Холодная война
 | Эта статья может оказаться слишком длинной для удобного чтения и навигации . Когда этот тег был добавлен, его читаемый размер составлял 21 000 слов. ( январь 2024 г. ) |
| Холодная война | |
|---|---|
| 12 марта 1947 г. - 26 декабря 1991 г. [ А ] (44 года и 9 месяцев) Часть эпохи после Второй мировой войны. | |
 NATO and Warsaw Pact states during the Cold War era | |
 The "Three Worlds" of the Cold War era, between 30 April and 24 June 1975:
|
| Part of a series on |
| History of the Cold War |
|---|
 |
Холодная война — период геополитической напряженности между Соединенными Штатами и Советским Союзом и их соответствующими союзниками, Западным и Восточным блоками , который начался в 1947 году, через два года после окончания Второй мировой войны , и продолжался до осени. Советского Союза в 1991 году.
Термин « холодная война» не было крупномасштабных боевых действий используется потому, что непосредственно между двумя сверхдержавами , но каждая из них поддерживала противоборствующие стороны в крупных региональных конфликтах, известных как прокси-войны .
The Cold War was based on an ideological and geopolitical struggle for global influence by these two superpowers, following their roles as the Allies of World War II that led to victory against Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan in 1945.[2] Помимо гонки ядерных вооружений и обычного военного развертывания , борьба за доминирование выражалась косвенно, например, в психологической войне , пропагандистских кампаниях , шпионаже , далеко идущих эмбарго , спортивной дипломатии и технологических соревнованиях, таких как космическая гонка . Холодная война началась с провозглашения доктрины Трумэна в 1947 году, начала постепенное затухание с советско-китайским расколом между Советским Союзом и Китайской Народной Республикой в 1961 году и закончилась распадом Советского Союза в 1991 году.
The Western Bloc was led by the United States, as well as a number of First World nations that were generally capitalist and liberal democratic but tied to a network of often authoritarian Third World states, most of which were the European powers' former colonies.[3][B] The Eastern Bloc was led by the Soviet Union and its communist party, which had an influence across the Second World and was also tied to a network of authoritarian states. The Soviet Union had a command economy and installed similarly communist regimes in its satellite states. United States involvement in regime change during the Cold War included support for anti-communist and right-wing dictatorships, governments, and uprisings across the world, while Soviet involvement in regime change included the funding of left-wing parties, wars of independence, revolutions and dictatorships around the world. As nearly all the colonial states underwent decolonization and achieved independence in the period from 1945 to 1960, many became Third World battlefields in the Cold War.
Origins of the term
At the end of World War II, English writer George Orwell used cold war, as a general term, in his essay "You and the Atomic Bomb", published 19 October 1945 in the British newspaper Tribune. Contemplating a world living in the shadow of the threat of nuclear warfare, Orwell looked at James Burnham's predictions of a polarized world, writing:
Looking at the world as a whole, the drift for many decades has been not towards anarchy but towards the reimposition of slavery... James Burnham's theory has been much discussed, but few people have yet considered its ideological implications—that is, the kind of world-view, the kind of beliefs, and the social structure that would probably prevail in a state which was at once unconquerable and in a permanent state of "cold war" with its neighbours.[4]
In The Observer of 10 March 1946, Orwell wrote, "after the Moscow conference last December, Russia began to make a 'cold war' on Britain and the British Empire."[5]
The first use of the term to describe the specific post-war geopolitical confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States came in a speech by Bernard Baruch, an influential advisor to Democratic presidents,[6] on 16 April 1947. The speech, written by journalist Herbert Bayard Swope,[7] proclaimed, "Let us not be deceived: we are today in the midst of a cold war."[8] Newspaper columnist Walter Lippmann gave the term wide currency with his book The Cold War. When asked in 1947 about the source of the term, Lippmann traced it to a French term from the 1930s, la guerre froide.[C]
Phases
The first phase of the Cold War began shortly after the end of World War II in 1945. The United States and its Western European allies sought to strengthen their bonds and used the policy of containment against Soviet influence; they accomplished this most notably through the formation of NATO, which was essentially a defensive agreement in 1949. The Soviet Union countered with the Warsaw Pact in 1955, which had similar results with the Eastern Bloc. As by that time the Soviet Union already had an armed presence and political domination all over its eastern satellite states, the pact has been long considered superfluous.[9][10] Although nominally a defensive alliance, the Warsaw Pact's primary function was to safeguard Soviet hegemony over its Eastern European satellites, with the pact's only direct military actions having been the invasions of its own member states to keep them from breaking away;[11] in the 1960s, the pact evolved into a multilateral alliance, in which the non-Soviet Warsaw Pact members gained significant scope to pursue their own interests. In 1961, Soviet-allied East Germany constructed the Berlin Wall to prevent the citizens of East Berlin from fleeing to West Berlin, at the time part of United States-allied West Germany.[12] Major crises of this phase included the Berlin Blockade of 1948–1949, the Chinese Communist Revolution of 1945–1949, the Korean War of 1950–1953, the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and the Suez Crisis of that same year, the Berlin Crisis of 1961, the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, and the Vietnam War of 1964–1975. Both superpowers competed for influence in Latin America and the Middle East, and the decolonising states of Africa, Asia, and Oceania.
Following the Cuban Missile Crisis, the fourth phase of the Cold War saw the Sino-Soviet split. Between China and the Soviet Union's complicated relations within the Communist sphere, leading to the Sino-Soviet border conflict, while France, a Western Bloc state, began to demand greater autonomy of action. The Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia occurred to suppress the Prague Spring of 1968, while the United States experienced internal turmoil from the civil rights movement and opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War. In the 1960s–1970s, an international peace movement took root among citizens around the world. Movements against nuclear weapons testing and for nuclear disarmament took place, with large anti-war protests. By the 1970s, both sides had started making allowances for peace and security, ushering in a period of détente that saw the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and the 1972 visit by Richard Nixon to China that opened relations with China as a strategic counterweight to the Soviet Union. A number of self-proclaimed Marxist–Leninist governments were formed in the second half of the 1970s in developing countries, including Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Cambodia, Afghanistan, and Nicaragua.
Détente collapsed at the end of the decade with the beginning of the Soviet–Afghan War in 1979. Beginning in the 1980s, the fifth phase of the Cold War was another period of elevated tension. The Reagan Doctrine led to increased diplomatic, military, and economic pressures on the Soviet Union, which at the time was undergoing the Era of Stagnation. The sixth phase of the Cold War saw the new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev introducing the liberalizing reforms of glasnost ("openness") and perestroika ("reorganization") and ending Soviet involvement in Afghanistan in 1989. Pressures for national sovereignty grew stronger in Eastern Europe, and Gorbachev refused to further support the Communist governments militarily.
The fall of the Iron Curtain after the Pan-European Picnic and the Revolutions of 1989, which represented a peaceful revolutionary wave with the exception of the Romanian revolution and the Afghan Civil War (1989–1992), overthrew almost all of the Marxist–Leninist regimes of the Eastern Bloc. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union itself lost control in the country and was banned following the 1991 Soviet coup attempt that August. This in turn led to the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and the collapse of Communist governments across much of Africa and Asia. The Russian Federation became the Soviet Union's successor state, while many of the other republics emerged from the Soviet Union's collapse as fully independent post-Soviet states.[13] The United States was left as the world's sole superpower.
The Cold War has left a significant legacy. Its effects include references of the culture during the war, particularly with themes of espionage and the threat of nuclear warfare. The Cold War is generally followed by the categorization of international relations since 1989 and post–Cold War era to underline its impact.
Background
Russian Revolution
While most historians trace the origins of the Cold War to the period immediately following World War II, some argue that it began with the 1917 October Revolution in the Russian Republic when the Bolsheviks overthrew the Russian Provisional Government. In World War I, the British, French and Russian Empires had composed the major Allied Powers from the start, and the US joined them as a self-styled Associated Power in April 1917. After the Bolsheviks' seizure of power, the bloody Red Terror was initiated to shut down all opposition, both perceived and real.[14] In December, the Bolsheviks signed an armistice with the Central Powers, though by February 1918 fighting had resumed. In March, the Soviets ended involvement in the war and signed the separate peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. As a result, German armies advanced rapidly across the borderlands. The Allies responded with an economic blockade against the new Russian regime.[15] In the eyes of some Allies, Russia now was helping Germany to win the war by freeing up a million German soldiers for the Western Front[16] and by relinquishing much of Russia's food supply, industrial base, fuel supplies, and communications with Western Europe.[17][18] According to historian Spencer Tucker, the Allies felt, "The treaty was the ultimate betrayal of the Allied cause and sowed the seeds for the Cold War. With Brest-Litovsk the spectre of German domination in Eastern Europe threatened to become reality, and the Allies now began to think seriously about military intervention," and proceeded to step up their "economic warfare" against the Bolsheviks.[15] Some Bolsheviks saw Russia as only the first step, planning to incite revolutions against capitalism in every western country, but the need for peace with Germany led Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin away from this position.[D]
In 1918, Britain provided money and troops to support the White movement, a loose confederation of anti-Bolshevik forces. This policy was spearheaded by Minister of War Winston Churchill, a committed anti-communist.[19] A long and bloody Civil War ensued between the Reds and the Whites, starting in 1917 and ending in 1923 with the Reds' victory. It included foreign intervention, the execution of the former Emperor and his family, and the famine of 1921, which killed about five million people.[20] Soviet Russia sought to re-conquer all newly independent nations of the former Empire, although their success was limited. Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Lithuania all repelled Soviet invasions, while Ukraine, Belarus (as a result of the Polish–Soviet War), Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia were occupied by the Red Army.
Large scale food relief was distributed to Europe after the war through the American Relief Administration run by Herbert Hoover. In 1921, to ease the devastating famine in the Russian SFSR that was triggered by the Soviet government's war communism policies,[21] the ARA's director in Europe, Walter Lyman Brown, began negotiating with the Russian People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Maxim Litvinov, in Riga, Latvia (at that time not yet annexed by the USSR). An agreement was reached on 21 August 1921, and an additional implementation agreement was signed by Brown and People's Commissar for Foreign Trade Leonid Krasin on 30 December 1921. The U.S. Congress appropriated $20,000,000 for relief under the Russian Famine Relief Act of late 1921. Hoover strongly detested Bolshevism and felt the American aid would demonstrate the superiority of Western capitalism and thus help contain the spread of communism.[22][23]
At its peak, the ARA employed 300 Americans, more than 120,000 Russians and fed 10.5 million people daily. Its Russian operations were headed by Col. William N. Haskell. The Medical Division of the ARA functioned from November 1921 to June 1923 and helped overcome the typhus epidemic then ravaging Russia. The ARA's famine relief operations ran in parallel with much smaller Mennonite, Jewish and Quaker famine relief operations in Russia.[24][25]
The ARA's operations in Russia were shut down on 15 June 1923, after it was discovered that Russia under Lenin renewed the export of grain.[26]
Western powers proceeded to diplomatically isolate the Soviet government. Lenin stated that Russia was surrounded by a "hostile capitalist encirclement" and he viewed diplomacy as a weapon to keep Soviet enemies divided.[27] He set up an organization to promote sister revolutions worldwide, the Comintern. It failed everywhere; it failed badly when it tried to start revolutions in Germany, its province of Bavaria, and Hungary.[28] The failures led to an inward turn by Moscow.
