Jump to content

Аббасидский халифат

(Перенаправлено из Империи Аббасидов )

Аббасидский халифат
Аббасидский халифат   ( арабский )
Аль-Хилафа аль-Аббасийя
  • 750–1258
  • 1261–1517
Флаг Аббасидов
Аббасидский халифат в ок. 850
Аббасидский халифат в ок. 850
Статус Империя
Капитал
Общие языки Классический арабский (центральное управление); различные региональные языки
Религия
ислам
Демон(ы) Аббасид
GovernmentHereditary caliphate
Caliph 
• 750–754
as-Saffah (first)
• 1242–1258
al-Musta'sim (last caliph in Baghdad)
• 1261–1262
Al-Mustansir II (first caliph in Cairo)
• 1508–1517
Al-Mutawakkil III (last caliph in Cairo)
History 
750
861
• Death of al-Radi and beginning of Later Abbasid era (940–1258)
940
• Mongol Siege of Baghdad
1258
1261
1517
Currency
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Umayyad Caliphate
Dabuyid dynasty
Saffarid dynasty
Sajid dynasty
Fatimid Caliphate
Ziyarid dynasty
Buyid dynasty
Mongol Empire

Аббасидский халифат или Империя Аббасидов сийя . , ) пророку смену Мухаммеду был на исламскому третьим пришедшим халифатом ​Он был основан династией, происходящей от дяди Мухаммеда, Аббаса ибн Абд аль-Мутталиба (566–653 гг. Н. Э. ), В честь которого династия получила свое название. [8] Они правили как халифы большей частью халифата из своей столицы в Багдаде на территории современного Ирака после свержения халифата Омейядов в ходе революции Аббасидов 750 г. н.э. (132 г. хиджры ). Революция Аббасидов зародилась и достигла первых успехов в восточном регионе Хорасан , вдали от левантийского центра влияния Омейядов. [9]

Халифат Аббасидов сначала сосредоточил свое правительство в Куфе , современный Ирак, но в 762 году халиф аль-Мансур основал город Багдад, недалеко от древней вавилонской столицы Вавилона и Сасанидов города Ктесифона . Багдад стал центром науки , культуры и изобретений в период, который стал известен как Золотой век ислама . Именно в этот период производство исламских рукописей достигло своего апогея. Между 8 и 10 веками ремесленники Аббасидов стали пионерами и усовершенствовали рукописные техники, которые стали стандартами практики. Это, помимо размещения нескольких ключевых академических учреждений, в том числе Дома мудрости , а также многоэтнической и многорелигиозной среды, принесло ему международную репутацию центра обучения. Период Аббасидов был отмечен использованием бюрократов (таких как семья Бармакидов ) для управления территориями, а также растущим включением мусульман неарабского происхождения в умму (мусульманскую общину). Несмотря на это первоначальное сотрудничество, Аббасиды в конце 8-го века оттолкнули как неарабских мавали (клиенты) [10]

The political power of the caliphs was limited with the rise of the Iranian Buyids and the Seljuq Turks, who captured Baghdad in 945 and 1055, respectively. Although Abbasid leadership over the vast Islamic empire was gradually reduced to a ceremonial religious function in much of the caliphate, the dynasty retained control of its Mesopotamian domain during the rule of Caliph al-Muqtafi and extended into Iran during the reign of Caliph al-Nasir.[11] The Abbasids' age of cultural revival and fruition ended in 1258 with the siege of Baghdad by the Mongols under Hulagu Khan and the execution of al-Musta'sim. The Abbasid line of rulers re-centred themselves in the Mamluk capital of Cairo in 1261. Though lacking in political power, with the brief exception of Caliph al-Musta'in, the dynasty continued to claim religious authority until a few years after the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517,[12] with the last Abbasid caliph being al-Mutawakkil III.[13]

History

[edit]

The Abbasid caliphs were descended from Abbas ibn Abd al-Muttalib, one of the youngest uncles of Muhammad and of the same Banu Hashim clan. The Abbasids claimed to be the true successors of Muhammad in replacing the Umayyad descendants of Banu Umayya by virtue of their closer bloodline to Muhammad.

Abbasid Revolution (750–751)

[edit]

The Abbasids also distinguished themselves from the Umayyads by attacking their moral character and administration in general. According to Ira Lapidus, "The Abbasid revolt was supported largely by Arabs, mainly the aggrieved settlers of Merv with the addition of the Yemeni faction and their Mawali".[14] The Abbasids also appealed to non-Arab Muslims, known as mawali, who remained outside the kinship-based society of the Arabs and were perceived as a lower class within the Umayyad empire. Muhammad ibn 'Ali, a great-grandson of Abbas, began to campaign in Persia for the return of power to the family of Muhammad, the Hashemites, during the reign of Umar II.

During the reign of Marwan II, this opposition culminated in the rebellion of Ibrahim al-Imam, the fourth in descent from Abbas. Supported by the province of Khorasan (Eastern Persia), even though the governor opposed them, and the Shia Arabs,[8][15] he achieved considerable success, but was captured in the year 747 and died, possibly assassinated, in prison.

On 9 June 747 (15 Ramadan AH 129), Abu Muslim, rising from Khorasan, successfully initiated an open revolt against Umayyad rule, which was carried out under the sign of the Black Standard. Close to 10,000 soldiers were under Abu Muslim's command when the hostilities officially began in Merv.[16] General Qahtaba followed the fleeing governor Nasr ibn Sayyar west defeating the Umayyads at the Battle of Gorgan, the Battle of Nahavand and finally in the Battle of Karbala, all in the year 748.[15]

Ibrahim was captured by Marwan and was killed. The quarrel was taken up by Ibrahim's brother Abdallah, known by the name of Abu al-'Abbas as-Saffah, who defeated the Umayyads in 750 in the battle near the Great Zab and was subsequently proclaimed caliph.[17] After this loss, Marwan fled to Egypt, where he was subsequently killed. The remainder of his family, barring one male, were also eliminated.[15]

Rise to power (752–775)

[edit]
Early 14th century copy of the Samanid-period Tarikhnama of Bal'ami (10th century) depicting al-Saffah (r. 750–754) as he receives pledges of allegiance in Kufa

Immediately after their victory, al-Saffah sent his forces to Central Asia, where his forces fought against Tang expansion during the Battle of Talas. Al-Saffah focused on putting down numerous rebellions in Syria and Mesopotamia. The Byzantines conducted raids during these early distractions.[15]

One of the first major changes effected by Abbasid rule was the move of the caliphate's center of power from Syria to Mesopotamia (present-day Iraq). This was closer to the Persian mawali support base of the Abbasids and the move addressed their demand for reduced Arab dominance in the empire.[18] However, no definitive capital was yet selected. In these early Abbasid years, Kufa generally served as the administrative capital, but the caliphs were wary of the Alid sympathies in the city and did not always reside here.[6] In 752, al-Saffah built a new city called al-Hashimiyya, at an uncertain location, most likely near Kufa.[7] Later that same year, he moved to Anbar, where he built a new settlement for his Khurasani soldiers and a palace for himself.[19]

Portrait of al-Mansur (r. 754–775) from the genealogy (silsilanāma) "Cream of Histories" (Zübdet-üt Tevarih, 1598)

It was al-Saffah's successor, Abu Ja'far al-Mansur (r. 754–775) who firmly consolidated Abbasid rule and faced down internal challenges.[20] His uncle, Abdallah ibn Ali, the victor over the Umayyads at the Battle of the Zab, was the most serious potential rival for leadership and al-Mansur sent Abu Muslim, the Khurasani revolutionary commander, against him in 754. After Abu Muslim successfully defeated him, al-Mansur then turned to eliminate Abu Muslim himself. He arranged to have him arrested and executed in 755.[21]

On the western frontier, the Abbasids were unable to re-assert caliphal control over the western and central Maghreb, which the Umayyads had lost in the 740s.[22] One member of the Umayyad dynasty, Abd ar-Rahman, also managed to escape the purge of his family and managed to establish independent in rule in al-Andalus (present-day Spain and Portugal) in 756, founding the Umayyad Emirate of Córdoba.[23]

In 756, al-Mansur had also sent over 4,000 Arab mercenaries to assist the Chinese Tang dynasty in the An Lushan Rebellion against An Lushan. The Abbasids, or "Black Flags" as they were commonly called, were known in Tang dynasty chronicles as the hēiyī Dàshí, "The Black-robed Tazi" (黑衣大食) ("Tazi" being a borrowing from Persian Tāzī, the word for "Arab").[nb 4] Al-Rashid sent embassies to the Chinese Tang dynasty and established good relations with them.[25][26][27] After the war, these embassies remained in China[28][29][30][31][32] with Caliph Harun al-Rashid establishing an alliance with China.[25] Several embassies from the Abbasid Caliphs to the Chinese court have been recorded in the Old Book of Tang, the most important being those of al-Saffah, al-Mansur, and Harun al-Rashid.

Plan of Baghdad between 767 and 912 CE, according to William Muir

In 762, al-Mansur suppressed a rebellion in the Hejaz led by al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, a descendant from Ali ibn Abi Talib, whose challenge to the Abbasid claim to leadership was based on his Alid lineage and thus presented a serious political threat. He was defeated by an Abbasid army led by Isa ibn Musa.[33] It was after this victory, in 762, that al-Mansur finally established a proper Abbasid capital, Baghdad – officially called Madinat al-Salam ('City of Peace') – located on the Tigris River.[34] Prior to this, he had continued to consider multiple sites for a capital, including al-Hashimiyya, which he used as a capital for a while.[35] Various other sites in the region also appear to have served as "capitals" under either al-Saffah or al-Mansur prior to the founding of Baghdad.[7]

Al-Mansur centralised the judicial administration, and later, Harun al-Rashid established the institution of Chief Qadi to oversee it.[36] The Umayyad empire was mostly Arab; however, the Abbasids progressively became made up of more and more converted Muslims in which the Arabs were only one of many ethnicities.[37] The Abbasids had depended heavily on the support of Persians[8] in their overthrow of the Umayyads. Al-Mansur welcomed non-Arab Muslims to his court. While this helped integrate Arab and Persian cultures, it alienated many of their Arab supporters, particularly the Khorasanian Arabs who had supported them in their battles against the Umayyads.[citation needed]

Abbasid Golden Age (775–861)

[edit]

The Abbasid leadership had to work hard in the last half of the 8th century (750–800) under several competent caliphs and their viziers to usher in the administrative changes needed to keep order of the political challenges created by the far-flung nature of the empire, and the limited communication across it.[38] It was also during this early period of the dynasty, in particular during the governance of Al-Mansur, Harun al-Rashid, and al-Ma'mun, that its reputation and power were created.[8]

The position of wazir (vizier) developed in this period. It was initially akin to a secretary, but under the tenure of the Barmakids, an Iranian family close to the Abbasids, the position became powerful and Harun al-Rashid delegated state affairs to them for many years.[39] This resulted in a more ceremonial role for many Abbasid caliphs relative to their time under the Umayyads; the viziers began to exert greater influence, and the role of the former Arab aristocracy was slowly replaced by a Persian bureaucracy.[18] To the west, Harun al-Rashid agreed to grant the province of Ifriqiya (centered in present-day Tunisia) as a hereditary emirate to Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab, who founded the Aghlabid dynasty there.[40]

Al-Mahdi restarted the fighting with the Byzantines, and his sons continued the conflict until Empress Irene pushed for peace.[15] After several years of peace, Nikephoros I broke the treaty, then fended off multiple incursions during the first decade of the 9th century. These attacks pushed into the Taurus Mountains, culminating with a victory at the Battle of Krasos and the massive invasion of 806, led by Rashid himself.[41]

Decorated niche from the Abbasid mosque of Afrasiab, Samarkand in Sogdia, 750–825 CE.[42]

Rashid's navy also proved successful, taking Cyprus. Rashid decided to focus on the rebellion of Rafi ibn al-Layth in Khorasan and died while there.[41] Military operations by the caliphate were minimal while the Byzantine Empire was fighting Abbasid rule in Syria and Anatolia, with focus shifting primarily to internal matters; Abbasid governors exerted greater autonomy and, using this increasing power, began to make their positions hereditary.[18]

