Чип и Мэтью Н. Лайонс. 2000. Правый популизм в Америке: слишком близко для комфорта . Нью-Йорк: Гилфорд Пресс. ISBN   1-57230-568-1 , ISBN   1-57230-562-2 .
• Бетц, Ханс-Георг. Радикальный правый популизм в Западной Европе . Нью-Йорк: Пэлгрейв Макмиллан, 1994. ISBN   0-312-08390-4 .
• Бетц, Ханс-Георг и Иммерфаль, Стефан. Новая политика правых: неопопулистские партии и движения в странах с устоявшейся демократией . Хаундсмилл, Бейзингсток, Хэмпшир, Великобритания, Macmillan Press Ltd., 1998 г. ISBN   978-0-312-21338-1 ,
• Долгерт, Стефан (2016). «Похвала ресентименту: или как я научился не волноваться и полюбил Дональда Трампа». Новая политическая наука . 38 (3): 354–370. дои : 10.1080/07393148.2016.1189030 . S2CID   147965459 .
• Филитц, Майк; Лалуар, Лаура Лотте (ред.) (2016). Проблемы с крайне правыми. Современные правые стратегии и практики в Европе . Билефельд: стенограмма. ISBN   978-3-8376-3720-5 .
• Фриче, Питер. 1990. Репетиции фашизма: популизм и политическая мобилизация в Веймарской Германии . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN   0-19-505780-5 .
• Геден, Оливер (2006). : Партия свободы Австрии и Швейцарская народная партия между оппозицией и участием правительства ( Дискурсивные стратегии в правом популизме на немецком языке). Висбаден, Германия: VS Verlag. дои : 10.1007/978-3-531-90430-6 . ISBN  978-3-531-15127-4 .
• Гудвин, Мэтью; Милаццо, Кейтлин (2015). UKIP: Внутри кампании по перекройке карты британской политики . Оксфорд: Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN  978-0-19-873611-0 .
• Гревен, Томас (2016). Рост правого популизма в Европе и США: сравнительная перспектива (PDF) . Берлин: Фонд Фридриха Эберта . Проверено 9 августа 2016 г.
• Хейвуд, Эндрю (2015). Основы политики Великобритании (3-е изд.). Лондон: Пэлгрейв Макмиллан. ISBN  978-1-137-53074-5 .
• Игнаци, Пьеро (2002). «Крайне правые: определение объекта и оценка причин». Ин Шейн, Мартин; Зольберг, Аристид Р.; Хоссей, Патрик (ред.). Тени над Европой: развитие и влияние крайне правых в Западной Европе . Нью-Йорк: Пэлгрейв Макмиллан. ISBN  978-0-312-29593-6 .
•  ——— (2006) [2003]. Крайне правые партии в Западной Европе . Сравнительная политика. Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN  978-0-19-929159-5 .
• Каплан, Джеффри ; Вайнберг, Леонард (1998). Появление евро-американских радикальных правых . Нью-Брансуик, Нью-Джерси: Издательство Университета Рутгерса. ISBN  978-0-8135-2564-8 .
• Норрис, Пиппа (2005). Радикальные правые: избиратели и партии на избирательном рынке . Кембридж, Англия: Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN  978-0-521-84914-2 .
• Скендерович, Дамир (2009). Радикальные правые в Швейцарии: преемственность и изменения, 1945–2000 гг . Нью-Йорк: Berghahn Books. дои : 10.2307/j.ctt9qcntn . ISBN  978-1-84545-580-4 . JSTOR   j.ctt9qcntn . S2CID   152401505 .

Дальнейшее чтение

• Водак, Рут. Политика страха: что означают правые популистские дискурсы . Лондон: Сейдж, 2015. ISBN   978-1-4462-4700-6 .
• Голдваг, Артур. Новая ненависть: история страха и ненависти среди правых популистов . Пантеон, февраль 2012 г., ISBN   978-0-307-37969-6 .

Внешние ссылки

• СМИ, связанные с правым популизмом, на Викискладе?
• «Проверка фактов: рост правого популизма в Европе» . Новости Канала 4 (Великобритания). 28 сентября 2017 г.