Leaders of American foreign policy remained convinced that the Soviet Union, which was founded by Soviet Russia in 1922, was a hostile threat to American values. Republican Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes rejected recognition, telling labor union leaders that, "those in control of Moscow have not given up their original purpose of destroying existing governments wherever they can do so throughout the world."[29] Under President Calvin Coolidge, Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg warned that the Kremlin's international agency, the Communist International (Comintern) was aggressively planning subversion against other nations, including the United States, to "overthrow the existing order."[30] Herbert Hoover in 1919 warned Woodrow Wilson that, "We cannot even remotely recognize this murderous tyranny without stimulating action is to radicalism in every country in Europe and without transgressing on every National ideal of our own."[31] Inside the U.S. State Department, the Division of Eastern European Affairs by 1924 was dominated by Robert F. Kelley, a dedicated opponent of communism who trained a generation of specialists including George Kennan and Charles Bohlen.[32]
Britain and other Western powers—unlike the United States—did business and sometimes recognized the new Soviet Union. Outside Washington, there was some American support for renewed relationships, especially in terms of technology.[33] Henry Ford, committed to the belief that international trade was the best way to avoid warfare, used his Ford Motor Company to build a truck industry and introduce tractors into Russia. Architect Albert Kahn became a consultant for all industrial construction in the Soviet Union in 1930.[34] By 1933, the American business community, as well as newspaper editors, were calling for diplomatic recognition. President Franklin D. Roosevelt used presidential authority to normalize relations in November 1933.[35] However, there was no progress on the Tsarist debts Washington wanted Moscow to repay. Expectations of expanded trade proved unrealistic. Historians Justus D. Doenecke and Mark A. Stoler note that, "Both nations were soon disillusioned by the accord."[36] Roosevelt named William Bullitt as ambassador from 1933 to 1936. Bullitt arrived in Moscow with high hopes for Soviet–American relations, but his view of the Soviet leadership soured on closer inspection. By the end of his tenure, Bullitt was openly hostile to the Soviet government, and he remained an outspoken anti-communist for the rest of his life.[37]
World War II
In the late 1930s, Joseph Stalin had worked with Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov to promote popular fronts with capitalist parties and governments to oppose fascism, although their primary enemy was the so-called "social fascism" of rival socialist parties, which in part paved the way for the rise of the Nazis in Germany.[38][39] In 1939, after attempts to form a military alliance with Britain and France against Germany failed, the Soviet Union made a dramatic shift towards Nazi Germany.[40] Almost a year after Britain and France had concluded the Munich Agreement with Germany, the Soviet Union made agreements with Germany as well, both militarily and economically during extensive talks. Unlike the case of Britain and France, the Soviet Union's agreement with Germany, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (signed on 23 August 1939), included a secret protocol that paved the way for the Soviet invasion of Eastern European states and occupation of their territories.[41][42] The pact made possible the Soviet occupation of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and the Hertsa region, and eastern Poland.[43]
In late November 1939, unable to coerce the Republic of Finland by diplomatic means into moving its border 25 kilometres (16 mi) back from Leningrad, Stalin ordered the invasion of Finland. On 14 December 1939, the Soviet Union was expelled from the League of Nations for invading Finland.[44][45][46] In June 1940, the Soviet Union forcibly annexed Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.[47]
Germany broke the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and invaded the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, starting what is known in Russia and some other post-Soviet states as the Great Patriotic War. The Red Army stopped the seemingly invincible German Army at the Battle of Moscow. The Battle of Stalingrad, which lasted from late 1942 to early 1943, dealt a severe blow to Germany from which they never fully recovered and became a turning point in the war. After Stalingrad, Soviet forces drove through Eastern Europe to Berlin before Germany surrendered in 1945. The German Army suffered 80% of its military deaths in the Eastern Front.[48]
Though operational cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union was notably less than that between other allied powers, the United States nevertheless provided the Soviet Union with huge quantities of weapons, ships, aircraft, rolling stock, strategic materials, and food through the Lend-Lease program.[49][50] In total, the U.S. deliveries through Lend-Lease amounted to $11 billion in materials: over 400,000 jeeps and trucks; 12,000 armored vehicles (including 7,000 tanks, about 1,386[51] of which were M3 Lees and 4,102 M4 Shermans);[52] 11,400 aircraft (4,719 of which were Bell P-39 Airacobras)[53] and 1.75 million tons of food.[54] Roughly 17.5 million tons of military equipment, vehicles, industrial supplies, and food were shipped from the Western Hemisphere to the USSR, 94% coming from the US. For comparison, a total of 22 million tons landed in Europe to supply American forces from January 1942 to May 1945. It has been estimated that American deliveries to the USSR through the Persian Corridor alone were sufficient, by US Army standards, to maintain sixty combat divisions in the line.[55][56]
The USSR, in fulfillment of its agreement with the Allies at the Yalta Conference, broke the Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact in April 1945 which Japan had been honoring despite their alliance with Germany,[57] and invaded Manchukuo and other Japan-controlled territories on 9 August 1945.[58] This conflict ended with a decisive Soviet victory, together with the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by the U.S. contributing to the unconditional surrender of Japan and the end of World War II.[citation needed]
Wartime conferences regarding post-war Europe
The Allies disagreed about how the European map should look, and how borders would be drawn, following the war.[59] Each side held dissimilar ideas regarding the establishment and maintenance of post-war security.[59] Some scholars contend that all the Western Allies desired a security system in which democratic governments were established as widely as possible, permitting countries to peacefully resolve differences through international organizations.[60] Others note that the Atlantic powers were divided in their vision of the new post-war world. Roosevelt's goals—military victory in both Europe and Asia, the achievement of global American economic supremacy over the British Empire, and the creation of a world peace organization—were more global than Churchill's, which were mainly centered on securing control over the Mediterranean, ensuring the survival of the British Empire, and the independence of Central and Eastern European countries as a buffer between the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom.[61]
The Soviet Union sought to dominate the internal affairs of countries in its border regions.[59][62] During the war, Stalin had created special training centers for communists from different countries so that they could set up secret police forces loyal to Moscow as soon as the Red Army took control. Soviet agents took control of the media, especially radio; they quickly harassed and then banned all independent civic institutions, from youth groups to schools, churches and rival political parties.[E] Stalin also sought continued peace with Britain and the United States, hoping to focus on internal reconstruction and economic growth.[63]
In the American view, Stalin seemed a potential ally in accomplishing their goals, whereas in the British approach Stalin appeared as the greatest threat to the fulfillment of their agenda. With the Soviets already occupying most of Central and Eastern Europe, Stalin was at an advantage, and the two Western leaders vied for his favors.[citation needed]
The differences between Roosevelt and Churchill led to several separate deals with the Soviets. In October 1944, Churchill traveled to Moscow and proposed the "percentages agreement" to divide Europe into respective spheres of influence, including giving Stalin predominance over Romania, Hungary, and Bulgaria, and Churchill carte blanche over Greece. This proposal was accepted by Stalin. At the Yalta Conference of February 1945, Roosevelt signed a separate deal with Stalin regarding Asia and refused to support Churchill on the issues of Poland and reparations.[61] Roosevelt ultimately approved the percentage agreement,[64][65] but there was still apparently no firm consensus on the framework for a post-war settlement in Europe.[66]
At the Second Quebec Conference, a high-level military conference held in Quebec City, 12–16 September 1944, Churchill and Roosevelt reached agreement on a number of matters, including a plan for Germany based on Henry Morgenthau Jr.'s original proposal. The memorandum drafted by Churchill provided for "eliminating the warmaking industries in the Ruhr and the Saar ... looking forward to converting Germany into a country primarily agricultural and pastoral in its character." However, it no longer included a plan to partition the country into several independent states.[F] On 10 May 1945, President Truman signed the US occupation directive JCS 1067, which was in effect for over two years and was enthusiastically supported by Stalin. It directed the US forces of occupation to "...take no steps looking toward the economic rehabilitation of Germany".[67]
In April 1945, President Roosevelt died and was succeeded by Vice President Harry S. Truman, who distrusted Stalin and turned for advice to an elite group of foreign policy intellectuals. Both Churchill and Truman opposed, among other things, the Soviets' decision to prop up the Lublin government, the Soviet-controlled rival to the Polish government-in-exile of the original Second Polish Republic in London, whose relations with the Soviets had been severed.[68]
Following the Allies' May 1945 victory over Germany, the Soviets effectively occupied Central and Eastern Europe,[66] while strong US and Western allied forces remained in Western Europe. In Germany and Austria, France, Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States established zones of occupation and a loose framework for parceled four-power control.[69]
The 1945 Allied conference in San Francisco established the multi-national United Nations (UN) for the maintenance of world peace, but the enforcement capacity of its Security Council was effectively paralyzed by the ability of individual members to exercise veto power.[70] Accordingly, the UN was essentially converted into an inactive forum for exchanging polemical rhetoric, and the Soviets regarded it almost exclusively as a propaganda tribune.[71]
Potsdam Conference and surrender of Japan
At the Potsdam Conference, which started in late July 1945 after Germany's surrender, serious differences emerged over the future development of Germany and the rest of Central and Eastern Europe.[72] The Soviets pressed their demand made at Yalta, for $20 billion of reparations to be taken from Germany occupation zones. The Americans and British refused to fix a dollar amount for reparations, but they permitted the Soviets to remove some industry from their zones.[73] Moreover, the participants' mounting antipathy and bellicose language served to confirm their suspicions about each other's hostile intentions and to entrench their positions.[74] At this conference Truman informed Stalin that the United States possessed a powerful new weapon.[75]
Postwar prelude and emergence of the two blocs (1945–1947)
The US had invited Britain into its atomic bomb project but kept it secret from the Soviet Union. Stalin was aware that the Americans were working on the atomic bomb via his atomic spies in the West, and he reacted to the news calmly.[75] One week after the end of the Potsdam Conference, the US bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Shortly after the attacks, Stalin protested to US officials when Truman offered the Soviets little real influence in occupied Japan.[76] Stalin was reportedly also "outraged" by the dropping of the bombs, calling them a "superbarbarity" and claiming that "the balance has been destroyed...That cannot be." The Truman administration intended to use its ongoing nuclear weapons program to pressure the Soviet Union in international relations.[75]
Following the war, the United States and the United Kingdom used military forces in Greece and Korea to remove combat governing regimes and forces seen as communist. Under the leadership of Lyuh Woon-hyung, working secretly during the Japanese occupation, a network of people's committees throughout Japanese Korea were formed to coordinate the transition to Korean independence. Following the Japanese surrender, on 28 August 1945, these committees formed the provisional national government of Korea, naming it the People's Republic of Korea (PRK) a couple of weeks later.[77][78] It was proclaimed on 6 September 1945, as Korea was being divided into two occupation zones, with the Soviet Union occupying the north and the United States occupying the south. In the south, the US military government outlawed the PRK on 12 December 1945. In the north, the Soviet authorities took over the PRK by installing pro-Soviet Korean communists such as Kim Il Sung into positions of power and incorporated it into the political structure of the emerging Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea).[79][80]
During the opening stages of World War II, the Soviet Union laid the foundation for the Eastern or Soviet Bloc by invading and then annexing several countries into the USSR as Soviet Socialist Republics, following the agreement with Germany in the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. These included eastern Poland (incorporated into the Byelorussian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR),[81] Latvia (which became the Latvian SSR),[82][83] Estonia (which became the Estonian SSR),[82][83] Lithuania (which became the Lithuanian SSR),[82][83] part of eastern Finland (which became the Karelo-Finnish SSR, later incorporated in the Russian SFSR) and eastern Romania (which became the Moldavian SSR).[84]
Central and Eastern European territories that the Soviet army occupied were added to the Eastern Bloc, pursuant to the percentages agreement between Churchill and Stalin, which, however, contain provisions regarding neither Poland nor Czechoslovakia or Germany. The Soviet Union converted the territories it occupied into satellite states,[85] such as:
- People's Republic of Bulgaria (15 September 1946)
- Romanian People's Republic (13 April 1948)
- Hungarian People's Republic (20 August 1949)[86]
Moreover, two further socialist republics with a higher degree of independence from the Soviet Union were also established:
- People's Republic of Albania (11 January 1946)[87]
- Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (29 November 1945)
The Soviet-style regimes that arose in the Bloc not only reproduced Soviet command economy, but also adopted the brutal methods employed by Joseph Stalin and the Soviet secret police in order to suppress both real and perceived opposition.[88] In Asia, the Red Army had overrun Manchuria in the last month of the war, and it went on to occupy the large swathe of Korean territory located north of the 38th parallel.[89]
As part of consolidating Stalin's control over the Eastern Bloc, the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD), led by Lavrentiy Beria, supervised the establishment of Soviet-style secret police systems in the Bloc that were supposed to crush anti-communist resistance.[90] When the slightest stirrings of independence emerged in the Bloc, Stalin's strategy matched that of dealing with domestic pre-war rivals: they were removed from power, put on trial, imprisoned, and in some instances, executed.[91]
Economically, the USSR concentrated on its own recovery, seizing and transferring most of Germany's industrial plants, and it exacted war reparations from East Germany, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria using Soviet-dominated joint enterprises; it also instituted trading arrangements deliberately designed to favour the country. Moscow controlled the Communist parties that ruled the satellite states, and they followed orders from the Kremlin. Historian Mark Kramer concludes: "The net outflow of resources from eastern Europe to the Soviet Union was approximately $15 billion to $20 billion in the first decade after World War II, an amount roughly equal to the total aid provided by the United States to western Europe under the Marshall Plan."[92]
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill was concerned that, given the enormous size of Soviet forces deployed in Europe at the end of the war, and the perception that Soviet leader Joseph Stalin was unreliable, there existed a Soviet threat to Western Europe.[93] After World War II, US officials guided Western European leaders in establishing their own secret security force to prevent subversion in the Western bloc, which evolved into Operation Gladio.[94]
Beginning of the Cold War, containment and the Truman Doctrine (1947–1953)
Iron Curtain, Iran, Türkiye, Greece, and Poland
In late February 1946, George F. Kennan's "Long Telegram" from Moscow to Washington helped to articulate the US government's increasingly hard line against the Soviets, which would become the basis for US strategy toward the Soviet Union for the duration of the Cold War. The telegram galvanized a policy debate that would eventually shape the Truman administration's Soviet policy.[95] Washington's opposition to the Soviets accumulated after broken promises by Stalin and Molotov concerning Europe and Iran.[96] Following the World War II Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran, the country was occupied by the Red Army in the far north and the British in the south.[97] Iran was used by the United States and British to supply the Soviet Union, and the Allies agreed to withdraw from Iran within six months after the cessation of hostilities.[97] However, when this deadline came, the Soviets remained in Iran under the guise of the Azerbaijan People's Government and Kurdish Republic of Mahabad.[98] Shortly thereafter, on 5 March, former British prime minister Winston Churchill delivered his famous "Iron Curtain" speech in Fulton, Missouri.[99] The speech called for an Anglo-American alliance against the Soviets, whom he accused of establishing an "iron curtain" dividing Europe from "Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic".[85][100]
A week later, on 13 March, Stalin responded vigorously to the speech, saying that Churchill could be compared to Adolf Hitler insofar as he advocated the racial superiority of English-speaking nations so that they could satisfy their hunger for world domination, and that such a declaration was "a call for war on the USSR." The Soviet leader also dismissed the accusation that the USSR was exerting increasing control over the countries lying in its sphere. He argued that there was nothing surprising in "the fact that the Soviet Union, anxious for its future safety, [was] trying to see to it that governments loyal in their attitude to the Soviet Union should exist in these countries."[101][102]
Soviet territorial demands to Turkey regarding the Dardanelles in the Turkish Straits crisis and Black Sea border disputes were also a major factor in increasing tensions.[103][96] In September, the Soviet side produced the Novikov telegram, sent by the Soviet ambassador to the US but commissioned and "co-authored" by Vyacheslav Molotov; it portrayed the US as being in the grip of monopoly capitalists who were building up military capability "to prepare the conditions for winning world supremacy in a new war".[104] On 6 September 1946, James F. Byrnes delivered a speech in Germany repudiating the Morgenthau Plan (a proposal to partition and de-industrialize post-war Germany) and warning the Soviets that the US intended to maintain a military presence in Europe indefinitely.[105][106] As Byrnes stated a month later, "The nub of our program was to win the German people ... it was a battle between us and Russia over minds ..." In December, the Soviets agreed to withdraw from Iran after persistent US pressure, an early success of containment policy.