While Baghdad remained the official capital, Harun al-Rashid chose to reside in Raqqa from 796 until the end of his reign.[40][nb 5] In 803, for reasons that remain unclear,[44] Harun al-Rashid turned on and imprisoned or killed most of the Barmakids, who had wielded administrative power on his behalf.[45][44] During the same period, several factions began either to leave the empire for other lands or to take control of distant parts of the empire. Still, the reigns of al-Rashid and his sons were considered to be the apex of the Abbasids.[46]

Domestically, Harun pursued policies similar to those of his father Al-Mahdi. He released many of the Umayyads and 'Alids his brother Al-Hadi had imprisoned and declared amnesty for all political groups of the Quraysh.[47] Large scale hostilities broke out with Byzantium, and under his rule, the Abbasid Empire reached its peak.[48] However, Harun's decision to split the succession proved to be damaging to the longevity of the empire.[49]

After Rashid's death, the empire was split by a civil war between the caliph al-Amin and his brother al-Ma'mun, who had the support of Khorasan. This war ended with a two-year siege of Baghdad and the eventual death of Al-Amin in 813.[41] Al-Ma'mun ruled for 20 years of relative calm interspersed with a rebellion in Azerbaijan by the Khurramites, which was supported by the Byzantines. Al-Ma'mun was also responsible for the creation of an autonomous Khorasan, and the continued repulsing of Byzantine forays.[41]

In the 9th century, the Abbasids created an army loyal only to their caliphate, composed of non-Arab origin people, known as Mamluks.[50][51][52][53][54] This force, created by al-Ma'mun and his brother and successor al-Mu'tasim (833–842), prevented the further disintegration of the empire. The Mamluk army, though often viewed negatively, both helped and hurt the caliphate. Early on, it provided the government with a stable force to address domestic and foreign problems. However, creation of this foreign army and al-Mu'tasim's transfer of the capital from Baghdad to Samarra created a division between the caliphate and the peoples they claimed to rule.[17]

Al-Mu'tasim's reign marked the end of the strong caliphs. He strengthened his personal army with the Mamluks and promptly restarted the war with the Byzantines. Though his attempt to seize Constantinople failed when his fleet was destroyed by a storm,[55] his military excursions were generally successful, culminating with a resounding victory in the Sack of Amorium. The Byzantines responded by sacking Damietta in Egypt, and Al-Mutawakkil responded by sending his troops into Anatolia again, sacking and marauding until they were eventually annihilated in 863.[56]

Fracture to autonomous dynasties (861–945)

[edit]
The spiral minaret of the Great Mosque of Samarra, built in 851 CE (237 AH) on the western side of the city of Samarra
The city of Samarra is the only remaining Islamic capital that retains its original plan, architecture and artistic relics

Even by 820, the Samanids had begun the process of exercising independent authority in Transoxiana and Greater Khorasan, and the succeeding Saffarid dynasty of Iran. The Saffarids, from Khorasan, nearly seized Baghdad in 876, and the Tulunids took control of most of Syria. The trend of weakening of the central power and strengthening of the minor caliphates on the periphery continued.[46]

An exception was the 10-year period of Al-Mu'tadid's rule (r. 892–902). He brought parts of Egypt, Syria, and Khorasan back into Abbasid control. Especially after the "Anarchy at Samarra" (861–870), the Abbasid central government was weakened and centrifugal tendencies became more prominent in the caliphate's provinces. By the early 10th century, the Abbasids almost lost control of Iraq to various emirs, and the caliph al-Radi (934–941) was forced to acknowledge their power by creating the position of "Prince of Princes" (amir al-umara).[46] In addition, the power of the Mamluks steadily grew, reaching a climax when al-Radi was constrained to hand over most of the royal functions to the non-Arab Muhammad ibn Ra'iq.[17]

Al-Mustakfi had a short reign from 944 to 946, and it was during this period that the Persian faction known as the Buyids from Daylam swept into power and assumed control over the bureaucracy in Baghdad. According to the history of Miskawayh, they began distributing iqtas (fiefs in the form of tax farms) to their supporters. This period of localized secular control was to last nearly 100 years.[8] The loss of Abbasid power to the Buyids would shift as the Seljuks would take over from the Persians.[46]

At the end of the eighth century, the Abbasids found they could no longer keep together a polity from Baghdad, which had grown larger than that of Rome. In 793 the Zaydi-Shia dynasty of Idrisids set up a state from Fez in Morocco, while a family of governors under the Abbasids became increasingly independent until they founded the Aghlabid Emirate from the 830s. Al-Mu'tasim started the downward slide by using non-Muslim mercenaries in his personal army. Also during this period, officers started assassinating superiors with whom they disagreed, in particular the caliphs.[8]

Gold dinar minted during the reign of al-Amin (809–813)

By the 870s, Egypt became autonomous under Ahmad ibn Tulun. In the East, governors decreased their ties to the center as well. The Saffarids of Herat and the Samanids of Bukhara began breaking away around this time, cultivating a much more Persianate culture and statecraft. Only the central lands of Mesopotamia were under direct Abbasid control, with Palestine and the Hejaz often managed by the Tulunids. Byzantium, for its part, had begun to push Arab Muslims farther east in Anatolia.

By the 920s, North Africa was lost to the Fatimid dynasty, a Shia sect tracing its roots to Muhammad's daughter Fatimah. The Fatimid dynasty took control of Idrisid and Aghlabid domains,[46] advanced to Egypt in 969, and established their capital near Fustat in Cairo, which they built as a bastion of Shia learning and politics. By 1000 they had become the chief political and ideological challenge to Sunni Islam and the Abbasids, who by this time had fragmented into several governorships that, while recognizing caliphal authority from Baghdad, remained mostly autonomous. The caliph himself was under 'protection' of the Buyid Emirs who possessed all of Iraq and Western Iran, and were quietly Shia in their sympathies.

Map of the fragmented Abbasid empire, with areas still under direct control of the Abbasid central government (dark green) and under autonomous rulers (light green) adhering to nominal Abbasid suzerainty, c. 892

Outside Iraq, all the autonomous provinces slowly took on the characteristic of de facto states with hereditary rulers, armies, and revenues and operated under only nominal caliph suzerainty, which may not necessarily be reflected by any contribution to the treasury, such as the Soomro Emirs that had gained control of Sindh and ruled the entire province from their capital of Mansura.[38] Mahmud of Ghazni took the title of sultan, as opposed to the "amir" that had been in more common usage, signifying the Ghaznavid Empire's independence from caliphal authority, despite Mahmud's ostentatious displays of Sunni orthodoxy and ritual submission to the caliph. In the 11th century, the loss of respect for the caliphs continued, as some Islamic rulers no longer mentioned the caliph's name in the Friday khutba, or struck it off their coinage.[38]

The Isma'ili Fatimid dynasty of Cairo contested the Abbasids for the titular authority of the Islamic ummah. They commanded some support in the Shia sections of Baghdad (such as Karkh), although Baghdad was the city most closely connected to the caliphate, even in the Buyid and Seljuq eras. The challenge of the Fatimids only ended with their downfall in the 12th century.

Buyid and Seljuq control (945–1118)

[edit]
Southwest Asia – c. 970 A.D

Despite the power of the Buyid amirs, the Abbasids retained a highly ritualized court in Baghdad, as described by the Buyid bureaucrat Hilal al-Sabi', and they retained a certain influence over Baghdad as well as religious life. As Buyid power waned with the rule of Baha' al-Daula, the caliphate was able to regain some measure of strength. The caliph al-Qadir, for example, led the ideological struggle against the Shia with writings such as the Baghdad Manifesto. The caliphs kept order in Baghdad itself, attempting to prevent the outbreak of fitnas in the capital, often contending with the ayyarun.

With the Buyid dynasty on the wane, a vacuum was created that was eventually filled by the dynasty of Oghuz Turks known as the Seljuqs. By 1055, the Seljuqs had wrested control from the Buyids and Abbasids, and took temporal power.[8] When the amir and former slave Basasiri took up the Shia Fatimid banner in Baghdad in 1056–57, the caliph al-Qa'im was unable to defeat him without outside help. Toghril Beg, the Seljuq sultan, restored Baghdad to Sunni rule and took Iraq for his dynasty.

Once again, the Abbasids were forced to deal with a military power that they could not match, though the Abbasid caliph remained the titular head of the Islamic community. The succeeding sultans Alp Arslan and Malikshah, as well as their vizier Nizam al-Mulk, took up residence in Persia, but held power over the Abbasids in Baghdad. When the dynasty began to weaken in the 12th century, the Abbasids gained greater independence once again.

Revival of military strength (1118–1258)

[edit]
Coin of the Abbasids, Baghdad, 1244

While the caliph al-Mustarshid was the first caliph to build an army capable of meeting a Seljuk army in battle, he was nonetheless defeated and assassinated in 1135. The caliph al-Muqtafi was the first Abbasid Caliph to regain the full military independence of the caliphate, with the help of his vizier Ibn Hubayra. After nearly 250 years of subjection to foreign dynasties, he successfully defended Baghdad against the Seljuqs in the siege of Baghdad (1157), thus securing Iraq for the Abbasids. The reign of al-Nasir (d. 1225) brought the caliphate back into power throughout Iraq, based in large part on the Sufi futuwwa organizations that the caliph headed.[46] Al-Mustansir built the Mustansiriya School, in an attempt to eclipse the Seljuq-era Nizamiyya built by Nizam al Mulk.

Mongol invasion and end

[edit]
Siege of Baghdad by the Mongols led by Hulagu Khan in 1258

In 1206, Genghis Khan established a powerful dynasty among the Mongols of central Asia. During the 13th century, this Mongol Empire conquered most of the Eurasian land mass, including both China in the east and much of the old Islamic caliphate (as well as Kievan Rus') in the west. Hulagu Khan's destruction of Baghdad in 1258 is traditionally seen as the approximate end of the Golden Age.[57]

Contemporary accounts state Mongol soldiers looted and then destroyed mosques, palaces, libraries, and hospitals. Priceless books from Baghdad's thirty-six public libraries were torn apart, the looters using their leather covers as sandals.[58] Grand buildings that had been the work of generations were burned to the ground. The House of Wisdom (the Grand Library of Baghdad), containing countless precious historical documents and books on subjects ranging from medicine to astronomy, was destroyed. Claims have been made that the Tigris ran red from the blood of the scientists and philosophers killed.[59][60] Citizens attempted to flee, but were intercepted by Mongol soldiers who killed in abundance, sparing no one, not even children.

The caliph Al-Musta'sim was captured and forced to watch as his citizens were murdered and his treasury plundered. Ironically, Mongols feared that a supernatural disaster would strike if the blood of Al-Musta'sim, a direct descendant of Muhammad's uncle Abbas ibn Abd al-Muttalib,[61] and the last reigning Abbasid caliph in Baghdad, was spilled. The Shia of Persia stated that no such calamity had happened after the death of Husayn ibn Ali in the Battle of Karbala; nevertheless, as a precaution and in accordance with a Mongol taboo which forbade spilling royal blood, Hulagu had Al-Musta'sim wrapped in a carpet and trampled to death by horses on 20 February 1258. The caliph's immediate family was also executed, with the lone exceptions of his youngest son who was sent to Mongolia, and a daughter who became a slave in the harem of Hulagu.[62]

Abbasid Caliphate of Cairo (1261–1517)

[edit]

Similarly to how a Mamluk Army was created by the Abbasids, a Mamluk Army was created by the Egypt-based Ayyubid dynasty. These Mamluks decided to directly overthrow their masters and came to power in 1250 in what is known as the Mamluk Sultanate. In 1261, following the devastation of Baghdad by the Mongols, the Mamluk rulers of Egypt re-established the Abbasid caliphate in Cairo. The first Abbasid caliph of Cairo was Al-Mustansir. The Abbasid caliphs in Egypt continued to maintain the presence of authority, but it was confined to religious matters.[citation needed] The Abbasid caliphate of Cairo lasted until the time of Al-Mutawakkil III, who was taken away as a prisoner by Selim I to Constantinople where he had a ceremonial role. He died in 1543, following his return to Cairo.[citation needed]

Culture

[edit]

Islamic Golden Age

[edit]
Manuscript from the Abbasid era

The Abbasid historical period lasting to the Mongol conquest of Baghdad in 1258 CE is considered the Islamic Golden Age.[63] The Islamic Golden Age was inaugurated by the middle of the 8th century by the ascension of the Abbasid Caliphate and the transfer of the capital from Damascus to Baghdad.[64] The Abbasids were influenced by the Qur'anic injunctions and hadith, such as "the ink of a scholar is more holy than the blood of a martyr", stressing the value of knowledge. During this period the Muslim world became an intellectual center for science, philosophy, medicine and education as[64] the Abbasids championed the cause of knowledge and established the House of Wisdom in Baghdad, where both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars sought to translate and gather all the world's knowledge into Arabic.[64] Many classic works of antiquity that would otherwise have been lost were translated into Arabic and Persian and later in turn translated into Turkish, Hebrew and Latin.[64] During this period the Muslim world was a cauldron of cultures which collected, synthesized and significantly advanced the knowledge gained from the Roman, Chinese, Indian, Persian, Egyptian, North African, Ancient Greek and Medieval Greek civilizations.[64] According to Huff, "[i]n virtually every field of endeavor—in astronomy, alchemy, mathematics, medicine, optics and so forth—the Caliphate's scientists were in the forefront of scientific advance."[65]

Literature

[edit]
Remains of a large circular pool surrounded by reception halls in the Dar Al-Baraka Palace in Samarra, built by Al-Mutawakkil (r. 847–861).[66]
Illustration from More tales from the Arabian nights (1915)

The best-known fiction from the Islamic world is One Thousand and One Nights, a collection of fantastical folk tales, legends and parables compiled primarily during the Abbasid era. The collection is recorded as having originated from an Arabic translation of a Sassanian-era Persian prototype, with likely origins in Indian literary traditions. Stories from Arabic, Persian, Mesopotamian, and Egyptian folklore and literature were later incorporated. The epic is believed to have taken shape in the 10th century and reached its final form by the 14th century; the number and type of tales have varied from one manuscript to another.[67] All Arabian fantasy tales were often called "Arabian Nights" when translated into English, regardless of whether they appeared in The Book of One Thousand and One Nights.[67] This epic has been influential in the West since it was translated in the 18th century, first by Antoine Galland.[68] Many imitations were written, especially in France.[69] Various characters from this epic have themselves become cultural icons in Western culture, such as Aladdin, Sinbad and Ali Baba.

A famous example of Islamic poetry on romance was Layla and Majnun, an originally Arabic story which was further developed by Iranian, Azerbaijani and other poets in the Persian, Azerbaijani, and Turkish languages.[70] It is a tragic story of undying love much like the later Romeo and Juliet.[citation needed]

Arabic poetry reached its greatest height in the Abbasid era, especially before the loss of central authority and the rise of the Persianate dynasties. Writers like Abu Tammam and Abu Nuwas were closely connected to the caliphal court in Baghdad during the early 9th century, while others such as al-Mutanabbi received their patronage from regional courts.

Under Harun al-Rashid, Baghdad was renowned for its bookstores, which proliferated after the making of paper was introduced. Chinese papermakers had been among those taken prisoner by the Arabs at the Battle of Talas in 751. As prisoners of war, they were dispatched to Samarkand, where they helped set up the first Arab paper mill. In time, paper replaced parchment as the medium for writing, and the production of books greatly increased. These events had an academic and societal impact that could be broadly compared to the introduction of the printing press in the West. Paper aided in communication and record-keeping, it also brought a new sophistication and complexity to businesses, banking, and the civil service. In 794, Jafa al-Barmak built the first paper mill in Baghdad, and from there the technology circulated. Harun required that paper be employed in government dealings, since something recorded on paper could not easily be changed or removed, and eventually, an entire street in Baghdad's business district was dedicated to selling paper and books.[71]

Philosophy

[edit]

One of the common definitions for "Islamic philosophy" is "the style of philosophy produced within the framework of Islamic culture".[72] Islamic philosophy, in this definition is neither necessarily concerned with religious issues, nor is exclusively produced by Muslims.[72] Their works on Aristotle were a key step in the transmission of learning from ancient Greeks to the Islamic world and the West. They often corrected the philosopher, encouraging a lively debate in the spirit of ijtihad. They also wrote influential original philosophical works, and their thinking was incorporated into Christian philosophy during the Middle Ages, notably by Thomas Aquinas.[73]

Three speculative thinkers, al-Kindi, al-Farabi, and Avicenna, combined Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism with other ideas introduced through Islam, and Avicennism was later established as a result. Other influential Abbasid philosophers include al-Jahiz, and Ibn al-Haytham (Alhacen).

Architecture

[edit]
Qasr al-'Ashiq palace in Samarra, constructed during 877–882 CE. Emir 'Amad al-Dawla wrote a poem about this palace.[74] During the medieval period, it was referred to as "al-Ma'shuq (Arabic: المعشوق)" which means "beloved".[75][76]

As power shifted from the Umayyads to the Abbasids, the architectural styles changed also, from Greco-Roman tradition (which features elements of Hellenistic and Roman representative style) to Eastern tradition which retained their independent architectural traditions from Mesopotamia and Persia.[77] The Abbasid architecture was particularly influenced by Sasanian architecture, which in turn featured elements present since ancient Mesopotamia.[78][79] The Christian styles evolved into a style based more on the Sasanian Empire, utilizing mud bricks and baked bricks with carved stucco.[80] Other architectural innovations and styles were few, such as the four-centered arch, and a dome erected on squinches. Unfortunately, much was lost due to the ephemeral nature of the stucco and luster tiles.[81]

Zumurrud Khatun Tomb (circa 1152),[82] in a cemetery at Baghdad

Another major development was the creation or vast enlargement of cities as they were turned into the capital of the empire, beginning with the creation of Baghdad in 762, which was planned as a walled city with four gates, and a mosque and palace in the center. Al-Mansur, who was responsible for the creation of Baghdad, also planned the city of Raqqa, along the Euphrates. Finally, in 836, al-Mu'tasim moved the capital to a new site that he created along the Tigris, called Samarra. This city saw 60 years of work, with race-courses and game preserves to add to the atmosphere.[80] Due to the dry remote nature of the environment, some of the palaces built in this era were isolated havens. Al-Ukhaidir Fortress is a fine example of this type of building, which has stables, living quarters, and a mosque, all surrounding inner courtyards.[80] Mesopotamia only has one surviving mausoleum from this era, in Samarra:[81] an octagonal domed structured known as the Qubbat al-Sulaibiyya, which is the first known monumental tomb in Islamic architecture and may be the final resting place of al-Muntasir.[83]

Baghdad, the epicenter of the empire, was originally organized in a circular fashion next to the Tigris River, with massive brick walls being constructed in successive rings around the core by a workforce of 100,000 with four huge gates (named Kufa, Basrah, Khorasan and Syria). The central enclosure of the city contained Mansur's palace of 360,000 square feet (33,000 m2) in area and the great mosque of Baghdad, encompassing 90,000 square feet (8,400 m2). Travel across the Tigris and the network of waterways allowing the drainage of the Euphrates into the Tigris was facilitated by bridges and canals servicing the population.[84]

Outside the Abbasid heartlands, architecture was still influenced by the capital. In present-day Tunisia, the Great Mosque of Kairouan was founded under the Umayyad dynasty but completely rebuilt in the 9th century under the patronage of the Aghlabids, vassals of the Abbasids.[85] The styles utilized were mainly Abbasid.[86] In Egypt, Ahmad Ibn Tulun commissioned the Ibn Tulun Mosque, completed in 879, that is based on the style of Samarra and is now one of the best-preserved Abbasid-style mosques from this period.[87]

Glass and crystal

[edit]

The Near East has, since Roman times, been recognized as a center of quality glassware and crystal. 9th-century finds from Samarra show styles similar to Sassanian forms. The types of objects made were bottles, flasks, vases, and cups intended for domestic use, with decorations including molded flutes, honeycomb patterns, and inscriptions.[88] Other styles seen that may not have come from the Sassanians were stamped items. These were typically round stamps, such as medallions or disks with animals, birds, or Kufic inscriptions. Colored lead glass, typically blue or green, has been found in Nishapur, along with prismatic perfume bottles. Finally, cut glass may have been the high point of Abbasid glass-working, decorated with floral and animal designs.[89]

Painting

[edit]
9th-century harem wall painting fragments found in Samarra

Early Abbasid painting has not survived in great quantities, and is sometimes harder to differentiate; however, Samarra provides good examples, as it was built by the Abbasids and abandoned 56 years later. The walls of the principal rooms of the palace that have been excavated show wall paintings and lively carved stucco dadoes. The earlier style is obviously adopted with little variation from Sassanian art, with similar styles, with harems, animals, dancing people, and garments, all enclosed in scrollwork.[90] Nishapur had its own school of painting. Excavations at Nishapur show both monochromatic and polychromatic artwork from the 8th and 9th centuries. One famous piece of art consists of hunting nobles with falcons and on horseback, in full regalia; the clothing identifies them as Tahirid, which was, again, a sub-dynasty of the Abbasids. Other styles are of vegetation, and fruit in nice colors on a four-foot high dedo.[90]

Pottery

[edit]
Bowl with Kufic Inscription, 9th century, Brooklyn Museum

Whereas painting and architecture were not areas of strength for the Abbasid dynasty, pottery was a different story. Islamic culture as a whole, and the Abbasids in particular, were at the forefront of new ideas and techniques. Some examples of their work were pieces engraved with decorations and then colored with yellow-brown, green, and purple glazes. Designs were diverse with geometric patterns, Kufic lettering, and arabesque scrollwork, along with rosettes, animals, birds, and humans.[91] Abbasid pottery from the 8th and 9th centuries has been found throughout the region, as far as Cairo. These were generally made with a yellow clay and fired multiple times with separate glazes to produce metallic luster in shades of gold, brown, or red. By the 9th century, the potters had mastered their techniques and their decorative designs could be divided into two styles. The Persian style would show animals, birds, and humans, along with Kufic lettering in gold. Pieces excavated from Samarra exceed in vibrancy and beauty any from later periods. These were predominantly being made for the caliph's use. Tiles were also made using this same technique to create both monochromatic and polychromatic lusterware tiles.[92]

Textiles

[edit]

Egypt being a center of the textile industry was part of Abbasid cultural advancement. Copts were employed in the textile industry and produced linens and silks. Tinnis was famous for its factories and had over 5,000 looms. Examples of textiles were kasab, a fine linen for turbans, and badana for upper-class garments. The kiswah for the kaaba in Mecca was made in a town named Tuna near Tinnis. Fine silk was also made in Dabik and Damietta.[93] Of particular interest are stamped and inscribed fabrics, which used not only inks but also liquid gold. Some of the finer pieces were colored in such a manner as to require six separate stamps to achieve the proper design and color. This technology spread to Europe eventually.[94]

Clothing

[edit]
Dignitary in loose-fitting dress and turban.[95] Illustrations from the 1237 Baghdad edition of the Maqamat, authored by Al-Hariri of Basra (1054–1122). Baghdad, 1237.[95]

The Abbasid period saw a large fashion development throughout its existence. While the development of fashion began during the Umayyad period, its genuine cosmopolitan styles and influence were realized at their finest during Abbasid rule. Fashion was a thriving industry during the Abbasid period that was also strictly regulated either by law or through the accepted elements of style. Among the higher classes, appearance became a concern and they started to care about appearance and fashion. Several new garments and fabrics were introduced into common use and no longer observed pious distaste for materials such as silk and satins. The rise of the Persian secretarial class had a large influence over the development of fashion and the Abbasids were highly influenced by the older Persian Court dress elements. For example, the caliph al-Muʿtasim was reportedly notable for his desire to imitate Persian kings by wearing a turban over a soft cap which was later adopted by other Abbasid rulers and called it the "muʿtasimi" in his honor.