By 1947, US president Harry S. Truman was outraged by the perceived resistance of the Soviet Union to American demands in Iran, Turkey, and Greece, as well as Soviet rejection of the Baruch Plan on nuclear weapons.[107] In February 1947, the British government announced that it could no longer afford to finance the Kingdom of Greece in its civil war against Communist-led insurgents.[108] In the same month, Stalin conducted the rigged 1947 Polish legislative election which constituted an open breach of the Yalta Agreement. The US government responded to this announcement by adopting a policy of containment,[109] with the goal of stopping the spread of communism. Truman delivered a speech calling for the allocation of $400 million to intervene in the war and unveiled the Truman Doctrine, which framed the conflict as a contest between free peoples and totalitarian regimes.[109] American policymakers accused the Soviet Union of conspiring against the Greek royalists in an effort to expand Soviet influence even though Stalin had told the Communist Party to cooperate with the British-backed government.[110] (The insurgents were helped by Josip Broz Tito's Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia against Stalin's wishes.)[111][112]
Enunciation of the Truman Doctrine marked the beginning of a US bipartisan defense and foreign policy consensus between Republicans and Democrats focused on containment and deterrence that weakened during and after the Vietnam War, but ultimately persisted thereafter.[113] Moderate and conservative parties in Europe, as well as social democrats, gave virtually unconditional support to the Western alliance,[114] while European and American Communists, financed by the KGB and involved in its intelligence operations,[115] adhered to Moscow's line, although dissent began to appear after 1956. Other critiques of the consensus policy came from anti-Vietnam War activists, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, and the anti-nuclear movement.[116]
Marshall Plan, Czechoslovak coup d'état, and formation of two German states
In early 1947, France, Britain and the United States unsuccessfully attempted to reach an agreement with the Soviet Union for a plan envisioning an economically self-sufficient Germany, including a detailed accounting of the industrial plants, goods and infrastructure already taken by the Soviets.[117] In June 1947, in accordance with the Truman Doctrine, the United States enacted the Marshall Plan, a pledge of economic assistance for all European countries willing to participate, including the Soviet Union.[117] Under the plan, which President Harry S. Truman signed on 3 April 1948, the US government gave to Western European countries over $13 billion (equivalent to $189.39 billion in 2016) to rebuild the economy of Europe. Later, the program led to the creation of the OECD.
The plan's aim was to rebuild the democratic and economic systems of Europe and to counter perceived threats to the European balance of power, such as communist parties seizing control through revolutions or elections.[118] The plan also stated that European prosperity was contingent upon German economic recovery.[119] One month later, Truman signed the National Security Act of 1947, creating a unified Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the National Security Council (NSC). These would become the main bureaucracies for US defense policy in the Cold War.[120]
Stalin believed that economic integration with the West would allow Eastern Bloc countries to escape Soviet control, and that the US was trying to buy a pro-US re-alignment of Europe.[121] Stalin therefore prevented Eastern Bloc nations from receiving Marshall Plan aid.[121] The Soviet Union's alternative to the Marshall Plan, which was purported to involve Soviet subsidies and trade with central and eastern Europe, became known as the Molotov Plan (later institutionalized in January 1949 as the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance).[111] Stalin was also fearful of a reconstituted Germany; his vision of a post-war Germany did not include the ability to rearm or pose any kind of threat to the Soviet Union.[122]
In early 1948, following reports of strengthening "reactionary elements", Czech Communists executed a coup d'état in Czechoslovakia (resulting in the formation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (9 May 1948)), the only Eastern Bloc state that the Soviets had permitted to retain democratic structures.[123] The public brutality of the coup shocked Western powers more than any event up to that point, set in motion a brief scare that war would occur, and swept away the last vestiges of opposition to the Marshall Plan in the United States Congress.[124][125]
In an immediate aftermath of the crisis, the London Six-Power Conference was held, resulting in the Soviet boycott of the Allied Control Council and its incapacitation, an event marking the beginning of the full-blown Cold War and the end of its prelude, as well as ending any hopes at the time for a single German government and leading to formation in 1949 of the Federal Republic of Germany and German Democratic Republic.[126]
Open hostility and escalation (1948–1962)
| This section may be too long to read and navigate comfortably. When this tag was added, its readable prose size was 5,600 words. (April 2024) |
The twin policies of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan led to billions in economic and military aid for Western Europe, Greece, and Turkey. With the US assistance, the Greek military won its civil war.[120] Under the leadership of Alcide De Gasperi the Italian Christian Democrats defeated the powerful Communist–Socialist alliance in the elections of 1948.[127]
Espionage
All major powers engaged in espionage, using a great variety of spies, double agents, moles, and new technologies such as the tapping of telephone cables.[128] The Soviet KGB ("Committee for State Security"), the bureau responsible for foreign espionage and internal surveillance, was famous for its effectiveness. The most famous Soviet operation involved its atomic spies that delivered crucial information from the United States' Manhattan Project, leading the USSR to detonate its first nuclear weapon in 1949, four years after the American detonation and much sooner than expected.[129][130] A massive network of informants throughout the Soviet Union was used to monitor dissent from official Soviet politics and morals.[131][132] Although to an extent disinformation had always existed, the term itself was invented, and the strategy formalized by a black propaganda department of the Soviet KGB.[133][134]
Based on the amount of top-secret Cold War archival information that has been released, historian Raymond L. Garthoff concludes there probably was parity in the quantity and quality of secret information obtained by each side. However, the Soviets probably had an advantage in terms of HUMINT (human intelligence or interpersonal espionage) and "sometimes in its reach into high policy circles." In terms of decisive impact, however, he concludes:[135]
- We also can now have high confidence in the judgment that there were no successful "moles" at the political decision-making level on either side. Similarly, there is no evidence, on either side, of any major political or military decision that was prematurely discovered through espionage and thwarted by the other side. There also is no evidence of any major political or military decision that was crucially influenced (much less generated) by an agent of the other side.
According to historian Robert L. Benson, "Washington's forte was 'signals' intelligence - the procurement and analysis of coded foreign messages." leading to the Venona project or Venona intercepts, which monitored the communications of Soviet intelligence agents.[136] Moynihan wrote that the Venona project contained "overwhelming proof of the activities of Soviet spy networks in America, complete with names, dates, places, and deeds."[137] The Venona project was kept highly secret even from policymakers until the Moynihan Commission in 1995.[137] Despite this, the decryption project had already been betrayed and dispatched to the USSR by Kim Philby and Bill Weisband in 1946,[137][138] as was discovered by the US by 1950.[139] Nonetheless, the Soviets had to keep their discovery of the program secret, too, and continued leaking their own information, some of which was still useful to the American program.[138] According to Moynihan, even President Truman may not have been fully informed of Venona, which may have left him unaware of the extent of Soviet espionage.[140][141]
Clandestine atomic spies from the Soviet Union, who infiltrated the Manhattan Project at various points during WWII, played a major role in increasing tensions that led to the Cold War.[136]
In addition to usual espionage, the Western agencies paid special attention to debriefing Eastern Bloc defectors.[142][citation not found] Edward Jay Epstein describes that the CIA understood that the KGB used "provocations", or fake defections, as a trick to embarrass Western intelligence and establish Soviet double agents. As a result, from 1959 to 1973, the CIA required that East Bloc defectors went through a counterintelligence investigation before being recruited as a source of intelligence.[143]
During the late 1970s and 1980s, the KGB perfected its use of espionage to sway and distort diplomacy.[144] Active measures were "clandestine operations designed to further Soviet foreign policy goals," consisting of disinformation, forgeries, leaks to foreign media, and the channeling of aid to militant groups.[145] Retired KGB Major General Oleg Kalugin, former head of Foreign Counter Intelligence for the KGB (1973–1979), described active measures as "the heart and soul of Soviet intelligence."[146]
During the Sino-Soviet split, "spy wars" also occurred between the USSR and PRC.[147]
Cominform and the Tito–Stalin Split
In September 1947, the Soviets created Cominform to impose orthodoxy within the international communist movement and tighten political control over Soviet satellites through coordination of communist parties in the Eastern Bloc.[121] Cominform faced an embarrassing setback the following June, when the Tito–Stalin split obliged its members to expel Yugoslavia, which remained communist but adopted a non-aligned position and began accepting financial aid from the US.[148]
Besides Berlin, the status of the city of Trieste was at issue. Until the break between Tito and Stalin, the Western powers and the Eastern bloc faced each other uncompromisingly. In addition to capitalism and communism, Italians and Slovenes, monarchists and republicans as well as war winners and losers often faced each other irreconcilably. The neutral buffer state Free Territory of Trieste, founded in 1947 with the United Nations, was split up and dissolved in 1954 and 1975, also because of the détente between the West and Tito.[149][150]
Berlin Blockade and Airlift
The US and Britain merged their western German occupation zones into "Bizone" (1 January 1947, later "Trizone" with the addition of France's zone, April 1949).[151] As part of the economic rebuilding of Germany, in early 1948, representatives of a number of Western European governments and the United States announced an agreement for a merger of western German areas into a federal governmental system.[152] In addition, in accordance with the Marshall Plan, they began to re-industrialize and rebuild the West German economy, including the introduction of a new Deutsche Mark currency to replace the old Reichsmark currency that the Soviets had debased.[153] The US had secretly decided that a unified and neutral Germany was undesirable, with Walter Bedell Smith telling General Eisenhower "in spite of our announced position, we really do not want nor intend to accept German unification on any terms that the Russians might agree to, even though they seem to meet most of our requirements."[154]
Shortly thereafter, Stalin instituted the Berlin Blockade (June 1948 – May 1949), one of the first major crises of the Cold War, preventing Western food, materials and supplies from arriving in the West Germany's exclave of West Berlin.[155] The United States (primarily), Britain, France, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and several other countries began the massive "Berlin airlift", supplying West Berlin with food and other provisions despite Soviet threats.[156]
The Soviets mounted a public relations campaign against the policy change. Once again, the East Berlin communists attempted to disrupt the Berlin municipal elections (as they had done in the 1946 elections),[151] which were held on 5 December 1948 and produced a turnout of 86.3% and an overwhelming victory for the non-communist parties.[157] The results effectively divided the city into East and West, the latter comprising US, British and French sectors. 300,000 Berliners demonstrated and urged the international airlift to continue,[158] and US Air Force pilot Gail Halvorsen created "Operation Vittles", which supplied candy to German children.[159] The Airlift was as much a logistical as a political and psychological success for the West; it firmly linked West Berlin to the United States.[160] In May 1949, Stalin backed down and lifted the blockade.[90][161]
In 1952, Stalin repeatedly proposed a plan to unify East and West Germany under a single government chosen in elections supervised by the United Nations, if the new Germany were to stay out of Western military alliances, but this proposal was turned down by the Western powers. Some sources dispute the sincerity of the proposal.[162]
Beginnings of NATO and Radio Free Europe
Britain, France, the United States, Canada and eight other western European countries signed the North Atlantic Treaty of April 1949, establishing the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).[90] That August, the first Soviet atomic device was detonated in Semipalatinsk, Kazakh SSR.[111] Following Soviet refusals to participate in a German rebuilding effort set forth by western European countries in 1948,[152][163] the US, Britain and France spearheaded the establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany from the three Western zones of occupation in April 1949.[164] The Soviet Union proclaimed its zone of occupation in Germany the German Democratic Republic that October.[72]
Media in the Eastern Bloc was an organ of the state, completely reliant on and subservient to the communist party. Radio and television organizations were state-owned, while print media was usually owned by political organizations, mostly by the local communist party.[165] Soviet radio broadcasts used Marxist rhetoric to attack capitalism, emphasizing themes of labor exploitation, imperialism and war-mongering.[166]
Along with the broadcasts of the BBC and the Voice of America to Central and Eastern Europe,[167] a major propaganda effort begun in 1949 was Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, dedicated to bringing about the peaceful demise of the communist system in the Eastern Bloc.[168] Radio Free Europe attempted to achieve these goals by serving as a surrogate home radio station, an alternative to the controlled and party-dominated domestic press in the Soviet Bloc.[168] Radio Free Europe was a product of some of the most prominent architects of America's early Cold War strategy, especially those who believed that the Cold War would eventually be fought by political rather than military means, such as George F. Kennan.[169] Soviet and Eastern Bloc authorities used various methods to suppress Western broadcasts, including radio jamming.[170][171]