The Abbasids wore many layers of garments. Fabrics used for the clothing seemed to have included wool, linen, brocades, or silk the clothing of the poorer classes was made out of cheaper materials, such as wool, and had less fabric. This also meant they wouldn't be able to afford the variety of garments that the elite classes wore. Elegant women would not wear black, green, red, or pink, except for fabrics that naturally had those colors, such as red silk. Women's clothing would be perfumed with musk, sandalwood, hyacinth or ambergris, but no other scents. Footwear included furry Cambay shoes, boots of the style of Persian ladies, and curved shoes.

Caliph al-Mansur was credited with making his court and the Abbasid high-ranking officials wear honorific robes of the color black for various ceremonial affairs and events which became the official color of the caliphate. This was acknowledged in China and Byzantium who called the Abbasids the "black-robed ones". But despite the color black being common during the caliphate, many color dyes existed and it was made sure that colors would not clash. Notably, the color yellow needed to be avoided when wearing colored clothing.[96]

Abbasid Caliphs wore elegant kaftans, a robe made from silver or gold brocade and buttons in the front of the sleeves.[97] Caliph al-Muqtaddir wore a kaftan from silver brocade Tustari silk and his son one made from Byzantine silk richly decorated or ornamented with figures. The kaftan was spread far and wide by the Abbasids and made known throughout the Arab world.[98] In the 830s, Emperor Theophilus, went about à l'arabe in kaftans and turbans. Even as far as the streets of Ghuangzhou during the era of Tang dynasty, the Persian kaftan was in fashion.[99]

Manuscripts

[edit]

The production of Qur'anic manuscripts flourished under the Abbasid Caliphate primarily between the late 8th and early 10th century. During this period, copies of the Qur'an were frequently commissioned for members of the Abbasid court and the wealthy elite in Muslim society.[100] With the increased dissemination of the Qur'an also came the growth of Arabic calligraphy, bookbinding techniques, and illumination styles. This expansion and establishment of the book arts culminated in a formative period of the Islamic manuscript tradition.[100][101]

Calligraphy

[edit]
Folio from an 8th-9th century Qur'an, Abbasid dynasty

The earliest style of calligraphy used for Abbasid Qur'ans was known as the Kufic script—a script distinguished by precise, angular letters, generous spacing, horizontal extension of letters at the baseline and an emphasis on geometric proportion.[102] Qur'ans copied in this script were typically formatted in a horizontal manner and were written on parchment. Qur'ans of this variety were most popular in the second half of the 8th century.[102]

Example of the "New Abbasid Style" script

During the late 9th century and early 10th century, a new system of calligraphy was introduced by Abbasid vizier and calligrapher Abu 'Ali Muhammad Ibn Muqla (866–940).[102] He developed this proportional writing system around two shapes: a circle the size of an alif and rhomboid dots that could be created with the nib of a reed pen.[102] This script, later known as the "New Abbasid style," was characterized by its vertical letters, extreme angularity, and a distinct contrast between the width of strokes.[102] The development of this proportional script also coincided with a shift back into a vertical page orientation. The New style script was further developed for secular purposes because of its legibility and efficient nature.[102]

Illumination

[edit]
Later example (13th century) of vegetal and geometric illumination

Illumination techniques and trends under the Abbasid Caliphate were often dependent upon script style. As Qur'ans shifted from Kufic to New style script, illumination methods also changed. The illumination of early Abbasid Qur'ans (late 8th century) was largely dominated by geometric and vegetal shapes. These ornamental elements were often concentrated at the beginning and end of volumes as well as in between Suras.[101] Another defining element of the early Abbasid technique was the absence of text on the frontispiece of the Qur'an.[101] The introduction of the "New Abbasid Style" in the 10th century, however, led to a shift in illumination techniques. Illuminators found ways to accommodate the dense script and vertical orientation of text.[101] As such, illuminated Qur'ans began to display additional decorative elements (beyond geometric and vegetal shapes) to denote divisions within the text.[101] Furthermore, Qur'ans with the New style of script were copied with the first Sura on the frontispiece of the manuscript.[101] These stylistic shifts are representative of developing illumination arts under Abbasid rule.

Bookbinding

[edit]

The main form of bookbinding used under the Abbasid Caliphate was the binding-cum-case or box manuscript. This technique covered the Qur'an in a casket-like box in order to protect the contents. These boxes were typically made out of wooden boards and had a protective lining on the manuscript-facing side. The leather-bound Qur'an would have been placed in the box which then would have been fitted with a locking mechanism.[101]

The Amajur Qur'an

[edit]
Page from the Amajur Qur'an
Page from the Amajur Qur'an

One of the most notable parchment manuscripts created during the early Abbasid Caliphate was the Amajur Qur'an. This Qur'an was endowed by Amajur al-Turki—the Abbasid Governor of Damascus from 870 to 878—and was created during the 9th century.[103] Despite being a luxury example, this Qur'an is indicative of the form and script practices that were being standardized in the heart of the early Abbasid Caliphate.[103] The text was copied in the Kufic style and in a horizontal orientation. The style of script, size, and oblong shape of the Amajur Qur'an aligned with other examples from the 9th century. Furthermore, the Qur'an was copied onto parchment—a material that was commonly used for manuscripts under early Abbasid rule. Lastly, the Amajur Qur'an was bound in leather and stored in a protective chest. This bookbinding style was a standard technique during the 9th century.[103]

Science and Technology

[edit]

Science

[edit]
The Madrasa of Al-Mustansiriya University in Baghdad, established in 1227, one of the few Abbasid-era madrasas remaining today
Jabir ibn Hayyan, a pioneer in organic chemistry. The reigns of Harun al-Rashid (786–809) and his successors fostered an age of great intellectual achievement. In large part, this was the result of the schismatic forces that had undermined the Umayyad regime, which relied on the assertion of the superiority of Arab culture as part of its claim to legitimacy, and the Abbasids' welcoming of support from non-Arab Muslims. [104]

A number of medieval thinkers and scientists living under Islamic rule played a role in transmitting Islamic science to the Christian West. In addition, the period saw the recovery of much of the Alexandrian mathematical, geometric and astronomical knowledge, such as that of Euclid and Claudius Ptolemy. These recovered mathematical methods were later enhanced and developed by other Islamic scholars, notably by Persian scientists Al-Biruni and Abu Nasr Mansur.

Christians (particularly Nestorian Christians) contributed to the Arab Islamic Civilization during the Umayyads and the Abbasids by translating works of Greek philosophers to Syriac and afterwards to Arabic.[105][106] Nestorians played a prominent role in the formation of Arab culture,[107] with the Academy of Gondishapur being prominent in the late Sassanid, Umayyad and early Abbasid periods.[108] Notably, eight generations of the Nestorian Bukhtishu family served as private doctors to caliphs and sultans between the eighth and eleventh centuries.[109][110]

Algebra was significantly developed by Persian scientist Muhammad ibn Mūsā al-Khwārizmī during this time in his landmark text, Kitab al-Jabr wa-l-Muqabala, from which the term algebra is derived. He is thus considered to be the father of algebra by some,[111] although the Greek mathematician Diophantus has also been given this title. The terms algorism and algorithm are derived from the name of al-Khwarizmi, who was also responsible for introducing the Arabic numerals and Hindu–Arabic numeral system beyond the Indian subcontinent.

Ibn al-Haytham, "the father of Optics".[112]

Arab scientist Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen) developed an early scientific method in his Book of Optics (1021). The most important development of the scientific method was the use of experiments to distinguish between competing scientific theories set within a generally empirical orientation, which began among Muslim scientists. Ibn al-Haytham's empirical proof of the intromission theory of light (that is, that light rays entered the eyes rather than being emitted by them) was particularly important. Ibn al-Haytham was significant in the history of scientific method, particularly in his approach to experimentation,[113] and has been referred to as the "world's first true scientist".[114]

Medicine in medieval Islam was an area of science that advanced particularly during the Abbasids' reign. During the 9th century, Baghdad contained over 800 doctors, and great discoveries in the understanding of anatomy and diseases were made. The clinical distinction between measles and smallpox was described during this time. Famous Persian scientist Ibn Sina (known to the West as Avicenna) produced treatises and works that summarized the vast amount of knowledge that scientists had accumulated, and was very influential through his encyclopedias, The Canon of Medicine and The Book of Healing. The work of him and many others directly influenced the research of European scientists during the Renaissance.

Astronomy in medieval Islam was advanced by Al-Battani, who improved the precision of the measurement of the precession of the Earth's axis. The corrections made to the geocentric model by al-Battani,[citation needed] Averroes,[citation needed] Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, Mo'ayyeduddin Urdi and Ibn al-Shatir were later incorporated into the Copernican heliocentric model.[115] The astrolabe, though originally developed by the Greeks, was developed further by Islamic astronomers and engineers, and subsequently brought to medieval Europe.

Muslim alchemists influenced medieval European alchemists, particularly the writings attributed to Jābir ibn Hayyān (Geber).

Technology

[edit]
Illustration showing a water clock given to Charlemagne by Harun al-Rashid

In technology, the Abbasids adopted papermaking from China.[116] The use of paper spread from China into the caliphate in the 8th century CE, arriving in al-Andalus (Islamic Spain) and then the rest of Europe in the 10th century. It was easier to manufacture than parchment, less likely to crack than papyrus, and could absorb ink, making it ideal for making records and copies of the Qur'an. "Islamic paper makers devised assembly-line methods of hand-copying manuscripts to turn out editions far larger than any available in Europe for centuries."[117] It was from the Abbasids that the rest of the world learned to make paper from linen.[118] The knowledge of gunpowder was also transmitted from China via the caliphate, where the formulas for pure potassium nitrate and an explosive gunpowder effect were first developed.[119]

Advances were made in irrigation and farming, using new technology such as the windmill. Crops such as almonds and citrus fruit were brought to Europe through al-Andalus, and sugar cultivation was gradually adopted by the Europeans. Apart from the Nile, Tigris and Euphrates, navigable rivers were uncommon, so transport by sea was very important. Navigational sciences were highly developed, making use of a rudimentary sextant (known as a kamal). When combined with detailed maps of the period, sailors were able to sail across oceans rather than skirt along the coast. Abbasid sailors were also responsible for reintroducing large three masted merchant vessels to the Mediterranean. The name caravel may derive from an earlier Arab ship known as the qārib.[120] Arab merchants dominated trade in the Indian Ocean until the arrival of the Portuguese in the 16th century. Hormuz was an important center for this trade. There was also a dense network of trade routes in the Mediterranean, along which Muslim countries traded with each other and with European powers such as Venice or Genoa. The Silk Road crossing Central Asia passed through the Abbasid caliphate between China and Europe.

Windmills were among Abbasid inventions in technology.[121]

Engineers in the Abbasid caliphate made a number of innovative industrial uses of hydropower, and early industrial uses of tidal power, wind power, and petroleum (notably by distillation into kerosene). The industrial uses of watermills in the Islamic world date back to the 7th century, while horizontal-wheeled and vertical-wheeled water mills were both in widespread use since at least the 9th century. By the time of the Crusades, every province throughout the Islamic world had mills in operation, from al-Andalus and North Africa to the Middle East and Central Asia. These mills performed a variety of agricultural and industrial tasks.[116] Abbasid engineers also developed machines (such as pumps) incorporating crankshafts, employed gears in mills and water-raising machines, and used dams to provide additional power to watermills and water-raising machines.[122] Such advances made it possible for many industrial tasks that were previously driven by manual labour in ancient times to be mechanized and driven by machinery instead in the medieval Islamic world. It has been argued that the industrial use of waterpower had spread from Islamic to Christian Spain, where fulling mills, paper mills, and forge mills were recorded for the first time in Catalonia.[123]

A number of industries were generated during the Arab Agricultural Revolution, including early industries for textiles, sugar, rope-making, matting, silk, and paper. Latin translations of the 12th century passed on knowledge of chemistry and instrument making in particular.[124] The agricultural and handicraft industries also experienced high levels of growth during this period.[125]

Society

[edit]

Arabization

[edit]

While the Abbasids originally gained power by exploiting the social inequalities against non-Arabs in the Umayyad Empire, during Abbasid rule the empire rapidly Arabized, particularly in the Fertile Crescent region (namely Mesopotamia and the Levant) as had begun under Umayyad rule. As knowledge was shared in the Arabic language throughout the empire, many people from different nationalities and religions began to speak Arabic in their everyday lives. Resources from other languages began to be translated into Arabic, and a unique Islamic identity began to form that fused previous cultures with Arab culture, creating a level of civilization and knowledge that was considered a marvel in Europe at the time.[126]

Status of women

[edit]

In contrast to the earlier era, women in Abbasid society were absent from all arenas of the community's central affairs.[127] While their Muslim forebears led men into battle, started rebellions, and played an active role in community life, as demonstrated in the Hadith literature, Abbasid women were ideally kept in seclusion.[citation needed] Conquests had brought enormous wealth and large numbers of slaves to the Muslim elite. The majority of the slaves were women and children,[128] many of whom had been dependents or harem-members of the defeated Sassanian upper classes.[129] In the wake of the conquests an elite man could potentially own a thousand slaves, and ordinary soldiers could have ten people serving them.[nb 6]

It was narrated from Ibn Abbas that Muhammad said:

There is no man whose two daughters reach the age of puberty and he treats them kindly for the time they are together, but they will gain him admittance to Paradise.

Whoever has three daughters and is patient towards them, and feeds them, gives them to drink, and clothes them from his wealth; they will be a shield for him from the Fire on the Day of Resurrection.

Even so, slave courtesans (qiyans and jawaris) and princesses produced prestigious and important poetry. Enough survives to give us access to women's historical experiences, and reveals some vivacious and powerful figures, such as the Sufi mystic Raabi'a al-Adwiyya (714–801 CE), the princess and poet 'Ulayya bint al-Mahdi (777–825 CE), and the singing-girls Shāriyah (c. 815–870 CE), Fadl Ashsha'ira (d. 871 CE) and Arib al-Ma'muniyya (797–890 CE).[130][131]

Each wife in the Abbasid harem had an additional home or flat, with her own enslaved staff of eunuchs and maidservants. When a concubine gave birth to a son, she was elevated in rank to umm walad and also received apartments and (slave) servants as a gift.[132]

Treatment of Jews and Christians

[edit]
Hunayn ibn Ishaq was an influential translator, scholar, physician, and scientist.[133]

The status and treatment of Jews, Christians, and non-Muslims in the Abbasid Caliphate was a complex and continually changing issue. Non-Muslims were called dhimmis.[134] Dhimmis faced some level of discrimination in Abbasid society: they did not have all the privileges of Muslims and had to pay jizya, a tax on non-Muslims. However, as people of the book (non-Muslim monotheists), Jews and Christians were allowed to practice their religion and were not required to convert.

One of the common aspects of the treatment of the dhimmis is that their treatment depended on who the caliph was at the time. Some Abbasid rulers, like Al-Mutawakkil (822–861 CE) imposed strict restrictions on what dhimmis could wear in public, often yellow garments that distinguished them from Muslims.[135] Other restrictions al-Mutawakkil imposed included limiting the role of the dhimmis in government, seizing dhimmi housing and making it harder for dhimmis to become educated.[135] Most other Abbasid caliphs were not as strict as al-Mutawakkil, though. During the reign of Al-Mansur (714–775 CE), it was common for Jews and Christians to influence the overall culture in the caliphate, specifically in Baghdad. Jews and Christians did this by participating in scholarly work.

It was common that laws that were imposed against dhimmis during one caliph's rule were either discarded or not practiced during future caliphs' reigns. Al-Mansur and al-Mutawakkil both instituted laws that forbade non-Muslims from participating in public office.[136] Al-Mansur did not follow his own law very closely, bringing dhimmis back to the caliphate's treasury due to the needed expertise of dhimmis in the area of finance.[137] Al-Mutawakkil followed the law banning dhimmis from public office more seriously, although, soon after his reign, many of the laws concerning dhimmis participating in government were completely unobserved or at least less strictly observed.[135] Even Al-Muqtadir (r. 908–932 CE), who held a similar stance as al-Mutawakkil on barring non-Muslims from public office, himself had multiple Christian secretaries, indicating that non-Muslims still had access to many of the most important figures within the caliphate.[137] Past having a casual association or just being a secretary to high-ranking Islamic officials, some of them achieved the second highest office after the caliph: the vizier.[137]

Священник Церкви Востока . Фреска из дворца аль-Мухтара , датированная 837–839 гг. н. э., Самарра , Ирак. [138]

Евреи и христиане, возможно, имели более низкий общий статус по сравнению с мусульманами в Аббасидском халифате, но зимми часто разрешалось занимать респектабельные и даже престижные должности в некоторых случаях, например, врачами и государственными должностными лицами. Евреям и христианам также разрешалось быть богатыми, даже если они облагались налогом за то, что были зимми. [134] Зимми были способны двигаться вверх и вниз по социальной лестнице, хотя это во многом зависело от конкретного халифа. Показателем социального положения евреев и христиан в то время была их способность жить рядом с мусульманами. Например, в то время как аль-Мансур правил халифатом, зимми нередко жили в тех же кварталах, что и мусульмане. [134] Одна из главных причин, по которой зимми было разрешено занимать престижные должности и должности в правительстве, заключается в том, что они, как правило, были важны для благосостояния государства и хорошо или превосходно справлялись с выполняемой работой. [139] Некоторые мусульмане в халифате оскорблялись идеей о том, что на государственных должностях были зимми, которые в некотором смысле управляли ими, хотя это было исламское государство, в то время как другие мусульмане временами завидовали некоторым зимми за их уровень богатства или престижа. больше, чем другие мусульмане, даже если мусульмане по-прежнему составляли большинство правящего класса. [137] В целом, между мусульманами, евреями и христианами были близкие отношения, которые иногда можно было считать положительными, особенно для евреев, в отличие от того, как с евреями обращались в Европе. [134]

Многие законы и ограничения, налагаемые на зимми, часто напоминали другие законы, которые предыдущие государства использовали для дискриминации религиозного меньшинства, особенно евреев. Римляне в четвертом веке запрещали евреям занимать государственные должности, запрещали римским гражданам переходить в иудаизм и часто понижали в должности евреев, служивших в римской армии. [140] Напротив, произошло событие, в ходе которого два визиря , Ибн аль-Фурат и Али ибн Иса ибн аль-Джарра , спорили по поводу решения Ибн аль-Фурата сделать христианина главой вооруженных сил. Предыдущий визирь Абу Мухаммад аль-Хасан аль-Базури сделал это. Эти законы предшествовали законам аль-Мансура против зимми и часто имели аналогичные ограничения, хотя римские императоры часто гораздо более строго соблюдали эти законы, чем многие халифы Аббасидов. [141]

Большинство евреев Багдада были включены в арабскую общину и считали арабский язык своим родным языком. [ нужна ссылка ] Некоторые евреи изучали иврит в своих школах, и еврейское религиозное образование процветало. Объединенная мусульманская империя позволила евреям восстановить связи между своими разбросанными общинами по всему Ближнему Востоку. Городской институт Талмуда помог распространить раввинскую традицию в Европе, а еврейская община Багдада основала десять раввинских школ и двадцать три синагоги. В Багдаде находились не только могилы мусульманских святых и мучеников, но и могила Юши , труп которого был привезен в Ирак во время первой миграции евреев из Леванта. [142]

Праздники

[ редактировать ]

В определенные дни устраивались большие пиршества, поскольку мусульмане империи отмечали христианские праздники так же, как и свои собственные. Существовало два главных исламских праздника: один отмечался в конце Рамадана ; другой, « Праздник жертвоприношения ». Первое было особенно радостно, потому что дети покупали украшения и сладости; люди готовили лучшую еду и покупали новую одежду. В полдень халиф в тобе Мухаммеда проводил чиновников в сопровождении вооруженных солдат в Великую мечеть , где он возглавил молитвы. После молитвы все присутствующие обменивались наилучшими пожеланиями и обнимали своих родственников и товарищей. Празднества продолжались три дня. В течение этого ограниченного количества ночей дворцы были освещены, а лодки на Тигре вывешивали фонари. Говорили, что Багдад «сиял, как невеста » . Во время праздника жертвоприношения на общественных аренах забивали овец, а халиф участвовал в масштабном жертвоприношении во дворе дворца. После этого мясо делили и раздавали бедным. [143]

Помимо этих двух праздников, шииты отмечали дни рождения Фатимы и Али ибн Аби Талиба . За браками и родами в царской семье следили все в империи. Объявление о том, что один из сыновей халифа может четко читать Коран , было встречено всеобщим ликованием. Когда Харун развил этот священный талант, люди зажгли факелы и украсили улицы венками из цветов, а его отец Аль-Махди освободил 500 рабов. [144]

Из всех праздников, заимствованных из других культур и религий, самым празднуемым в Багдаде (городе, где проживает много персов) был Навруз , который отмечал приход весны. Во время торжественного омовения, проведенного персидскими войсками, жители обрызгивали себя водой и ели миндальные лепешки. Дворцы императорской семьи были освещены шесть дней и ночей. Аббасиды также праздновали персидский праздник Михрадж, который ознаменовал начало зимы (обозначаемый барабанным боем), и Садар, когда дома сжигали благовония, а массы собирались вдоль Тигра, чтобы стать свидетелями прохождения князей и визирей. [144]

В Багдаде было много военачальников Аббасидов, которые имели или говорили, что они были арабского происхождения. Однако ясно, что большинство рядов имели иранское происхождение, причем подавляющее большинство было выходцами из Хорасана и Трансоксианы , а не из западного Ирана или Азербайджана. [145] Большинство солдат Хорасана, приведших к власти Аббасидов, были арабами. [146]

Крепость Ухайдир , расположенная к югу от Кербелы , представляет собой большую прямоугольную крепость, построенную в 775 году нашей эры и имеющую уникальный оборонительный стиль.

Постоянная армия мусульман в Хорасане в подавляющем большинстве состояла из арабов. Единая организация Аббасидов была создана с целью обеспечения этнического и расового равенства среди сторонников. Когда Абу Муслим набирал офицеров на Шелковом пути, он регистрировал их не по племенной или этнонациональной принадлежности, а по нынешнему месту жительства. [147] При Аббасидах иранские народы стали лучше представлены в армии и бюрократии, чем раньше. [148] Армия Аббасидов была сосредоточена на хорасанской пехоте Абна ад-Даула и тяжелой кавалерии Хорасании, возглавляемой их собственными полуавтономными командирами ( каидами ), которые набирали и размещали своих собственных людей за счет грантов Аббасидов. [149] аль-Мутасим начал практику набора тюркских солдат-рабов из Саманидов в частную армию, что позволило ему взять на себя бразды правления халифатом. Он отменил старую систему джунд , созданную Умаром, и перенаправил зарплату коренных арабских военных потомков тюркским солдатам-рабам. Тюркские солдаты изменили стиль ведения войны, поскольку они были известны как способные конные лучники, с детства обученные верховой езде. Эти военные теперь были набраны из этнических групп далеких приграничных территорий и были полностью отделены от остального общества. Некоторые не могли нормально говорить по-арабски. Это привело к упадку халифата, начиная с анархии в Самарре. [150]

Хотя Аббасиды никогда не имели значительной регулярной армии, халиф мог за короткое время набрать значительное количество солдат, когда это было необходимо, за счет рекрутов. Были также когорты регулярных войск, получавшие стабильную зарплату, и подразделение специального назначения. В любой момент 125 000 мусульманских солдат могли быть собраны вдоль византийской границы, Багдада , Медины , Дамаска , Рея и других геостратегических мест, чтобы подавить любые беспорядки. [151]

Конница была сплошь покрыта железом, в касках. Как и у средневековых рыцарей, их единственными открытыми пятнами были кончики носов и небольшие отверстия перед глазами. Их пехотинцам были выданы копья, мечи и пики, и (в соответствии с персидской модой) они были обучены стоять так твердо, что, как написал один современник, «можно было подумать, что они крепко держатся за бронзовые зажимы». [151]