American policymakers, including Kennan and John Foster Dulles, acknowledged that the Cold War was in its essence a war of ideas.[169] The United States, acting through the CIA, funded a long list of projects to counter the communist appeal among intellectuals in Europe and the developing world.[172] The CIA also covertly sponsored a domestic propaganda campaign called Crusade for Freedom.[173]
German rearmament
The rearmament of West Germany was achieved in the early 1950s. Its main promoter was Konrad Adenauer, the chancellor of West Germany, with France the main opponent. Washington had the decisive voice. It was strongly supported by the Pentagon (the US military leadership), and weakly opposed by President Truman; the State Department was ambivalent. The outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 changed the calculations and Washington now gave full support. That also involved naming Dwight D. Eisenhower in charge of NATO forces and sending more American troops to West Germany. There was a strong promise that West Germany would not develop nuclear weapons.[174]
Widespread fears of another rise of German militarism necessitated the new military to operate within an alliance framework under NATO command.[175] In 1955, Washington secured full German membership of NATO.[72] In May 1953, Lavrentiy Beria, by then in a government post, had made an unsuccessful proposal to allow the reunification of a neutral Germany to prevent West Germany's incorporation into NATO, but his attempts were cut short after he was executed several months later during a Soviet power struggle.[176] The events led to the establishment of the Bundeswehr, the West German military, in 1955.[177][178]
Chinese Civil War, SEATO, and NSC 68
In 1949, Mao Zedong's People's Liberation Army defeated Chiang Kai-shek's United States-backed Kuomintang (KMT) Nationalist Government in China. The KMT-controlled territory was now restricted to the island of Taiwan, the nationalist government of which exists to this day. The Kremlin promptly created an alliance with the newly formed People's Republic of China.[179] According to Norwegian historian Odd Arne Westad, the communists won the Civil War because they made fewer military mistakes than Chiang Kai-Shek made, and because in his search for a powerful centralized government, Chiang antagonized too many interest groups in China. Moreover, his party was weakened during the war against Japan. Meanwhile, the communists told different groups, such as the peasants, exactly what they wanted to hear, and they cloaked themselves under the cover of Chinese nationalism.[180]
Confronted with the communist revolution in China and the end of the American atomic monopoly in 1949, the Truman administration quickly moved to escalate and expand its containment doctrine.[111] In NSC 68, a secret 1950 document, the National Security Council proposed reinforcing pro-Western alliance systems and quadrupling spending on defense.[111] Truman, under the influence of advisor Paul Nitze, saw containment as implying complete rollback of Soviet influence in all its forms.[181]
United States officials moved to expand this version of containment into Asia, Africa, and Latin America, in order to counter revolutionary nationalist movements, often led by communist parties financed by the USSR.[182] In this way, this US would exercise "preponderant power," oppose neutrality, and establish global hegemony.[181] In the early 1950s (a period sometimes known as the "Pactomania"), the US formalized a series of alliances with Japan (a former WWII enemy), South Korea, Taiwan, Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and the Philippines (notably ANZUS in 1951 and SEATO in 1954), thereby guaranteeing the United States a number of long-term military bases.[72]
Korean War
One of the more significant examples of the implementation of containment was the United Nations US-led intervention in the Korean War. In June 1950, after years of mutual hostilities,[G][183][184] Kim Il Sung's North Korean People's Army invaded South Korea at the 38th parallel. Stalin had been reluctant to support the invasion[H] but ultimately sent advisers.[185] To Stalin's surprise,[111] the United Nations Security Council Resolution 82 and 83 backed the defense of South Korea, although the Soviets were then boycotting meetings in protest of the fact that Taiwan (Republic of China), not the People's Republic of China, held a permanent seat on the council.[186] A UN force of sixteen countries faced North Korea,[187] although 40 percent of troops were South Korean, and about 50 percent were from the United States.[188]
The US initially seemed to follow containment when it first entered the war. This directed the US's action to only push back North Korea across the 38th Parallel and restore South Korea's sovereignty while allowing North Korea's survival as a state. However, the success of the Inchon landing inspired the US/UN forces to pursue a rollback strategy instead and to overthrow communist North Korea, thereby allowing nationwide elections under U.N. auspices.[189] General Douglas MacArthur then advanced across the 38th Parallel into North Korea. The Chinese, fearful of a possible US invasion, sent in a large army and defeated the U.N. forces, pushing them back below the 38th parallel. Truman publicly hinted that he might use his "ace in the hole" of the atomic bomb, but Mao was unmoved.[190] The episode was used to support the wisdom of the containment doctrine as opposed to rollback. The Communists were later pushed to roughly around the original border, with minimal changes. Among other effects, the Korean War galvanised NATO to develop a military structure.[191] Public opinion in countries involved, such as Great Britain, was divided for and against the war.[192]
After the Korean Armistice Agreement was approved in July 1953, North Korean leader Kim Il Sung created a highly centralized, totalitarian dictatorship that accorded his family unlimited power while generating a pervasive cult of personality.[193][194] In the South, the American-backed dictator Syngman Rhee ran an authoritarian regime that engaged in anti-communist mass killings.[195] While Rhee was overthrown in 1960, South Korea continued to be ruled by a military government of former Japanese collaborators until the re-establishment of a multi-party system in the late 1980s. Subsequently, South Korea experienced an economic boom and became one of the most advanced countries on the planet.[196]
Khrushchev, Eisenhower, and de-Stalinization
In 1953, changes in political leadership on both sides shifted the dynamic of the Cold War.[120] Dwight D. Eisenhower was inaugurated president that January. During the last 18 months of the Truman administration, the American defense budget had quadrupled, and Eisenhower moved to reduce military spending by a third while continuing to fight the Cold War effectively.[111]
Joseph Stalin died in 1953. Without a mutually agreeable successor, the highest Communist Party officials initially opted to rule the Soviet Union jointly through a troika headed by Georgy Malenkov. This did not last, however, and Nikita Khrushchev eventually won the ensuing power struggle by the mid-1950s. In 1956, he denounced Joseph Stalin and proceeded to ease controls over the party and society. This was known as de-Stalinization.[120]
On 18 November 1956, while addressing Western dignitaries at a reception in Moscow's Polish embassy, Khrushchev infamously declared, "Whether you like it or not, history is on our side. We will bury you", shocking everyone present.[I] He would later claim he had not been referring to nuclear war, but the "historically fated victory of communism over capitalism."[197] In 1961, Khrushchev boasted that, even if the Soviet Union was currently behind the West, its housing shortage would disappear within ten years, consumer goods would be made abundant, and the "construction of a communist society" would be completed "in the main" within no more than two decades.[198]
Eisenhower's secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, initiated a "New Look" for the containment strategy, calling for a greater reliance on nuclear weapons against US enemies in wartime.[120] Dulles also enunciated the doctrine of "massive retaliation", threatening a severe US response to any Soviet aggression. Possessing nuclear superiority, for example, allowed Eisenhower to face down Soviet threats to intervene in the Middle East during the 1956 Suez Crisis.[111] The declassified US plans for retaliatory nuclear strikes in the late 1950s included the "systematic destruction" of 1,200 major urban centers in the Soviet Bloc and China, including Moscow, East Berlin and Beijing.[199][J]
In spite of these events, there were substantial hopes for détente when an upswing in diplomacy took place in 1959, including a two-week visit by Khrushchev to the US, and plans for a two-power summit for May 1960. The latter was disturbed by the U-2 spy plane scandal, however, in which Eisenhower was caught lying about the intrusion of American surveillance aircraft into Soviet territory.[200][201]
Warsaw Pact and Hungarian Revolution
While Stalin's death in 1953 slightly relaxed tensions, the situation in Europe remained an uneasy armed truce.[202] The Soviets, who had already created a network of mutual assistance treaties in the Eastern Bloc by 1949, established a formal alliance therein, the Warsaw Pact, in 1955. It stood opposed to NATO.[72]
The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 occurred shortly after Khrushchev arranged the removal of Hungary's Stalinist leader Mátyás Rákosi.[203] In response to a popular anti-communist uprising,[K] the new regime formally disbanded the secret police, declared its intention to withdraw from the Warsaw Pact and pledged to re-establish free elections. The Soviet Army invaded.[204] Thousands of Hungarians were killed and arrested, imprisoned and deported to the Soviet Union,[205] and approximately 200,000 Hungarians fled Hungary in the chaos.[206] Hungarian leader Imre Nagy and others were executed following secret trials.[L]
From 1957 through 1961, Khrushchev openly and repeatedly threatened the West with nuclear annihilation. He claimed that Soviet missile capabilities were far superior to those of the United States, capable of wiping out any American or European city. According to John Lewis Gaddis, Khrushchev rejected Stalin's "belief in the inevitability of war," however. The new leader declared his ultimate goal was "peaceful coexistence".[207] In Khrushchev's formulation, peace would allow capitalism to collapse on its own,[208] as well as giving the Soviets time to boost their military capabilities,[209] which remained for decades until Gorbachev's later "new thinking" envisioning peaceful coexistence as an end in itself rather than a form of class struggle.[210]
The events in Hungary produced ideological fractures within the communist parties of the world, particularly in Western Europe, with great decline in membership, as many in both western and socialist countries felt disillusioned by the brutal Soviet response.[211] The communist parties in the West would never recover from the effect the Hungarian Revolution had on their membership, a fact that was immediately recognized by some, such as the Yugoslavian politician Milovan Đilas who shortly after the revolution was crushed said that "The wound which the Hungarian Revolution inflicted on communism can never be completely healed".[211]
Rapacki Plan and Berlin Crisis of 1958–1959
In 1957, Polish foreign minister Adam Rapacki proposed the Rapacki Plan for a nuclear free zone in central Europe. Public opinion tended to be favourable in the West, but it was rejected by leaders of West Germany, Britain, France and the United States. They feared it would leave the powerful conventional armies of the Warsaw Pact dominant over the weaker NATO armies.[212]
During November 1958, Khrushchev made an unsuccessful attempt to turn all of Berlin into an independent, demilitarized "free city". He gave the United States, Great Britain and France a six-month ultimatum to withdraw their troops from the sectors of West Berlin, or he would transfer control of Western access rights to the East Germans. Khrushchev earlier explained to Mao Zedong that "Berlin is the testicles of the West. Every time I want to make the West scream, I squeeze on Berlin."[213] NATO formally rejected the ultimatum in mid-December and Khrushchev withdrew it in return for a Geneva conference on the German question.[214]
American military buildup
John F. Kennedy's foreign policy was dominated by American confrontations with the Soviet Union, manifested by proxy contests. Like Truman and Eisenhower, Kennedy supported containment to stop the spread of Communism. President Eisenhower's New Look policy had emphasized the use of less expensive nuclear weapons to deter Soviet aggression by threatening massive nuclear attacks on all of the Soviet Union. Nuclear weapons were much cheaper than maintaining a large standing army, so Eisenhower cut conventional forces to save money. Kennedy implemented a new strategy known as flexible response. This strategy relied on conventional arms to achieve limited goals. As part of this policy, Kennedy expanded the United States special operations forces, elite military units that could fight unconventionally in various conflicts. Kennedy hoped that the flexible response strategy would allow the US to counter Soviet influence without resorting to nuclear war.[215]
To support his new strategy, Kennedy ordered a massive increase in defense spending. He sought, and Congress provided, a rapid build-up of the nuclear arsenal to restore the lost superiority over the Soviet Union—he claimed in 1960 that Eisenhower had lost it because of excessive concern with budget deficits. In his inaugural address, Kennedy promised "to bear any burden" in the defense of liberty, and he repeatedly asked for increases in military spending and authorization of new weapons systems. From 1961 to 1964, the number of nuclear weapons increased by 50 percent, as did the number of B-52 bombers to deliver them. The new ICBM force grew from 63 intercontinental ballistic missiles to 424. He authorized 23 new Polaris submarines, each of which carried 16 nuclear missiles. Kennedy also called on cities to construct fallout shelters.[216][217]
Competition in the Third World
Nationalist movements in some countries and regions, notably Guatemala, Indonesia and Indochina, were often allied with communist groups or otherwise perceived to be unfriendly to Western interests.[120] In this context, the United States and the Soviet Union increasingly competed for influence by proxy in the Third World as decolonization gained momentum in the 1950s and early 1960s.[218] Both sides were selling armaments to gain influence.[219] The Kremlin saw continuing territorial losses by imperial powers as presaging the eventual victory of their ideology.[220]
The United States used the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to undermine neutral or hostile Third World governments and to support allied ones.[221] In 1953, President Eisenhower implemented Operation Ajax, a covert coup operation to overthrow the Iranian prime minister, Mohammad Mosaddegh. The popularly elected Mosaddegh had been a Middle Eastern nemesis of Britain since nationalizing the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. Winston Churchill told the United States that Mosaddegh was "increasingly turning towards Communist influence."[222][223][224] The pro-Western shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, assumed control as an autocratic monarch.[225] The shah's policies included banning the communist Tudeh Party of Iran, and general suppression of political dissent by SAVAK, the shah's domestic security and intelligence agency.
In Guatemala, a banana republic, the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état ousted the left-wing President Jacobo Árbenz with material CIA support.[226] The post-Arbenz government—a military junta headed by Carlos Castillo Armas—repealed a progressive land reform law, returned nationalized property belonging to the United Fruit Company, set up a National Committee of Defense Against Communism, and decreed a Preventive Penal Law Against Communism at the request of the United States.[227]
The non-aligned Indonesian government of Sukarno was faced with a major threat to its legitimacy beginning in 1956 when several regional commanders began to demand autonomy from Jakarta. After mediation failed, Sukarno took action to remove the dissident commanders. In February 1958, dissident military commanders in Central Sumatra (Colonel Ahmad Husein) and North Sulawesi (Colonel Ventje Sumual) declared the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia-Permesta Movement aimed at overthrowing the Sukarno regime. They were joined by many civilian politicians from the Masyumi Party, such as Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, who were opposed to the growing influence of the communist Partai Komunis Indonesia. Due to their anti-communist rhetoric, the rebels received arms, funding, and other covert aid from the CIA until Allen Lawrence Pope, an American pilot, was shot down after a bombing raid on government-held Ambon in April 1958. The central government responded by launching airborne and seaborne military invasions of rebel strongholds at Padang and Manado. By the end of 1958, the rebels were militarily defeated, and the last remaining rebel guerilla bands surrendered by August 1961.[228]
In the Republic of the Congo, also known as Congo-Léopoldville, newly independent from Belgium since June 1960, the Congo Crisis erupted on 5 July leading to the secession of the regions Katanga and South Kasai. CIA-backed President Joseph Kasa-Vubu ordered the dismissal of the democratically elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba and the Lumumba cabinet in September over massacres by the armed forces during the invasion of South Kasai and for involving Soviets in the country.[229][230] Later the CIA-backed Colonel Mobutu Sese Seko quickly mobilized his forces to seize power through a military coup d'état, [230] and worked with Western intelligence agencies to imprison Lumumba and hand him over to Katangan authorities who executed him by firing squad.[231][232]
In British Guiana, the leftist People's Progressive Party (PPP) candidate Cheddi Jagan won the position of chief minister in a colonially administered election in 1953 but was quickly forced to resign from power after Britain's suspension of the still-dependent nation's constitution.[233] Embarrassed by the landslide electoral victory of Jagan's allegedly Marxist party, the British imprisoned the PPP's leadership and maneuvered the organization into a divisive rupture in 1955, engineering a split between Jagan and his PPP colleagues.[234] Jagan again won the colonial elections in 1957 and 1961, despite Britain's shift to a reconsideration of its view of the left-wing Jagan as a Soviet-style communist at this time. The United States pressured the British to withhold Guyana's independence until an alternative to Jagan could be identified, supported, and brought into office.[235]
Worn down by the communist guerrilla war for Vietnamese independence and handed a watershed defeat by communist Viet Minh rebels at the 1954 Battle of Dien Bien Phu, the French accepted a negotiated abandonment of their colonial stake in Vietnam. In the Geneva Conference, peace accords were signed, leaving Vietnam divided between a pro-Soviet administration in North Vietnam and a pro-Western administration in South Vietnam at the 17th parallel north. Between 1954 and 1961, Eisenhower's United States sent economic aid and military advisers to strengthen South Vietnam's pro-Western government against communist efforts to destabilize it.[111]
Many emerging nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America rejected the pressure to choose sides in the East–West competition. In 1955, at the Bandung Conference in Indonesia, dozens of Third World governments resolved to stay out of the Cold War.[236] The consensus reached at Bandung culminated with the creation of the Belgrade-headquartered Non-Aligned Movement in 1961.[120] Meanwhile, Khrushchev broadened Moscow's policy to establish ties with India and other key neutral states. Independence movements in the Third World transformed the post-war order into a more pluralistic world of decolonized African and Middle Eastern nations and of rising nationalism in Asia and Latin America.[111]
Sino-Soviet split
After 1956, the Sino-Soviet alliance began to break down. Mao had defended Stalin when Khrushchev criticized him in 1956 and treated the new Soviet leader as a superficial upstart, accusing him of having lost his revolutionary edge.[237] For his part, Khrushchev, disturbed by Mao's glib attitude toward nuclear war, referred to the Chinese leader as a "lunatic on a throne".[238]
After this, Khrushchev made many desperate attempts to reconstitute the Sino-Soviet alliance, but Mao considered it useless and denied any proposal.[237] The Chinese-Soviet animosity spilled out in an intra-communist propaganda war.[239] Further on, the Soviets focused on a bitter rivalry with Mao's China for leadership of the global communist movement.[240] Historian Lorenz M. Lüthi argues:
- The Sino-Soviet split was one of the key events of the Cold War, equal in importance to the construction of the Berlin Wall, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Second[clarification needed] Vietnam War, and Sino-American rapprochement. The split helped to determine the framework of the Second Cold War in general, and influenced the course of the Second Vietnam War in particular.[241]
Space Race
On the nuclear weapons front, the United States and the Soviet Union pursued nuclear rearmament and developed long-range weapons with which they could strike the territory of the other.[72] In August 1957, the Soviets successfully launched the world's first intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM),[242] and in October they launched the first Earth satellite, Sputnik 1.[243]
The launch of Sputnik inaugurated the Space Race. This led to the Apollo Moon landings by the United States, which astronaut Frank Borman later described as "just a battle in the Cold War."[244] The public's reaction in the Soviet Union was mixed. The Soviet government limited the release of information about the lunar landing, which affected the reaction. A portion of the populace did not give it any attention, and another portion was angered by it.[245] A major Cold War element of the Space Race was satellite reconnaissance, as well as signals intelligence to gauge which aspects of the space programs had military capabilities.[246]
Later, however, the US and USSR pursued some cooperation in space as part of détente, such as Apollo–Soyuz.[247]
Aftermath of the Cuban Revolution
In Cuba, the 26th of July Movement, led by young revolutionaries Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, seized power in the Cuban Revolution on 1 January 1959, toppling President Fulgencio Batista, whose unpopular regime had been denied arms by the Eisenhower administration.[248] Although Fidel Castro's first refused to categorize his new government as socialist and repeatedly denying being a communist, Castro appointed Marxists to senior government and military positions. Most significantly, Che Guevara became Governor of the Central Bank and then Minister of Industries.[249]
Diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States continued for some time after Batista's fall, but President Eisenhower deliberately left the capital to avoid meeting Castro during the latter's trip to Washington, D.C. in April, leaving Vice President Richard Nixon to conduct the meeting in his place.[250] Cuba began negotiating for arms purchases from the Eastern Bloc in March 1960.[251] The same month, Eisenhower gave approval to CIA plans and funding to overthrow Castro.[252]
In January 1961, just prior to leaving office, Eisenhower formally severed relations with the Cuban government. That April, the administration of newly elected American President John F. Kennedy mounted the unsuccessful CIA-organized ship-borne invasion of the island by Cuban exiles at Playa Girón and Playa Larga in Santa Clara Province—a failure that publicly humiliated the United States.[253] Castro responded by publicly embracing Marxism–Leninism, and the Soviet Union pledged to provide further support.[253] In December, the US government began a violent campaign of terrorist attacks against civilians in Cuba, and covert operations and sabotage against the administration, in an attempt to overthrow the Cuban government.[260]
Berlin Crisis of 1961
The Berlin Crisis of 1961 was the last major incident in the Cold War regarding the status of Berlin and post–World War II Germany. By the early 1950s, the Soviet approach to restricting emigration movement was emulated by most of the rest of the Eastern Bloc.[261] However, hundreds of thousands of East Germans annually emigrated to free and prosperous West Germany through a "loophole" in the system that existed between East Berlin and West Berlin.[262][263]
The emigration resulted in a massive "brain drain" from East Germany to West Germany of younger educated professionals, such that nearly 20% of East Germany's population had migrated to West Germany by 1961.[264] That June, the Soviet Union issued a new ultimatum demanding the withdrawal of Allied forces from West Berlin.[265] The request was rebuffed, but the United States now limited its security guarantees to West Berlin.[266] On 13 August, East Germany erected a barbed-wire barrier that would eventually be expanded through construction into the Berlin Wall, effectively closing the loophole and preventing its citizens from fleeing to the West.[267]
Cuban Missile Crisis and Khrushchev's ousting
The Kennedy administration continued seeking ways to oust Castro following the Bay of Pigs invasion, experimenting with various ways of covertly facilitating the overthrow of the Cuban government. Significant hopes were pinned on the program of terrorist attacks and other destabilization operations known as Operation Mongoose, that was devised under the Kennedy administration in 1961. Khrushchev learned of the project in February 1962,[268] and preparations to install Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba were undertaken in response.[268]
Alarmed, Kennedy considered various reactions. He ultimately responded to the installation of nuclear missiles in Cuba with a naval blockade, and he presented an ultimatum to the Soviets. Khrushchev backed down from a confrontation, and the Soviet Union removed the missiles in return for a public American pledge not to invade Cuba again as well as a covert deal to remove US missiles from Turkey.[269] Castro later admitted that "I would have agreed to the use of nuclear weapons. ... we took it for granted that it would become a nuclear war anyway, and that we were going to disappear."[270]
The Cuban Missile Crisis (October–November 1962) brought the world closer to nuclear war than ever before.[271] The aftermath led to efforts in the nuclear arms race at nuclear disarmament and improving relations, although the Cold War's first arms control agreement, the Antarctic Treaty, had come into force in 1961.[N]
The compromise embarrassed Khrushchev and the Soviet Union because the withdrawal of US missiles from Italy and Turkey was a secret deal between Kennedy and Khrushchev, and the Soviets were seen as retreating from circumstances that they had started. In 1964, Khrushchev's Kremlin colleagues managed to oust him, but allowed him a peaceful retirement.[272] He was accused of rudeness and incompetence, and John Lewis Gaddis argues that he was also blamed with ruining Soviet agriculture, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war, and becoming an "international embarrassment" when he authorized construction of the Berlin Wall.[273] According to Dobrynin, the top Soviet leadership took the Cuban outcome as "a blow to its prestige bordering on humiliation".[274][275]
From confrontation to détente (1962–1979)
In the course of the 1960s and 1970s, Cold War participants struggled to adjust to a new, more complicated pattern of international relations in which the world was no longer divided into two clearly opposed blocs.[120] From the beginning of the post-war period, with American help Western Europe and Japan rapidly recovered from the destruction of World War II and sustained strong economic growth through the 1950s and 1960s, with per capita GDPs approaching those of the United States, while Eastern Bloc economies stagnated.[120][276]
The Vietnam War descended into a quagmire for the United States, leading to a decline in international prestige and economic stability, derailing arms agreements, and provoking domestic unrest. America's withdrawal from the war led it to embrace a policy of détente with both China and the Soviet Union.[277]
In the 1973 oil crisis, Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) cut their petroleum output. This raised oil prices and hurt Western economies, but helped the Soviet Union by generating a huge flow of money from its oil sales.[278]
As a result of the oil crisis, combined with the growing influence of Third World alignments such as OPEC and the Non-Aligned Movement, less powerful countries had more room to assert their independence and often showed themselves resistant to pressure from either superpower.[182] Meanwhile, Moscow was forced to turn its attention inward to deal with the Soviet Union's deep-seated domestic economic problems.[120] During this period, Soviet leaders such as Leonid Brezhnev and Alexei Kosygin embraced the notion of détente.[120]
Vietnam War
Under President John F. Kennedy, US troop levels in Vietnam grew under the Military Assistance Advisory Group program from just under a thousand in 1959 to 16,000 in 1963.[O][P] South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem's heavy-handed crackdown on Buddhist monks in 1963 led the US to endorse a deadly military coup against Diem.[279] The war escalated further in 1964 following the controversial Gulf of Tonkin incident, in which a US destroyer was alleged to have clashed with North Vietnamese fast attack craft. The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution gave President Lyndon B. Johnson broad authorization to increase US military presence, deploying ground combat units for the first time and increasing troop levels to 184,000.[280] Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev responded by reversing Khrushchev's policy of disengagement and increasing aid to the North Vietnamese, hoping to entice the North from its pro-Chinese position. The USSR discouraged further escalation of the war, however, providing just enough military assistance to tie up American forces.[281] From this point, the People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN), also known as the North Vietnamese Army (NVA), engaged in more conventional warfare with US and South Vietnamese forces.[282]
The Tet Offensive of 1968 proved to be the turning point of the war. Despite years of American tutelage and aid, the South Vietnamese forces were unable to withstand the communist offensive and the task fell to US forces instead. Tet showed that the end of US involvement was not in sight, increasing domestic skepticism of the war and giving rise to what was referred to as the Vietnam Syndrome, a public aversion to American overseas military involvements. Nonetheless, operations continued to cross international boundaries: bordering areas of Laos and Cambodia were used by North Vietnam as supply routes, and were heavily bombed by US forces.[283]
At the same time, in 1963–1965, American domestic politics saw the triumph of liberalism. According to historian Joseph Crespino:
- It has become a staple of twentieth-century historiography that Cold War concerns were at the root of a number of progressive political accomplishments in the postwar period: a high progressive marginal tax rate that helped fund the arms race and contributed to broad income equality; bipartisan support for far-reaching civil rights legislation that transformed politics and society in the American South, which had long given the lie to America's egalitarian ethos; bipartisan support for overturning an explicitly racist immigration system that had been in place since the 1920s; and free health care for the elderly and the poor, a partial fulfillment of one of the unaccomplished goals of the New Deal era. The list could go on.[284]
French withdrawal from NATO military structures
The unity of NATO was breached early in its history, with a crisis occurring during Charles de Gaulle's presidency of France. De Gaulle protested at the strong role of the United States in the organization and what he perceived as a special relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom. In a memorandum sent to President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Prime Minister Harold Macmillan on 17 September 1958, he argued for the creation of a tripartite directorate that would put France on an equal footing with the United States and the United Kingdom, and also for the expansion of NATO's coverage to include geographical areas of interest to France, most notably French Algeria, where France was waging a counter-insurgency and sought NATO assistance.[285] De Gaulle considered the response he received to be unsatisfactory and began the development of an independent French nuclear deterrent. In 1966, he withdrew France from NATO's military structures and expelled NATO troops from French soil.[286]
Finlandization
Officially claiming to be neutral, Finland lay in the grey zone between the Western countries and the Soviet Union. The YYA Treaty (Finno-Soviet Pact of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance)[287] gave the Soviet Union some leverage in Finnish domestic politics, which was later used as the term "Finlandization" by the West German press, meaning "to become like Finland". This meant, among other things, the Soviet adaptation spread to the editors of mass media, sparking strong forms of self-control, self-censorship (which included the banning of anti-Soviet books[288][289]) and pro-Soviet attitudes. Most of the elite of media and politics shifted their attitudes to match the values that the Soviets were thought to favor and approve. Only after the ascent of Mikhail Gorbachev to Soviet leadership in 1985 did mass media in Finland gradually begin to criticise the Soviet Union more. When the Soviet Union allowed non-communist governments to take power in Eastern Europe, Gorbachev suggested they could look to Finland as an example to follow.[290]
For West German conservative politicians, especially the Bavarian Prime Minister Franz Josef Strauss, the case of Finlandization served as a warning, for example, about how a great power dictates its much smaller neighbor in its internal affairs and the neighbor's independence becomes formal. During the Cold War, Finlandization was seen not only in Bavaria but also in Western intelligence services as a threat that completely free states had to be warned about in advance. To combat Finlandization, propaganda books and newspaper articles were published through CIA-funded research institutes and media companies, which denigrated Finnish neutrality policy and its pro-Soviet President Urho Kekkonen;[291] this was one factor in making room for the East-West espionage on Finnish soil between the two great powers.[291][292][293][294]
However, Finland maintained capitalism unlike most other countries bordering the Soviet Union. Even though being a neighbor to the Soviet Union sometimes resulted in overcautious concern in foreign policy, Finland developed closer co-operation with the other Nordic countries and declared itself even more neutral in superpower politics, although in the later years, support for capitalism was even more widespread.[295]
Invasion of Czechoslovakia
In 1968, a period of political liberalization took place in Czechoslovakia called the Prague Spring. An "Action Program" of reforms included increasing freedom of the press, freedom of speech and freedom of movement, along with an economic emphasis on consumer goods, the possibility of a multiparty government, limitations on the power of the secret police,[Q][296] and potential withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact.[297]
In answer to the Prague Spring, on 20 August 1968, the Soviet Army, together with most of their Warsaw Pact allies, invaded Czechoslovakia.[298] The invasion was followed by a wave of emigration, including an estimated 70,000 Czechs and Slovaks initially fleeing, with the total eventually reaching 300,000.[299][300] The invasion sparked intense protests from Yugoslavia, Romania, China, and from Western European countries.[301]
Brezhnev Doctrine
In September 1968, during a speech at the Fifth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party one month after the invasion of Czechoslovakia, Brezhnev outlined the Brezhnev Doctrine, in which he claimed the right to violate the sovereignty of any country attempting to replace Marxism–Leninism with capitalism. During the speech, Brezhnev stated:[297]
When forces that are hostile to socialism try to turn the development of some socialist country towards capitalism, it becomes not only a problem of the country concerned but a common problem and concern of all socialist countries.