Армия Аббасидов накопила множество осадного оборудования, такого как катапульты , мангонели , тараны , лестницы, крюки и крюки. Все такое вооружение эксплуатировали военные инженеры. Однако основным осадным орудием был манджаник , тип осадного орудия, сравнимый с требушетом, использовавшимся в западное средневековье. Начиная с седьмого века, она в значительной степени заменила торсионную артиллерию . Ко времени Харуна ар-Рашида армия Аббасидов использовала зажигательные гранаты . Аббасиды также использовали полевые госпитали и машины скорой помощи, запряженные верблюдами. [152]

Гражданская администрация

[ редактировать ]
Провинции Аббасидского халифата в ок. 850 под аль-Мутаваккилем

В результате такой огромной Империи халифат был децентрализован и разделен на 24 провинции. [153]

Визирь Харуна обладал почти неограниченной властью. При Харуне было создано специальное «бюро конфискации». Это правительственное крыло позволяло визирю конфисковывать имущество и богатства любого коррумпированного губернатора или государственного служащего. Кроме того, оно позволяло губернаторам конфисковывать имения чиновников низшего ранга. Наконец, халиф мог наложить такое же наказание на визиря, впавшего в немилость. Как выразился один более поздний халиф: «Визирь — наш представитель по всей земле и среди наших подданных. Поэтому тот, кто повинуется ему, повинуется нам; а тот, кто повинуется нам, повинуется Богу, и Бог приведет того, кто повинуется Ему, в рай. " [153]

В каждом региональном мегаполисе было почтовое отделение, и были проложены сотни дорог, чтобы связать имперскую столицу с другими городами и поселками. Империя использовала систему ретрансляторов для доставки почты. На центральном почтовом отделении Багдада даже была карта с указанием расстояний между каждым городом. Дороги были оборудованы придорожными гостиницами, приютами и колодцами и могли простираться на восток через Персию и Среднюю Азию до Китая. [154] Почтовое отделение не только расширяло государственные службы, но и служило халифу разведывательной информацией. Почтальонов использовали в качестве шпионов, которые следили за местными делами. [155]

В начале существования халифата Бармакиды взяли на себя ответственность за формирование государственной службы . Семья имела корни в буддийском монастыре на севере Афганистана . В начале 8 века семья приняла ислам и начала брать на себя значительную часть гражданской администрации Аббасидов. [155]

Капитал хлынул в казну халифата за счет различных налогов, включая налог на недвижимость; налог на скот, золото и серебро, а также коммерческие товары; специальный налог для немусульман; и таможенные сборы. [153]

Торговля

[ редактировать ]

При Харуне морская торговля через Персидский залив процветала: арабские суда торговали на юге до Мадагаскара и на востоке до Китая, Кореи и Японии. Растущая экономика Багдада и других городов неизбежно привела к спросу на предметы роскоши и сформировала класс предпринимателей, организовавших дальние караваны для торговли, а затем распределения своих товаров. Целый раздел в сук Восточного Багдада был посвящен китайским товарам.

Арабы торговали с Балтийским регионом и добрались до Британских островов на севере . Десятки тысяч арабских монет были обнаружены в некоторых частях России и Швеции, что свидетельствует о обширных торговых сетях, созданных Аббасидами. Король Мерсии Оффа (в Англии) чеканил золотые монеты, подобные монетам Аббасидов в восьмом веке. [156]

Книга дорог и королевств, написанная Истахри

Мусульманские купцы использовали порты в Бандар-Сирафе , Басре и Адене , а также некоторые порты Красного моря для путешествий и торговли с Индией и Юго-Восточной Азией . Сухопутные пути использовались также через Среднюю Азию . Арабские бизнесмены присутствовали в Китае еще в восьмом веке. Арабские купцы плыли по Каспийскому морю, чтобы достичь Бухары и Самарканда и торговать с ними . [156]

Многие караваны и товары так и не дошли до места назначения. Некоторые товары китайского экспорта погибли в результате пожаров, а другие корабли затонули. Говорили, что всякий, кто добрался до Китая и вернулся целым и невредимым, был благословлен Богом. Обычные морские пути также страдали от пиратов, которые строили и управляли судами, которые были быстрее, чем большинство торговых судов. Говорят, что многие морские приключения в сказках о Синдбаде были основаны на исторических вымыслах моряков того времени. [157]

Аббасиды также наладили сухопутную торговлю с Африкой, в основном золотом и рабами . Когда торговля с Европой прекратилась из-за военных действий , евреи служили связующим звеном между двумя враждебными мирами. [157]

Аббасиды вели обширную торговлю с итальянскими морскими республиками Венецией и Генуей с 11 века. Венецианские купцы способствовали обмену дорогостоящих товаров с Востока, таких как специи, шелк и драгоценные металлы. Взамен Венеция экспортировала европейские промышленные товары и предметы роскоши. Генуэзские купцы торговали предметами роскоши, такими как специи, ткани и другие товары, пользующиеся повышенным спросом. Стратегическое положение Генуи в Средиземноморье позволило ей интегрироваться в более широкую средиземноморскую торговую сеть, соединив халифат Аббасидов с другими европейскими рынками. Эти торговые отношения сыграли ключевую роль в соединении средневекового Средиземноморья с более широким исламским миром. Этот обмен товарами, наряду с культурным и технологическим трансфером, способствовал созданию более взаимосвязанной средневековой глобальной экономики. [158] [159]

Отклонить

[ редактировать ]

Аббасиды оказались в противоречии с мусульманами- шиитами , большинство из которых поддерживали их войну против Омейядов, поскольку Аббасиды и шииты заявляли о своей легитимности благодаря своей семейной связи с Мухаммедом. Придя к власти, Аббасиды отказались от любой поддержки шиитских верований в пользу суннитского ислама. Вскоре после этого берберские хариджиты основали независимое государство в Северной Африке в 801 году. В течение 50 лет Идрисиды в Магрибе и Аглабиды в Ифрикии , а вскоре Тулуниды и Икшидиды в Мисре стали фактически независимыми в Африке. Авторитет Аббасидов начал ухудшаться во время правления ар-Ради , когда их генералы тюркской армии, которые уже имели де-факто независимость, перестали платить халифату. Даже провинции, близкие к Багдаду, начали стремиться к местному династическому правлению. Кроме того, Аббасиды часто оказывались в конфликте с Омейядами в Испании. Финансовое положение Аббасидов также ухудшилось: налоговые поступления от Савада уменьшились в 9 и 10 веках. [160]

Список халифов

[ редактировать ]

Династии, претендующие на происхождение Аббасидов

[ редактировать ]

Спустя столетия после падения Аббасидов несколько династий заявляли о своем происхождении от них, поскольку «заявления о родственных отношениях с Мухаммедом», то есть заявления о принадлежности к «Людям Дома» или статусе сайида или шарифа, возможно, были наиболее распространенный в мусульманских обществах способ поддержки своих моральных или материальных целей с помощью генеалогических данных». [ нужна проверка ] [161] Такие заявления о преемственности с Мухаммедом или его хашимитскими родственниками, такими как Аббасиды, способствуют возникновению чувства «политической жизнеспособности» династии-кандидата с намерением «обслуживать внутреннюю аудиторию» (или, другими словами, получить легитимность с точки зрения массы). [161] Империя Вадай , которая управляла частями современных Чада и Судана, также претендовала на происхождение Аббасидов, наряду с государствами Хайрпур и Бахавалпур в Пакистане и ханством Бастак . [162] [163] [ нужна проверка ] [164]

Распространенным стереотипом среди династий-претендентов Аббасидов является то, что они происходят от аббасидских князей Багдада, «рассеянных» монгольским вторжением в 1258 году нашей эры. [165] Эти выжившие принцы покинут Багдад и переберутся в безопасное убежище, не контролируемое монголами, ассимилируются со своими новыми обществами, а их потомки вырастут и создадут свои собственные династии со своими аббасидскими «полномочиями» столетия спустя. [166] [167] Это подчеркивается мифом о происхождении Бастакского ханства, в котором говорится, что в 656 г.х./1258 г. н.э., в год падения Багдада, после разграбления города, несколько выживших членов династической семьи Аббасидов во главе со старейшим среди них Исмаил II, сын Хамзы, сына Ахмеда, сына Мохамеда, мигрировал в Южный Иран, в деревню Хондж, а затем в Бастак , где их ханство было основано в 17 веке нашей эры. [номер 7] [169]

Между тем, Империя Вадаи рассказала аналогичную историю происхождения, утверждая, что она произошла от человека по имени Салих ибн Абдулла ибн Аббас, чей отец Абдулла был принцем Аббасидов, который бежал из Багдада в Хиджаз после монгольского вторжения. У него был сын по имени Салих, который вырос и стал «способным юристом» и «очень набожным человеком». Мусульманские улемы , совершавшие паломничество в Мекку, встретили его и, впечатленные его знаниями, пригласили вернуться с ним в Сеннар . Видя отклонение населения от ислама, он «двинулся дальше», пока не нашел гору Абу Синун в Вадае , где обратил местное население в ислам и научил их его правилам, после чего они сделали его султаном , заложив таким образом основы империи Вадай. . [170]

Что касается ханства Бастак, шейх Мохамед Хан Бастаки был первым аббасидским правителем Бастака, носившим титул «хан» после того, как местные жители приняли его как правителя, что означает «правитель» или «король», титул, который, как сообщается, был подаренный ему Карим Ханом Зандом . [171] Затем этот титул стал титулом всех последующих аббасидских правителей Бастака и Джахангирие, а также в совокупности относится во множественном числе, то есть «ханы», к потомкам шейха Мохамед-хана Бастаки. Последним аббасидским правителем Бастака и Джахангирии был Мохамед Азам Хан Баниабассиан, сын Мохамеда Реза Хана «Сатват аль-Мамалек» Баниаббаси. Он является автором книги «Тарих-е Джахангирие ва Баниабассиан-е Бастак» (1960). [172] в котором изложена история региона и правившей им семьи Аббасидов. Мохамед Азам Хан Баниабассиан умер в 1967 году, что считается концом правления Аббасидов в Бастаке. [ нужна ссылка ]

См. также

[ редактировать ]