The doctrine found its origins in the failures of Marxism–Leninism in states like Poland, Hungary and East Germany, which were facing a declining standard of living contrasting with the prosperity of West Germany and the rest of Western Europe.[302]
Third World escalations
Under the Lyndon B. Johnson administration, the US took a more hardline stance on Latin America—sometimes called the "Mann Doctrine".[303] In 1964, the Brazilian military overthrew the government of João Goulart with US backing.[304] In April 1965, the US sent 22,000 troops to the Dominican Republic in an intervention, into the Dominican Civil War between supporters of deposed president Juan Bosch and supporters of General Elías Wessin y Wessin, citing the threat of the emergence of a Cuban-style revolution in Latin America. The OAS deployed soldiers through the mostly Brazilian Inter-American Peace Force.[305] Héctor García-Godoy acted as provisional president, until conservative former president Joaquín Balaguer won the 1966 presidential election against non-campaigning Juan Bosch.[306] Activists for Bosch's Dominican Revolutionary Party were violently harassed by the Dominican police and armed forces.[306]
In Indonesia, the hardline anti-communist General Suharto wrested control from predecessor Sukarno in an attempt to establish a "New Order". From 1965 to 1966, with the aid of the US and other Western governments,[307][308][309][310][311] the military led the mass killing of more than 500,000 members and sympathizers of the Indonesian Communist Party and other leftist organizations, and detained hundreds of thousands in prison camps under inhumane conditions.[312][313] A top-secret CIA report stated that the massacres "rank as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century, along with the Soviet purges of the 1930s, the Nazi mass murders during the Second World War, and the Maoist bloodbath of the early 1950s."[313] These killings served US interests and constitute a major turning point in the Cold War as the balance of power shifted in Southeast Asia.[314][315]
Escalating the scale of American intervention in the conflict between Ngô Đình Diệm's South Vietnamese government and the communist National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF) insurgents opposing it, Johnson deployed 575,000 troops in Southeast Asia to defeat the NLF and their North Vietnamese allies in the Vietnam War, but his costly policy weakened the US economy and sparked domestic anti-war protests, which led to the US withdrawal by 1972. Without American support, South Vietnam was conquered by North Vietnam in 1975; the US reputation suffered as the world saw the defeat of a superpower at the hands of one of the poorest nations.[111]
The Middle East remained a source of contention. Egypt, which received the bulk of its arms and economic assistance from the USSR, was a troublesome client, with a reluctant Soviet Union feeling obliged to assist in the 1967 Six-Day War and the War of Attrition against pro-Western Israel.[316] Despite the beginning of an Egyptian shift from a pro-Soviet to a pro-American orientation in 1972, the Soviets supported Egypt and Syria during the Yom Kippur War, as the US supported Israel.[317][318] Although pre-Sadat Egypt had been the largest recipient of Soviet aid in the Middle East, the Soviets were successful in establishing close relations with communist South Yemen, as well as the nationalist governments of Algeria and Iraq.[317] Iraq signed a 15-year Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union in 1972. According to Charles R. H. Tripp, the treaty upset "the US-sponsored security system established as part of the Arab Cold War. It appeared that any enemy of the Baghdad regime was a potential ally of the United States."[319] In response, the US covertly financed Kurdish rebels during the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War; the Kurds were defeated in 1975, leading to the forcible relocation of hundreds of thousands of Kurdish civilians.[319] Indirect Soviet assistance to the Palestinian side of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict included support for Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).[320]
In East Africa, a territorial dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia over the Ogaden region resulted in the Ogaden War. Around June 1977, Somali troops occupied the Ogaden and began advancing inland towards Ethiopian positions in the Ahmar Mountains. Both countries were client states of the Soviet Union; Somalia was led by Marxist military leader Siad Barre, and Ethiopia was controlled by the Derg, a cabal of generals loyal to the pro-Soviet Mengistu Haile Mariam, who had declared the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia in 1975.[321] The Soviets initially attempted to exert a moderating influence on both states, but in November 1977 Barre broke off relations with Moscow and expelled his Soviet military advisers.[322] He turned to China and the Safari Club—a group of pro-American intelligence agencies including those of Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia—for support.[323][324][R] While declining to take a direct part in hostilities, the Soviet Union did provide the impetus for a successful Ethiopian counteroffensive to expel Somalia from the Ogaden. The counteroffensive was planned at the command level by Soviet advisers and bolstered by the delivery of millions of dollars' of sophisticated Soviet arms.[322] About 11,000 Cuban troops spearheaded the primary effort, after receiving hasty training on the newly delivered Soviet weapons systems by East German instructors.[322]
In Chile, the Socialist Party candidate Salvador Allende won the presidential election of 1970, thereby becoming the first democratically elected Marxist to become president of a country in the Americas.[325] The CIA targeted Allende for removal and operated to undermine his support domestically, which contributed to unrest culminating in General Augusto Pinochet's 1973 Chilean coup d'état. Pinochet consolidated power as a military dictator, Allende's reforms of the economy were rolled back, and leftist opponents were killed or detained in internment camps under the Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA). Socialist states—with the exception of China and Romania—broke off relations with Chile.[326] The Pinochet regime would go on to be one of the leading participants in Operation Condor, an international campaign of assassination and state terrorism organized by right-wing military dictatorships in the Southern Cone of South America that was covertly supported by the US government.[327][328][329]
On 24 April 1974, the Carnation Revolution succeeded in ousting Marcelo Caetano and Portugal's right-wing Estado Novo government, sounding the death knell for the Portuguese Empire.[330] Independence was hastily granted to several Portuguese colonies, including Angola, where the disintegration of colonial rule was followed by a civil war.[331] There were three rival militant factions competing for power in Angola: the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), and the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA).[332] While all three had socialist leanings, the MPLA was the only party with close ties to the Soviet Union.[332] Its adherence to the concept of a Soviet one-party state alienated it from the FNLA and UNITA, which began portraying themselves as anti-communist and pro-Western.[332] When the Soviets began supplying the MPLA with arms, the CIA and China offered substantial covert aid to the FNLA and UNITA.[333][334][335] The MPLA eventually requested direct military support from Moscow in the form of ground troops, but the Soviets declined, offering to send advisers but no combat personnel.[333] Cuba was more forthcoming and began amassing troops in Angola to assist the MPLA.[333] By November 1975, there were over a thousand Cuban soldiers in the country.[333] The persistent buildup of Cuban troops and Soviet weapons allowed the MPLA to secure victory and blunt an abortive intervention by Zairean and South African troops, which had deployed in a belated attempt to assist the FNLA and UNITA.[336]
During the Vietnam War, North Vietnam used border areas of Cambodia as military bases, which Cambodian head of state Norodom Sihanouk tolerated in an attempt to preserve Cambodia's neutrality. Following Sihanouk's March 1970 deposition by pro-American general Lon Nol, who ordered the North Vietnamese to leave Cambodia, North Vietnam attempted to overrun Cambodia following negotiations with Nuon Chea, the second-in-command of the Cambodian communists (dubbed the Khmer Rouge) fighting to overthrow the Cambodian government.[337] Sihanouk fled to China with the establishment of the GRUNK in Beijing.[338] American and South Vietnamese forces responded to these actions with a bombing campaign and a ground incursion, which contributed to the violence of the civil war that soon enveloped all of Cambodia.[339] US carpet bombing lasted until 1973, and while it prevented the Khmer Rouge from seizing the capital, it accelerated the collapse of rural society, increased social polarization,[340] and killed tens of thousands.[341]
After taking power and distancing himself from the Vietnamese,[342] pro-China Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot killed 1.5 to 2 million Cambodians in the Killing Fields, roughly a quarter of the population (commonly labelled the Cambodian genocide).[343][344][345][346] Martin Shaw described these atrocities as "the purest genocide of the Cold War era."[347] Backed by the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, an organization of Khmer pro-Soviet Communists and Khmer Rouge defectors, Vietnam invaded Cambodia on 22 December 1978. The invasion succeeded in deposing Pol Pot, but the new state struggled to gain international recognition beyond the Soviet Bloc sphere. Despite the international outcry at Pol Pot regime's gross human rights violations, representatives of the Khmer Rouge were allowed to be seated in the UN General Assembly, with strong support from China, Western powers, and the member countries of ASEAN. Cambodia became bogged down in a guerrilla war led from refugee camps located on the border with Thailand. Following the destruction of the Khmer Rouge, the national reconstruction of Cambodia was hampered, and Vietnam suffered a punitive Chinese attack.[348] Although unable to deter Vietnam from ousting Pol Pot, China demonstrated that its Cold War communist adversary, the Soviet Union, was unable to protect its Vietnamese ally.[349] Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger wrote that "China succeeded in exposing the limits of...[Soviet] strategic reach" and speculated that the desire to "compensate for their ineffectuality" contributed to the Soviets' decision to intervene in Afghanistan a year later.[350]
Sino-Soviet split and Nixon-China visit
As a result of the Sino-Soviet split, tensions along the Chinese–Soviet border reached their peak in 1969. United States President Richard Nixon decided to use the conflict to shift the balance of power towards the West in the Cold War through a policy of rapproachment with China, which began with his 1972 visit to China and culminated in 1979 with the signing of the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations by President Carter and Chinese President Deng Xiaoping.[351][352]
Nixon, Brezhnev, and détente
Although indirect conflict between Cold War powers continued through the late 1960s and early 1970s, tensions were beginning to ease.[353]
Following the ousting of Khrushchev, another period of collective leadership ensued, consisting of Leonid Brezhnev as general secretary, Alexei Kosygin as Premier and Nikolai Podgorny as Chairman of the Presidium, lasting until Brezhnev established himself in the early 1970s as the preeminent Soviet leader.
Following his visit to China, Nixon met with Soviet leaders, including Brezhnev in Moscow.[354] These Strategic Arms Limitation Talks resulted in two landmark arms control treaties: SALT I, the first comprehensive limitation pact signed by the two superpowers, and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which banned the development of systems designed to intercept incoming missiles. These aimed to limit the development of costly anti-ballistic missiles and nuclear missiles.[120]
Nixon and Brezhnev proclaimed a new era of "peaceful coexistence" and established the groundbreaking new policy of détente (or cooperation) between the two superpowers. Meanwhile, Brezhnev attempted to revive the Soviet economy, which was declining in part because of heavy military expenditures. The Soviet Union's military budget in the 1970s was gigantic, forming 40–60% of the entire federal budget and accounting to 15% of the USSR's GDP (13% in the 1980s).[355] Between 1972 and 1974, the two sides also agreed to strengthen their economic ties,[111] including agreements for increased trade. As a result of their meetings, détente would replace the hostility of the Cold War and the two countries would live mutually.[356] These developments coincided with Bonn's "Ostpolitik" policy formulated by the West German Chancellor Willy Brandt,[301] an effort to normalize relations between West Germany and Eastern Europe. Other agreements were concluded to stabilize the situation in Europe, culminating in the Helsinki Accords signed at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in 1975.[357]
The Helsinki Accords, in which the Soviets promised to grant free elections in Europe, has been called a major concession to ensure peace by the Soviets. In practice, the Soviet government significantly curbed the rule of law, civil liberties, protection of law and guarantees of property,[358][359] which were considered examples of "bourgeois morality" by Soviet legal theorists such as Andrey Vyshinsky.[360] The Soviet Union signed legally-binding human rights documents, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in 1973 and the Helsinki Accords in 1975, but they were neither widely known or accessible to people living under Communist rule, nor were they taken seriously by the Communist authorities.[361]: 117 Human rights activists in the Soviet Union were regularly subjected to harassment, repressions and arrests.