Примечания

[ редактировать ]
  1. Революция Аббасидов против халифата Омейядов использовала черный цвет в качестве райя , за что их сторонников называли мусаввидами . [1] Их соперники в ответ выбрали другие цвета; среди них силы, лояльные Марвану II, приняли красный цвет. [2] Выбор черного цвета в качестве цвета революции Аббасидов уже был мотивирован традицией «черных знамен из Хорасана», связанной с Махди . Контраст белого и черного как династического цвета Омейядов и Аббасидов с течением времени превратился в белый как цвет шиитского ислама и черный как цвет суннитского ислама: «Прозелиты революции Аббасидов в полной мере воспользовались поднятыми эсхатологическими ожиданиями. черными знаменами в своей кампании по подрыву династии Омейядов изнутри. Даже после того, как Аббасиды одержали победу над Омейядами в 750 году, они продолжали использовать черный цвет не только в качестве своего династического цвета, но и в головных уборах и одежде аббасидских халифов; черный ... Вездесущий черный цвет создавал поразительный контраст со знаменами и династическим цветом Омейядов, которые раньше были белыми ... Исмаилитский шиитский контрхалифат, основанный Фатимидами, использовал белый цвет в качестве своего династического цвета, создавая визуальный контраст с «Враг Аббасидов… белый стал шиитским цветом, в сознательной оппозиции черному цвету аббасидского «истеблишмента». [3] После революции исламские апокалиптические круги признали, что знамена Аббасидов будут черными, но утверждали, что знамя Махди будет черным и большего размера. [4] Антиаббасидские круги проклинали «черные знамена Востока», «первые и последние». [5]
  2. ^ Куфа оставалась общей административной столицей, но в эти годы халифы проживали во многих других местах. [6] [7] Подробности смотрите в статье.
  3. ^ Аббасиды проживали в Каире в качестве церемониальных фигур при мамлюкских султанах после падения Багдада в 1258 году. Подробности см. В статье.
  4. Уэйд утверждает, что «тази в персидских источниках относились к народу на этой земле, но позже был распространен на арабские земли. Персидский термин был принят Танским Китаем (Даши: 大食) для обозначения арабов до 12 века». [24]
  5. Этот город ранее был резиденцией его отца аль-Махди, которого аль-Мансур назначил его губернатором в 771 году. Аль-Махди построил для себя новый город, ар-Рафика, рядом с Раккой, и два города пришли с течением времени сформировать единую городскую агломерацию. [43]
  6. ^ Ожидалось, что с наложницами будут хорошо обращаться, плохое обращение с ними было бы отклонением от исламской этики, однако некоторые представители правящего класса совершали акты неверия и отклонений за закрытыми дверями, с участием своего гарема или без него.
  7. Полную генеалогию, вплоть до Аль-Аббаса бин Абдулмутталиба, дяди Мухаммеда по отцовской линии, см.: Книга Аль-Аббаси « Надер аль-Баян фи Зикр Ансаб Баниабассиан». [168]
  1. ^ Табари (1995). Джейн Маколифф (ред.). Авторитет Аббасидов подтвержден . Том. 28. СУНИ. п. 124.
  2. ^ Кроун 2012 , с. 122
  3. ^ Хэтэуэй, Джейн (2012). Повесть о двух фракциях: миф, память и идентичность в Османском Египте и Йемене . Олбани: Издательство Государственного университета Нью-Йорка. стр. 97ф. ISBN  978-0791486108 .
  4. ^ Кук, Дэвид (2002). Исследования мусульманской апокалиптики . Дарвин Пресс. п. 153. ИСБН  978-0878501427 .
  5. ^ Кроун 2012 , с. 243
  6. ^ Jump up to: а б Джаит, Хичем (1986). «Аль-Куфа» . в Босворте, CE ; ван Донзель, Э .; Льюис, Б. и Пеллат, Ч. (ред.). Энциклопедия ислама, второе издание . Том V: Кхе-Махи . Лейден: Э. Дж. Брилл. п. 347. ИСБН  978-90-04-07819-2 .
  7. ^ Jump up to: а б с Ласснер, Дж. (1971). «аль-Хасхимийя » В Льюисе, Б .; Зверинец, ВЛ ; Пеллат, Ч. и Шахт Дж. (ред.). Энциклопедия ислама, второе издание Том III: Х – Ирам . Лейден: Э. Дж. Брилл. стр. 100-1 265–266. OCLC   495469525 .
  8. ^ Jump up to: а б с д и ж г Хойберг 2010 , стр. 10.
  9. ^ Босворт, CE (1982). «Аббасидский халифат». Энциклопедия Ираника , том. Я, Фаск. 1, стр. 89–95.
  10. ^ «Абу Муслим Хорасани» . Энциклопедия Ираника . Архивировано из оригинала 22 ноября 2015 года . Проверено 20 ноября 2015 г.
  11. ^ Ричардс, DS (2020). Хроники Ибн аль-Асира периода крестовых походов от аль-Камиля фил-Тариха. Часть 3: Годы 589–629/1193–1231: Айюбиды после Саладина и монгольская угроза . Рутледж. ISBN  978-1-351-89281-0 .
  12. ^ Холт 1984 .
  13. ^ «Книга: Исламская история – Тема: Тот, кто доверяет Богу «Третий», Мухаммад бин Якуб, который цепляется за Бога » . 11 июня 2008 г. Архивировано из оригинала 11 июня 2008 г. Проверено 2 июня 2022 г.
  14. ^ Стоун 2002 , с. 54.
  15. ^ Jump up to: а б с д и Дюпюи и Дюпюи 1986 , с. 233.
  16. ^ Льюис 1995 , с. 102.
  17. ^ Jump up to: а б с Чисхолм, Хью , изд. (1911). «Аббасиды» . Британская энциклопедия . Том. 1 (11-е изд.). Издательство Кембриджского университета. п. 10.
  18. ^ Jump up to: а б с Университет Калгари, 1998 г.
  19. ^ Стрек М. и Дури А.А. (1960). «аль-Анбар» . В Гиббе, HAR ; Крамерс, Дж. Х. ; Леви-Провансаль, Э .; Шахт, Дж .; Льюис, Б. и Пеллат, Ч. (ред.). Энциклопедия ислама, второе издание . Том I: А – Б. Лейден: Э. Дж. Брилл. п. 485. OCLC   495469456 .
  20. ^ Эль-Хибри 2021 , стр. 43–55.
  21. ^ Эль-Хибри 2021 , стр. 43–45.
  22. ^ Абун-Наср 1987 , стр. 41.
  23. ^ Эль-Хибри 2021 , стр. 41, 86.
  24. ^ Уэйд 2012 , с. 138
  25. ^ Jump up to: а б Бладворт и Бладворт 2004 , с. 214
  26. ^ Дженкинс 1999 , с. 61
  27. ^ Гош 1961 , с. 60
  28. ^ Шапюи 1995 , с. 92
  29. ^ Китагава 1989 , стр. 283.
  30. ^ Смит и Венг 1973 , с. 129
  31. ^ Бейкер 1990 , с. 53
  32. ^ Фицджеральд 1961 , с. 332
  33. ^ Эль-Хибри 2021 , стр. 51–55.
  34. ^ Эль-Хибри 2021 , стр. 55–57.
  35. ^ Эль-Хибри 2021 , стр. 48–49.
  36. ^ Тилье, Матье (2009). Кади Ирака и государства Аббасидов (132/750–334/945) . Дамаск: Presses de l’Ifpo. doi : 10.4000/books.ifpo.673 . ISBN  978-2-35159-028-7 .
  37. ^ Бобрик 2012 , с. 40.
  38. ^ Jump up to: а б с Брауэр 1995 г.
  39. ^ Заман, Мухаммад Касим (2002). «Вазир» . В Бирмане, ПиДжей ; Бьянкис, Т. ; Босворт, CE ; ван Донзель Э. и Генрихс В.П. (ред.). Энциклопедия ислама, второе издание . Том XI: W – Z. Лейден: Э. Дж. Брилл. п. 185. ИСБН  978-90-04-12756-2 .
  40. ^ Jump up to: а б Эль-Хибри 2021 , с. 88.
  41. ^ Jump up to: а б с д Дюпюи и Дюпюи 1986 , с. 265
  42. ^ Аллегранци, Виола; Рассвет, Сандра (2022). Великолепие оазисов Узбекистана . Париж: Издания Лувра. п. 181. ИСБН  978-8412527858 .
  43. ^ Эль-Хибри 2021 , с. 69.
  44. ^ Jump up to: а б Эль-Хибри 2021 , стр. 84–88.
  45. ^ Мейсами 1999
  46. ^ Jump up to: а б с д и ж Магнуссон и Геринг 1990 , стр. 2.
  47. ^ Гариб, Эдмунд А.; Догерти, Бет (2004). Исторический словарь Ирака . Пугало Пресс. ISBN  978-0810865686 .
  48. ^ Гариб, Эдмунд А.; Догерти, Бет (2004). Исторический словарь Ирака . Пугало Пресс. ISBN  978-0810865686 .
  49. ^ Фрай, Ричард. Кембриджская история Ирана. Том 4: Период от арабского вторжения до сельджуков . Издательство Кембриджского университета. п. 86. ИСБН  9781139054966 .
  50. ^ Ярмарка 2005 г.
  51. ^ Ищей 1997 , с. 192
  52. ^ Павлидис 2010
  53. ^ Микаберидзе 2004 г.
  54. ^ Виссер 2005 , с. 19
  55. ^ Дюпюи и Дюпюи 1986 , стр. 265–266.
  56. ^ Дюпюи и Дюпюи 1986 , с. 266
  57. ^ Купер и Юэ 2008 , с. 215
  58. ^ Мюррей, SAP (2012). Библиотека: Иллюстрированная история. Нью-Йорк: Skyhorse Publishing, с. 54.
  59. ^ Фрейзер, И., «Захватчики: разрушение Багдада», журнал New Yorker Magazine, [Специальное издание: Анналы истории], 25 апреля 2005 г., онлайн-выпуск, заархивированный 12 июня 2018 г. на Wayback Machine.
  60. ^ Щепанский, Калли. «Как монголы захватили Багдад в 1258 году». МысльКо. https://www. Thoughtco.com/the-mongol-siege-of-baghdad-1258-195801 (по состоянию на 10 февраля 2021 г.).
  61. ^ Глассе и Смит, 2002 г.
  62. ^ Фрейзер 2005
  63. ^ Аббас 2011 , с. 9
  64. ^ Jump up to: а б с д и Григорианский 2003 г.
  65. ^ Хафф 2003 , с. 48
  66. ^ «Древний дворец Аль-Барака в Самарре » . Самаррский университет (на арабском языке). 20 апреля 2020 г. Проверено 21 июня 2022 г.
  67. ^ Jump up to: а б Грант и Клют 1999 , с. 51.
  68. ^ де Камп 1976 , с. 10
  69. ^ Грант и Клют 1999 , с. 52
  70. ^ Клинтон 2000 , стр. 15–16.
  71. ^ Бобрик 2012 , с. 78.
  72. ^ Jump up to: а б Лиман 1998 г.
  73. ^ Паснау, Роберт (2011). «Исламский ученый, который дал нам современную философию» . Национальный фонд гуманитарных наук . Проверено 3 февраля 2020 г. .
  74. ^ «Дворец влюбленных» в Самарре: история, руины и бесконечная история любви . Аль-Хаят . Проверено 9 января 2018 г.
  75. ^ Самарра – Каср аль-Ашик . Учебный ресурс по культурным ценностям . Проверено 9 января 2018 г.
  76. ^ Каср аль-Ашик . Архнет . Проверено 9 января 2018 г.
  77. ^ Хоаг, Джон Д. (2004). Исламская архитектура . Милан: Электа Архитектура. стр. 7–9. ISBN  1-904313-29-9 .
  78. ^ Петерсен 1996 , стр. 1.
  79. Bloom & Blair 2009 , Архитектура (IV, 750–900 гг.)
  80. ^ Jump up to: а б с Уилбер 1969 , с. 5
  81. ^ Jump up to: а б Уилбер 1969 , с. 6
  82. ^ Эттингхаузен, Ричард; Грабарь Олег; Дженкинс-Мадина, Мэрилин (2001). Исламское искусство и архитектура: 650–1250 (2-е изд.). Издательство Йельского университета. п. 216. ИСБН  9780300088670 .
  83. ^ Бренд, Барбара (1991). Исламское искусство [ 32 ]. Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN  978-0-674-46866-5 .
  84. ^ Мароцци, Джастин (16 марта 2016 г.). «История городов №3: рождение Багдада стало вехой для мировой цивилизации» . Хранитель . ISSN   0261-3077 . Проверено 27 марта 2020 г.
  85. ^ Блум, Джонатан М. (2020). Архитектура исламского Запада: Северная Африка и Пиренейский полуостров, 700–1800 гг . Издательство Йельского университета. стр. 28–32. ISBN  9780300218701 .
  86. ^ Уилбер 1969 , стр. 5–6.
  87. ^ Таблица, Ясир (2007). "Архитектура" Во флоте, Кейт; Кремер, Гудрун; Матринг, Денис; Навас, Джон; Роусон, Эверетт (ред.). Энциклопедия ислама, Три Брилл. ISBN  978-9004161658 .
  88. ^ Спрос 1969 , с. 199
  89. ^ Спрос 1969 , с. 199–200
  90. ^ Jump up to: а б Спрос 1969а , с. 206
  91. ^ Спрос 1969b , с. 211
  92. ^ Спрос 1969b , с. 212
  93. ^ Спрос 1969c , с. 216
  94. ^ Спрос 1969c , с. 216–217
  95. ^ Jump up to: а б Наводнение, Финбарр Бэрри (2017). «Турок в духанге? Сравнительные взгляды на элитную одежду в средневековом Ладакхе и на Кавказе» . Взаимодействие в Гималаях и Центральной Азии . Издательство Австрийской академии наук: 232.
  96. ^ «Аббасидская одежда и мода» . Школа аббасидских исследований . Проверено 10 февраля 2023 г.
  97. ^ Косман, Мадлен Пелнер; Джонс, Линда Гейл (2009). Справочник по жизни в средневековом мире . Том. 1–3. Нью-Йорк: факты в архиве. ISBN  978-1-4381-0907-7 .
  98. ^ Блум и Блэр 2009 , с. 26.
  99. ^ Макинтош-Смит, Тим (2019). Арабы: 3000-летняя история народов, племен и империй . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN  978-0-300-18235-4 .
  100. ^ Jump up to: а б «Сеть исламского искусства - Бюллетени Комитета» . www.islamic-art.org . Проверено 27 февраля 2024 г.
  101. ^ Jump up to: а б с д и ж г Фархад, Массуме; Реттиг, Саймон (2016). Искусство Корана: сокровища Музея турецкого и исламского искусства . Франсуа Дерош, Эдхем Элдем, Джейн Даммен Маколифф, Сана Мирза, Зерен Танынди, Галерея Артура М. Саклера. Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Галерея Артура М. Саклера, Смитсоновский институт. стр. 68–73. ISBN  978-1-58834-578-3 .
  102. ^ Jump up to: а б с д и ж Эхтияр, Марьям (2018). Как читать исламскую каллиграфию . Нью-Йорк: MetPublications. стр. 25–34. ISBN  9781588396303 .
  103. ^ Jump up to: а б с Блэр, Шейла С. (2008). «Транскрипция Слова Божьего: Кодексы Корана в контексте» . Журнал коранических исследований . 10 (1): 72–97. дои : 10.3366/E1465359109000242 .
  104. ^ Стэплтон, Азо и Хидаят Хусейн 1927 , стр. 338–340; Краус 1942–1943 , вып. II, стр. 41–42.
  105. ^ Хилл 1993 , с. 4
  106. ^ Браг 2009 , с. 164
  107. ^ Хойберг 2010a , с. 612
  108. ^ Сойлемез 2005 , с. 3
  109. ^ Боннер, Энер и Сингер 2003 , стр. 97
  110. ^ Руано и Бургос 1992 , с. 527
  111. ^ Эглаш 1999 , с. 61
  112. ^ Верма 1969 [ нужна полная цитата ]
  113. ^ Тумер 1964
  114. ^ Аль-Халили 2009 г.
  115. ^ Половина 2015 г.
  116. ^ Jump up to: а б Люк 2005 , с. 10
  117. ^ Коттер 2001
  118. ^ Данн 2003 , с. 166
  119. ^ аль-Хасан 2002 г.
  120. ^ Черный 2013
  121. ^ Филлипс, Дуглас А.; Грицнер, Чарльз Ф. (2010). Сирия . Издательство информационной базы. ISBN  978-1438132389 .
  122. ^ аль-Хасан 2002a
  123. ^ Лукас 2005 г. [ нужна страница ]
  124. ^ аль-Хасан 2002b
  125. ^ Библия 1969 г.
  126. ^ Оксенвальд и Фишер 2004 , с. 69
  127. ^ Ахмед 1992 , стр. 112–115.
  128. ^ Морони, Майкл (2005) [1984]. Ирак после мусульманского завоевания (1-е Gorgias Press [2-е изд.] Изд.). Пискатауэй, Нью-Джерси: Gorgias Press.
  129. ^ Эбботт, Пророк (1946). Две королевы Багдада: мать и жена Харуна аль- Рашида Чикаго: Издательство Чикагского университета.
  130. ^ Кутбуддин, Тахера (31 октября 2005 г.). «Женщины-поэты» (PDF) . В Джозефе В. Мэри (ред.). Средневековая исламская цивилизация: Энциклопедия . Том. II. Нью-Йорк: Рутледж. стр. 865–867. ISBN  978-0-415-96690-0 . Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 7 февраля 2014 года . Проверено 29 марта 2015 г.
  131. ^ Самер М. Али. «Средневековая придворная поэзия» . Оксфордская энциклопедия ислама и женщин (Натана Дж. Делонг-Бас, 2 тома (Оксфорд: Oxford University Press, 2013), I 651–54 (на стр. 652) изд.).
  132. ^ Бобрик 2012 , с. 22.
  133. ^ Осман, Гада (31 декабря 2012 г.). « Шейх переводчиков»: Методика перевода Хунайна ибн Исхака» . Обучение письменному и устному переводу . 7 (2): 161–175. дои : 10.1075/тис.7.2.04osm . ISSN   1932-2798 .
  134. ^ Jump up to: а б с д Шарки, Хизер (2017). История мусульман, христиан и евреев на Ближнем Востоке . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. стр. 27–30. ISBN  978-0521186872 .
  135. ^ Jump up to: а б с Леви-Рубин, Милка (2011). Немусульмане в ранней исламской империи . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. стр. 102–103. дои : 10.1017/cbo9780511977435 . ISBN  978-1108449618 .
  136. ^ Леви-Рубин, Милка (2011). Немусульмане в ранней исламской империи . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. стр. 108–110. дои : 10.1017/cbo9780511977435 . ISBN  978-1108449618 .
  137. ^ Jump up to: а б с д Сирри, Муним (2011). «Общественная роль зимми во времена Аббасидов». Бюллетень Школы восточных и африканских исследований Лондонского университета . 74 (2): 187–204. дои : 10.1017/S0041977X11000024 . JSTOR   41287947 . S2CID   146324749 .
  138. ^ Баумер, Кристоф (2016). Церковь Востока: иллюстрированная история ассирийского христианства . Издательство Блумсбери. п. 166. ИСБН  978-1-83860-934-4 .
  139. ^ Шарки, Хизер (2017). История мусульман, христиан и евреев на Ближнем Востоке . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. стр. 52–54. ISBN  978-0521186872 .
  140. ^ Николлс, Уильям (1993). Христианский антисемитизм: история ненависти . Скрэнтон: Мастера Хэддона. стр. 196–197. ISBN  978-0876683989 .
  141. ^ Линдеманн, Альберт (2000). Антисемитизм до Холокоста . Харлоу: Pearson Educated Limited. п. 38. ISBN  978-0582369641 .
  142. ^ Бобрик 2012 , с. 68.
  143. ^ Бобрик 2012 , с. 70
  144. ^ Jump up to: а б Бобрик 2012 , с. 71
  145. ^ Кеннеди, Х. (15 декабря 1988 г.). «Багдад i. Иранские связи: до монгольского вторжения» . Ираника Онлайн . Том. III. стр. 412–415. Архивировано из оригинала 17 ноября 2011 года . Проверено 22 августа 2011 г.
  146. ^ Морони, Майкл (2006). «Ирак I. В эпоху позднего Сасанидов и раннего ислама» . Ираника Онлайн . Том. XIII. стр. 543–550. Архивировано из оригинала 29 февраля 2012 года . Проверено 30 марта 2012 г.
  147. ^ Фрай, Ричард Н., изд. (1975). Кембриджская история Ирана . Том. 4: Период от арабского вторжения до сельджуков. Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. п. 62. ИСБН  0-521-20093-8 .
  148. ^ Кеннеди, Хью (2004). Пророк и эпоха халифатов: исламский Ближний Восток с шестого по одиннадцатый век (2-е изд.). Харлоу: Пирсон/Лонгман. п. 134. ИСБН  0-582-40525-4 .
  149. ^ Джо Ван Стинберген (2020). «2.1». История исламского мира, 600–1800: Империя, династические образования и неоднородности в досовременной исламской Западной Азии . Рутледж. ISBN  978-1000093070 .
  150. ^ Кеннеди, Хью (2004). Пророк и эпоха халифатов . Пирсон Образование. стр. 156–169. ISBN  0-582-40525-4 .
  151. ^ Jump up to: а б Бобрик 2012 , с. 44.
  152. ^ Бобрик 2012 , с. 44
  153. ^ Jump up to: а б с Бобрик 2012 , с. 45
  154. ^ Бобрик 2012 , с. 46
  155. ^ Jump up to: а б Бобрик 2012 , с. 47
  156. ^ Jump up to: а б Бобрик 2012 , с. 74
  157. ^ Jump up to: а б Бобрик 2012 , с. 75
  158. ^ Хейс, Джеффри. «Аббасиды (750–1258 гг. Н.э.): Расцвет, история, богатство | Ближний Восток и Северная Африка — факты и детали» . africame.factsanddetails.com . Проверено 10 июля 2024 г.
  159. ^ «Межкультурная торговля и культурный обмен во время крестовых походов» . Султан и Святой . Проверено 10 июля 2024 г.
  160. ^ Микеле, Кампопиано (2012). «Государственный, земельный налог и сельское хозяйство в Ираке от арабского завоевания до кризиса Аббасидского халифата (седьмой-десятый века)» . Студия Исламика . 107 (1): 1–37. Архивировано из оригинала 13 сентября 2018 года . Проверено 19 октября 2015 г. - через Academia.edu.
  161. ^ Jump up to: а б Савант, Сара Боуэн; де Фелипе, Хелена, ред. (2014). Генеалогия и знания в мусульманских обществах . Эдинбург: Издательство Эдинбургского университета совместно с Университетом Ага Хана. ISBN  978-0-7486-4498-8 .
  162. ^ Гилмартин, Дэвид (2015). Кровь и вода: бассейн реки Инд в современной истории . Окленд: Издательство Калифорнийского университета. ISBN  978-0-520-28529-3 .
  163. ^ Нахтигаль, Густав (1971). Сахара и Судан . Том. 2: Кавар, Борну, Канем, Борку, Эннеди. Издательство Калифорнийского университета. п. 206. ИСБН  0-520-01789-7 .
  164. ^ Баниабассиан 1960 , стр. 8–9.
  165. ^ Саркар, Р.Н. (2006). Ислам, связанный с Наипуалом . Нью-Дели: Саруп и сыновья. ISBN  81-7625-693-5 .
  166. ^ Баниабассиан 1960 , с. 14
  167. ^ Босворт и др. 1983 , с. 671
  168. ^ Аль-Аббаси 1986 г. [ нужна страница ]
  169. ^ Мухаммад Азам; (Аль-Аббаси) Бани Аббасян Бастки (1993м). События и факты, а также шейхи Бстк, Хандж, Ланджа и Лар.
  170. ^ Нахтигаль, Густав (1971). Сахара и Судан . Том. 4: Валай и Дарфур. Перевод Фишера, Аллана ГБ; Фишер, Хамфри Дж. Лондон: К. Херст и компания. ISBN  978-0900966538 . СБН  90096653X .
  171. ^ Босворт и др. 1983 год
  172. ^ Баниабассиан 1960 [ нужна страница ]

Источники

[ редактировать ]
[ редактировать ]
Кадетское отделение Бану Хашим
Предшественник Халифата Династия
750–1258 и 1261–1517 гг.
также заявлены династией Фатимидов в 909 году, династией Омейядов в 929 году и династией Османской империи .
Преемник
Arc.Ask3.Ru: конец переведенного документа.
Arc.Ask3.Ru
Номер скриншота №: af3feb386a7d74504aa1880ccb39b8d0__1723033620
URL1:https://arc.ask3.ru/arc/aa/af/d0/af3feb386a7d74504aa1880ccb39b8d0.html
Заголовок, (Title) документа по адресу, URL1:
Abbasid Caliphate - Wikipedia
Данный printscreen веб страницы (снимок веб страницы, скриншот веб страницы), визуально-программная копия документа расположенного по адресу URL1 и сохраненная в файл, имеет: квалифицированную, усовершенствованную (подтверждены: метки времени, валидность сертификата), открепленную ЭЦП (приложена к данному файлу), что может быть использовано для подтверждения содержания и факта существования документа в этот момент времени. Права на данный скриншот принадлежат администрации Ask3.ru, использование в качестве доказательства только с письменного разрешения правообладателя скриншота. Администрация Ask3.ru не несет ответственности за информацию размещенную на данном скриншоте. Права на прочие зарегистрированные элементы любого права, изображенные на снимках принадлежат их владельцам. Качество перевода предоставляется как есть. Любые претензии, иски не могут быть предъявлены. Если вы не согласны с любым пунктом перечисленным выше, вы не можете использовать данный сайт и информация размещенную на нем (сайте/странице), немедленно покиньте данный сайт. В случае нарушения любого пункта перечисленного выше, штраф 55! (Пятьдесят пять факториал, Денежную единицу (имеющую самостоятельную стоимость) можете выбрать самостоятельно, выплаичвается товарами в течение 7 дней с момента нарушения.)