The pro-Soviet American business magnate Armand Hammer of Occidental Petroleum often mediated trade relations. Author Daniel Yergin, in his book The Prize, writes that Hammer "ended up as a go-between for five Soviet General Secretaries and seven U.S. Presidents."[362] Hammer had extensive business relationship in the Soviet Union stretching back to the 1920s with Lenin's approval.[363][364] According to Christian Science Monitor in 1980, "although his business dealings with the Soviet Union were cut short when Stalin came to power, he had more or less single-handedly laid the groundwork for the [1980] state of Western trade with the Soviet Union."[363] In 1974, Brezhnev "publicly recognized Hammer's role in facilitating East-West trade." By 1981, according to the New York Times in that year, Hammer was on a "first-name basis with Leonid Brezhnev."[364]
Kissinger and Nixon were "realists" who deemphasized idealistic goals like anti-communism or promotion of democracy worldwide because those goals were too expensive in terms of America's economic capabilities.[365][pages needed] Instead of a Cold War they wanted peace, trade and cultural exchanges. They realized that Americans were no longer willing to tax themselves for idealistic foreign policy goals, especially for containment policies that never seemed to produce positive results. Instead, Nixon and Kissinger sought to downsize America's global commitments in proportion to its reduced economic, moral and political power. They rejected "idealism" as impractical and too expensive, and neither man showed much sensitivity to the plight of people living under Communism. Kissinger's realism fell out of fashion as idealism returned to American foreign policy with Carter's moralism emphasizing human rights, and Reagan's rollback strategy aimed at destroying Communism.[366][pages needed]
Late 1970s deterioration of relations
In the 1970s, the KGB, led by Yuri Andropov, continued to persecute distinguished Soviet dissidents, such as Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov, who were criticising the Soviet leadership in harsh terms.[367] Indirect conflict between the superpowers continued through this period of détente in the Third World, particularly during political crises in the Middle East, Chile, Ethiopia, and Angola.[368]
In 1973, Nixon announced his administration was committed to seeking most favored nation trade status with the USSR,[369] which was challenged by Congress in the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.[370] The United States had long linked trade with the Soviet Union to its foreign policy toward the Soviet Union and, especially since the early 1980s, to Soviet human rights policies. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment, which was attached to the 1974 Trade Act, linked the granting of most-favored-nation to the USSR to the right of persecuted Soviet Jews to emigrate. Because the Soviet Union refused the right of emigration to Jewish refuseniks, the ability of the President to apply most-favored nation trade status to the Soviet Union was restricted.[371]
Although President Jimmy Carter tried to place another limit on the arms race with a SALT II agreement in 1979,[372] his efforts were undermined by the other events that year, including the Iranian Revolution and the Nicaraguan Revolution, which both ousted pro-US governments, and his retaliation against the Soviet coup in Afghanistan in December.[111]
New Cold War (1979–1985)
The term new Cold War refers to the period of intensive reawakening of Cold War tensions and conflicts in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Tensions greatly increased between the major powers with both sides becoming more militant.[373] Diggins says, "Reagan went all out to fight the second cold war, by supporting counterinsurgencies in the third world."[374] Cox says, "The intensity of this 'second' Cold War was as great as its duration was short."[375]
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and end of détente
In April 1978, the communist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) seized power in Afghanistan in the Saur Revolution. Within months, opponents of the communist regime launched an uprising in eastern Afghanistan that quickly expanded into a civil war waged by guerrilla mujahideen against government forces countrywide.[376] The Islamic Unity of Afghanistan Mujahideen insurgents received military training and weapons in neighboring Pakistan and China,[377][378] while the Soviet Union sent thousands of military advisers to support the PDPA government.[376] Meanwhile, increasing friction between the competing factions of the PDPA—the dominant Khalq and the more moderate Parcham—resulted in the dismissal of Parchami cabinet members and the arrest of Parchami military officers under the pretext of a Parchami coup. By mid-1979, the United States had started a covert program to assist the mujahideen.[379][380]
In September 1979, Khalqist President Nur Muhammad Taraki was assassinated in a coup within the PDPA orchestrated by fellow Khalq member Hafizullah Amin, who assumed the presidency. Distrusted by the Soviets, Amin was assassinated by Soviet special forces during Operation Storm-333 in December 1979. Afghan forces suffered losses during the Soviet operation; 30 Afghan palace guards and over 300 army guards were killed while another 150 were captured.[381] Two of Amin's sons, an 11-year-old and a 9-year-old, died from shrapnel wounds sustained during the clashes.[382] In the aftermath of the operation, a total of 1,700 Afghan soldiers who surrendered to Soviet forces were taken as prisoners,[383] and the Soviets installed Babrak Karmal, the leader of the PDPA's Parcham faction, as Amin's successor. Veterans of the Soviet Union's Alpha Group have stated that Operation Storm-333 was one of the most successful in the unit's history. Documents released following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1990s revealed that the Soviet leadership believed Amin had secret contacts within the American embassy in Kabul and "was capable of reaching an agreement with the United States";[384] however, allegations of Amin colluding with the Americans have been widely discredited.[385][386][387] The PDBA was tasked to fill the vacuum and carried out a purge of Amin supporters. Soviet troops were deployed to put Afghanistan under Soviet control with Karmal in more substantial numbers, although the Soviet government did not expect to do most of the fighting in Afghanistan. As a result, however, the Soviets were now directly involved in what had been a domestic war in Afghanistan.[388]
Carter responded to the Soviet invasion by withdrawing the SALT II treaty from ratification, imposing embargoes on grain and technology shipments to the USSR, and demanding a significant increase in military spending, and further announced the boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, which was joined by 65 other nations.[389][390][391] He described the Soviet incursion as "the most serious threat to the peace since the Second World War".[392]
Reagan and Thatcher
In January 1977, four years prior to becoming president, Ronald Reagan bluntly stated, in a conversation with Richard V. Allen, his basic expectation in relation to the Cold War. "My idea of American policy toward the Soviet Union is simple, and some would say simplistic," he said. "It is this: We win and they lose. What do you think of that?"[393] In 1980, Ronald Reagan defeated Jimmy Carter in the 1980 presidential election, vowing to increase military spending and confront the Soviets everywhere.[394] Both Reagan and new British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher denounced the Soviet Union and its ideology. Reagan labeled the Soviet Union an "evil empire" and predicted that Communism would be left on the "ash heap of history," while Thatcher inculpated the Soviets as "bent on world dominance."[395] In 1982, Reagan tried to cut off Moscow's access to hard currency by impeding its proposed gas line to Western Europe. It hurt the Soviet economy, but it also caused ill will among American allies in Europe who counted on that revenue. Reagan retreated on this issue.[396][397]
By early 1985, Reagan's anti-communist position had developed into a stance known as the new Reagan Doctrine—which, in addition to containment, formulated an additional right to subvert existing communist governments.[398] Besides continuing Carter's policy of supporting the Islamic opponents of the Soviet Union and the Soviet-backed PDPA government in Afghanistan, the CIA also sought to weaken the Soviet Union itself by promoting Islamism in the majority-Muslim Central Asian Soviet Union.[399][citation not found] Additionally, the CIA encouraged anti-communist Pakistan's ISI to train Muslims from around the world to participate in the jihad against the Soviet Union.[399][citation not found]
Polish Solidarity movement and martial law
Pope John Paul II provided a moral focus for anti-communism; a visit to his native Poland in 1979 stimulated a religious and nationalist resurgence centered on the Solidarity movement trade union that galvanized opposition and may have led to his attempted assassination two years later.[citation needed] In December 1981, Poland's Wojciech Jaruzelski reacted to the crisis by imposing a period of martial law. Reagan imposed economic sanctions on Poland in response.[400] Mikhail Suslov, the Kremlin's top ideologist, advised Soviet leaders not to intervene if Poland fell under the control of Solidarity, for fear it might lead to heavy economic sanctions, resulting in a catastrophe for the Soviet economy.[400]
US and USSR military and economic issues
The Soviet Union had built up a military that consumed as much as 25 percent of its gross national product at the expense of consumer goods and investment in civilian sectors.[401] Soviet spending on the arms race and other Cold War commitments both caused and exacerbated deep-seated structural problems in the Soviet system,[402] which experienced at least a decade of economic stagnation during the late Brezhnev years.
Soviet investment in the defense sector was not driven by military necessity but in large part by the interests of the nomenklatura, which was dependent on the sector for their own power and privileges.[403] The Soviet Armed Forces became the largest in the world in terms of the numbers and types of weapons they possessed, in the number of troops in their ranks, and in the sheer size of their military–industrial base.[404] However, the quantitative advantages held by the Soviet military often concealed areas where the Eastern Bloc dramatically lagged behind the West.[405] For example, the Persian Gulf War demonstrated how the armor, fire control systems, and firing range of the Soviet Union's most common main battle tank, the T-72, were drastically inferior to the American M1 Abrams, yet the USSR fielded almost three times as many T-72s as the US deployed M1s.[406]
By the early 1980s, the USSR had built up a military arsenal and army surpassing that of the United States. Soon after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, President Carter began massively building up the United States military. This buildup was accelerated by the Reagan administration, which increased the military spending from 5.3 percent of GNP in 1981 to 6.5 percent in 1986,[407] the largest peacetime defense buildup in United States history.[408] The American-Soviet tensions present during 1983 was defined by some as the start of "Cold War II". Whilst in retrospective this phase of the Cold War was generally defined as a "war of words",[409] the Soviet's "peace offensive" was largely rejected by the West.[410]
Tensions continued to intensify as Reagan revived the B-1 Lancer program, which had been canceled by the Carter administration, produced LGM-118 Peacekeeper missiles,[411] installed US cruise missiles in Europe, and announced the experimental Strategic Defense Initiative, dubbed "Star Wars" by the media, a defense program to shoot down missiles in mid-flight.[citation needed] The Soviets deployed RSD-10 Pioneer ballistic missiles targeting Western Europe, and NATO decided, under the impetus of the Carter presidency, to deploy MGM-31 Pershing and cruise missiles in Europe, primarily West Germany.[412] This deployment placed missiles just 10 minutes' striking distance from Moscow.[413]
After Reagan's military buildup, the Soviet Union did not respond by further building its military,[414] because the enormous military expenses, along with inefficient planned manufacturing and collectivized agriculture, were already a heavy burden for the Soviet economy.[415] At the same time, Saudi Arabia increased oil production,[416] even as other non-OPEC nations were increasing production.[S] These developments contributed to the 1980s oil glut, which affected the Soviet Union as oil was the main source of Soviet export revenues.[401] Issues with command economics,[417] oil price decreases and large military expenditures gradually brought the Soviet economy to stagnation.[416]
On 1 September 1983, the Soviet Union shot down Korean Air Lines Flight 007, a Boeing 747 with 269 people aboard, including sitting Congressman Larry McDonald, an action which Reagan characterized as a massacre. The airliner was en route from Anchorage to Seoul but owing to a navigational mistake made by the crew, it drifted from its original planned route and flew through Russian prohibited airspace past the west coast of Sakhalin Island near Moneron Island. The Soviet Air Force treated the unidentified aircraft as an intruding U.S. spy plane and destroyed it with air-to-air missiles. The Soviet Union found the wreckage under the sea two weeks later on 15 September and found the flight recorders in October, but this information was kept secret by the Soviet authorities until after the country's collapse.[418] The incident increased support for military deployment, overseen by Reagan, which stood in place until the later accords between Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev.[419] During the early hours of 26 September 1983, the 1983 Soviet nuclear false alarm incident occurred; systems in Serpukhov-15 underwent a glitch that claimed several intercontinental ballistic missiles were heading towards Russia, but officer Stanislav Petrov correctly suspected it was a false alarm, ensuring the Soviets did not respond to the non-existent attack.[420] As such, he has been credited as "the man who saved the world".[421] The Able Archer 83 exercise in November 1983, a realistic simulation of a coordinated NATO nuclear release, was perhaps the most dangerous moment since the Cuban Missile Crisis, as the Soviet leadership feared that a nuclear attack might be imminent.[422]
American domestic public concerns about intervening in foreign conflicts persisted from the end of the Vietnam War.[423] The Reagan administration emphasized the use of quick, low-cost counterinsurgency tactics to intervene in foreign conflicts.[423] In 1983, the Reagan administration intervened in the multisided Lebanese Civil War, invaded Grenada, bombed Libya and backed the Central American Contras, anti-communist paramilitaries seeking to overthrow the Soviet-aligned Sandinista government in Nicaragua.[182] While Reagan's interventions against Grenada and Libya were popular in the United States, his backing of the Contra rebels was mired in controversy.[424] The Reagan administration's backing of the military government of Guatemala during the Guatemalan Civil War, in particular the regime of Efraín Ríos Montt, was also controversial.[425]
Meanwhile, the Soviets incurred high costs for their own foreign interventions. Although Brezhnev was convinced in 1979 that the Soviet war in Afghanistan would be brief, Muslim guerrillas, aided by the US, China, Britain, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan,[378] waged a fierce resistance against the invasion.[426] The Kremlin sent nearly 100,000 troops to support its puppet regime in Afghanistan, leading many outside observers to dub the war "the Soviets' Vietnam".[426] However, Moscow's quagmire in Afghanistan was far more disastrous for the Soviets than Vietnam had been for the Americans because the conflict coincided with a period of internal decay and domestic crisis in the Soviet system.
A senior US State Department official predicted such an outcome as early as 1980, positing that the invasion resulted in part from a:
...domestic crisis within the Soviet system. ... It may be that the thermodynamic law of entropy has ... caught up with the Soviet system, which now seems to expend more energy on simply maintaining its equilibrium than on improving itself. We could be seeing a period of foreign movement at a time of internal decay.[427]
Final years (1985–1991)
Gorbachev's reforms
By the time the comparatively youthful Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary in 1985,[395] the Soviet economy was stagnant and faced a sharp fall in foreign currency earnings as a result of the downward slide in oil prices in the 1980s.[428] These issues prompted Gorbachev to investigate measures to revive the ailing state.[428]
An ineffectual start led to the conclusion that deeper structural changes were necessary, and in June 1987 Gorbachev announced an agenda of economic reform called perestroika, or restructuring.[429] Perestroika relaxed the production quota system, allowed cooperative ownership of small businesses and paved the way for foreign investment. These measures were intended to redirect the country's resources from costly Cold War military commitments to more productive areas in the civilian sector.[429]
Despite initial skepticism in the West, the new Soviet leader proved to be committed to reversing the Soviet Union's deteriorating economic condition instead of continuing the arms race with the West.[430] Partly as a way to fight off internal opposition from party cliques to his reforms, Gorbachev simultaneously introduced glasnost, or openness, which increased freedom of the press and the transparency of state institutions.[431] Glasnost was intended to reduce the corruption at the top of the Communist Party and moderate the abuse of power in the Central Committee.[432] Glasnost also enabled increased contact between Soviet citizens and the Western world, particularly with the United States, contributing to the accelerating détente between the two nations.[433]
Thaw in relations
In response to the Kremlin's military and political concessions, Reagan agreed to renew talks on economic issues and the scaling-back of the arms race.[434] The first summit was held in November 1985 in Geneva, Switzerland.[434] At one stage the two men, accompanied only by an interpreter, agreed in principle to reduce each country's nuclear arsenal by 50 percent.[435][citation not found] A second summit was held in October 1986 in Reykjavík, Iceland. Talks went well until the focus shifted to Reagan's proposed Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), which Gorbachev wanted to be eliminated. Reagan refused.[436] The negotiations failed, but the third summit (Washington Summit (1987), 8–10 December 1987) led to a breakthrough with the signing of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF). The INF treaty eliminated all nuclear-armed, ground-launched ballistic and cruise missiles with ranges between 500 and 5,500 kilometers (310 and 3,420 mi) and their infrastructure.[437]
During 1988, it became apparent to the Soviets that oil and gas subsidies, along with the cost of maintaining massive troops levels, represented a substantial economic drain.[438] In addition, the security advantage of a buffer zone was recognised as irrelevant and the Soviets officially declared that they would no longer intervene in the affairs of satellite states in Central and Eastern Europe.[439] George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev met at the Moscow Summit in May 1988 and the Governors Island Summit in December 1988.
In 1989, Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan without achieving their objectives.[440] Later that year, the Berlin Wall, the Inner German border and the Iron Curtain fell. On 3 December 1989, Gorbachev and Bush declared the Cold War over at the Malta Summit. In February 1990, Gorbachev agreed with the US-proposed Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany and signed it on 12 September 1990, paving the way for the German reunification.[438] When the Berlin Wall came down, Gorbachev's "Common European Home" concept began to take shape.[441][442] The two former adversaries were partners in the Gulf War against Iraq (August 1990 – February 1991).[443] During the final summit in Moscow in July 1991, Gorbachev and Bush signed the START I arms control treaty.[444]
Eastern Europe breaks away
Two developments dominated the decade that followed: the increasingly apparent crumbling of the Soviet Union's economic and political structures, and the patchwork attempts at reforms to reverse that process. Kenneth S. Deffeyes argued in Beyond Oil that the Reagan administration encouraged Saudi Arabia to lower the price of oil to the point where the Soviets could not make a profit selling their oil, and resulted in the depletion of the country's hard currency reserves.[445]
Brezhnev's next two successors, transitional figures with deep roots in his tradition, did not last long. Yuri Andropov was 68 years old and Konstantin Chernenko 72 when they assumed power; both died in less than two years. In an attempt to avoid a third short-lived leader, in 1985, the Soviets turned to the next generation and selected Mikhail Gorbachev. He made significant changes in the economy and party leadership, called perestroika. His policy of glasnost freed public access to information after decades of heavy government censorship. Gorbachev also moved to end the Cold War. In 1988, the USSR abandoned its war in Afghanistan and began to withdraw its forces. In the following year, Gorbachev refused to interfere in the internal affairs of the Soviet satellite states, which paved the way for the Revolutions of 1989. In particular, the standstill of the Soviet Union at the Pan-European Picnic in August 1989 then set a peaceful chain reaction in motion, at the end of which the Eastern Bloc collapsed. With the tearing down of the Berlin Wall and with East and West Germany pursuing re-unification, the Iron Curtain between the West and Soviet-occupied regions came down.[446][447][448]
By 1989, the Soviet alliance system was on the brink of collapse, and, deprived of Soviet military support, the communist leaders of the Warsaw Pact states were losing power.[440] Grassroots organizations, such as Poland's Solidarity movement, rapidly gained ground with strong popular bases.
The Pan-European Picnic in August 1989 in Hungary finally started a peaceful movement that the rulers in the Eastern Bloc could not stop. It was the largest movement of refugees from East Germany since the Berlin Wall was built in 1961 and ultimately brought about the fall of the Iron Curtain. The patrons of the picnic, Otto von Habsburg and the Hungarian Minister of State Imre Pozsgay, saw the planned event as an opportunity to test Mikhail Gorbachev's reaction. The Austrian branch of the Paneuropean Union, which was then headed by Karl von Habsburg, distributed thousands of brochures inviting the GDR holidaymakers in Hungary to a picnic near the border at Sopron. But with the mass exodus at the Pan-European Picnic the subsequent hesitant behavior of the ruling Socialist Unity Party of East Germany and the non-interference of the Soviet Union broke the dams. Now tens of thousands of media-informed East Germans made their way to Hungary, which was no longer willing to keep its borders completely closed or to oblige its border troops to use armed force. On the one hand, this caused disagreement among the Eastern European states and, on the other hand, it was clear to the Eastern European population that the governments no longer had absolute power.[446][447][448][449]
In 1989, the communist governments in Poland and Hungary became the first to negotiate the organization of competitive elections. In Czechoslovakia and East Germany, mass protests unseated entrenched communist leaders. The communist regimes in Bulgaria and Romania also crumbled, in the latter case as the result of a violent uprising. Attitudes had changed enough that US Secretary of State James Baker suggested that the American government would not be opposed to Soviet intervention in Romania, on behalf of the opposition, to prevent bloodshed.[450]
The tidal wave of change culminated with the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, which symbolized the collapse of European communist governments and graphically ended the Iron Curtain divide of Europe. The 1989 revolutionary wave swept across Central and Eastern Europe and peacefully overthrew all of the Soviet-style Marxist–Leninist states: East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria;[451] Romania was the only Eastern-bloc country to topple its communist regime violently and execute its head of state.[452]
Soviet dissolution
At the same time, the Soviet republics started legal moves towards potentially declaring sovereignty over their territories, citing the freedom to secede in Article 72 of the USSR constitution.[453] On 7 April 1990, a law was passed allowing a republic to secede if more than two-thirds of its residents voted for it in a referendum.[454] Many held their first free elections in the Soviet era for their own national legislatures in 1990. Many of these legislatures proceeded to produce legislation contradicting the Union laws in what was known as the 'War of Laws'. In 1989, the Russian SFSR convened a newly elected Congress of People's Deputies. Boris Yeltsin was elected its chairman. On 12 June 1990, the Congress declared Russia's sovereignty over its territory and proceeded to pass laws that attempted to supersede some of the Soviet laws. After a landslide victory of Sąjūdis in Lithuania, that country declared its independence restored on 11 March 1990, citing the illegality of the Soviet occupation of the Baltic states. Soviet forces attempted to halt the secession by crushing popular demonstrations in Lithuania (Bloody Sunday) and Latvia (The Barricades), as a result, numerous civilians were killed or wounded. However, these actions only bolstered international support for the secessionists.[455]
A referendum for the preservation of the USSR was held on 17 March 1991 in nine republics (the remainder having boycotted the vote), with the majority of the population in those republics voting for preservation of the Union in the form of a new federation. The referendum gave Gorbachev a minor boost. In the summer of 1991, the New Union Treaty, which would have turned the country into a much looser Union, was agreed upon by eight republics. The signing of the treaty, however, was interrupted by the August Coup—an attempted coup d'état by hardline members of the government and the KGB who sought to reverse Gorbachev's reforms and reassert the central government's control over the republics. After the coup collapsed, Russian president Yeltsin was seen as a hero for his decisive actions, while Gorbachev's power was effectively ended. The balance of power tipped significantly towards the republics. In August 1991, Latvia and Estonia immediately declared the restoration of their full independence (following Lithuania's 1990 example). Gorbachev resigned as general secretary in late August, and soon afterwards, the party's activities were indefinitely suspended—effectively ending its rule. By the fall, Gorbachev could no longer influence events outside Moscow, and he was being challenged even there by Yeltsin, who had been elected President of Russia in July 1991.
Later in August, Gorbachev resigned as general secretary of the Communist party, and Russian President Boris Yeltsin ordered the seizure of Soviet property. Gorbachev clung to power as the President of the Soviet Union until 25 December 1991, when the USSR dissolved.[456] Fifteen states emerged from the Soviet Union, with by far the largest and most populous one (which also was the founder of the Soviet state with the October Revolution in Petrograd), the Russian Federation, taking full responsibility for all the rights and obligations of the USSR under the Charter of the United Nations, including the financial obligations. As such, Russia assumed the Soviet Union's UN membership and permanent membership on the Security Council, nuclear stockpile and the control over the armed forces; Soviet embassies abroad became Russian embassies.[13]
In his 1992 State of the Union Address, US President George H. W. Bush expressed his emotions: "The biggest thing that has happened in the world in my life, in our lives, is this: By the grace of God, America won the Cold War."[457] Bush and Yeltsin met in February 1992, declaring a new era of "friendship and partnership".[458] In January 1993, Bush and Yeltsin agreed to START II, which provided for further nuclear arms reductions on top of the original START treaty.[459]
Aftermath
In summing up the international ramifications of these events, Vladislav Zubok stated: 'The collapse of the Soviet empire was an event of epochal geopolitical, military, ideological, and economic significance.'[460]
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia drastically cut military spending, and restructuring the economy left millions unemployed.[461] According to Western analysis, the neoliberal reforms in Russia culminated in a recession in the early 1990s more severe than the Great Depression as experienced by the United States and Germany.[462] Western analysts suggest that in the 25 years following the end of the Cold War, only five or six of the post-communist states are on a path to joining the rich and capitalist world while most are falling behind, some to such an extent that it will take several decades to catch up to where they were before the collapse of communism.[463][464]
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania consider themselves as revivals of the three independent countries that existed prior to their occupation and annexation by the Soviet Union in 1940. They maintain that the process by which they were incorporated into the Soviet Union violated both international law and their own law, and that in 1990–1991 they were reasserting an independence that still legally existed.
Communist parties outside the Baltic states were not outlawed and their members were not prosecuted. Just a few places attempted to exclude members of communist secret services from decision-making. In some countries, the communist party changed its name and continued to function.[465]
Decommunization
Stephen Holmes of the University of Chicago argued in 1996 that decommunization, after a brief active period, quickly ended in near-universal failure. After the introduction of lustration, demand for scapegoats has become relatively low, and former communists have been elected for high governmental and other administrative positions. Holmes notes that the only real exception was former East Germany, where thousands of former Stasi informers have been fired from public positions.[466]
Holmes suggests the following reasons for the failure of decommunization:[466]
- After 45–70 years of communist rule, nearly every family has members associated with the state. After the initial desire "to root out the reds" came a realization that massive punishment is wrong and finding only some guilty is hardly justice.
- The urgency of the current economic problems of postcommunism makes the crimes of the communist past "old news" for many citizens.
- Decommunization is believed to be a power game of elites.
- The difficulty of dislodging the social elite makes it require a totalitarian state to disenfranchise the "enemies of the people" quickly and efficiently and a desire for normalcy overcomes the desire for punitive justice.
- Very few people have a perfectly clean slate and so are available to fill the positions that require significant expertise.
Compared with the decommunization efforts of the other former constituents of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, decommunization in Russia has been restricted to half-measures, if conducted at all.[467] Notable anti-communist measures in the Russian Federation include the banning of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (and the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) as well as changing the names of some Russian cities back to what they were before the 1917 October Revolution (Leningrad to Saint Petersburg, Sverdlovsk to Yekaterinburg and Gorky to Nizhny Novgorod),[468] though others were maintained, with Ulyanovsk (former Simbirsk), Tolyatti (former Stavropol) and Kirov (former Vyatka) being examples. Even though Leningrad and Sverdlovsk were renamed, regions that were named after them are still officially called Leningrad and Sverdlovsk oblasts.
Nostalgia for the Soviet Union is gradually on the rise in Russia.[469] Communist symbols continue to form an important part of the rhetoric used in state-controlled media, as banning on them in other countries is seen by the Russian foreign ministry as "sacrilege" and "a perverse idea of good and evil".[468] The process of decommunization in Ukraine, a neighbouring post-Soviet state, was met with fierce criticism by Russia,[468] who regularly dismisses Soviet war crimes.[470] The State Anthem of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2000 (the same year Vladimir Putin began his first term as president of Russia), uses the exact same music as the State Anthem of the Soviet Union, but with new lyrics written by Sergey Mikhalkov.
Conversely, decommunization in Ukraine started during and after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991[471] With the success of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014, the Ukrainian government approved laws that outlawed communist symbols.[472]
On 15 May 2015, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko signed a set of laws that started a six-month period for the removal of communist monuments (excluding World War II monuments) and renaming of public places named after communist-related themes.[473][474] At the time, this meant that 22 cities and 44 villages were set to get new names.[475] Until 21 November 2015, municipal governments had the authority to implement this;[476] if they failed to do so, the Oblasts of Ukraine had until 21 May 2016 to change the names.[476] If after that date the settlement had retained its old name, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine would wield authority to assign a new name to the settlement.[476] In 2016, 51,493 streets and 987 cities and villages were renamed, and 1,320 Lenin monuments and 1,069 monuments to other communist figures removed.[477] Violation of the law carries a penalty of a potential media ban and prison sentences of up to five years.[478][479]
On 24 July 2015, the Ministry of the Interior stripped the Communist Party of Ukraine, the Communist Party of Ukraine (renewed), and the Communist Party of Workers and Peasants of their right to participate in elections and stated it was continuing the court actions that started in July 2014 to end the registration of communist parties in Ukraine.[480] By 16 December 2015, these three parties had been banned in Ukraine; the Communist Party of Ukraine appealed the ban to the European Court of Human Rights.[481][482][483]
Influence
The Cold War continues to influence world affairs. The post-Cold War world is considered to be unipolar, with the United States the sole remaining superpower.[T][484] The Cold War defined the political role of the United States after World War II—by 1989 the United States had military alliances with 50 countries, with 526,000 troops stationed abroad,[485] with 326,000 in Europe (two-thirds of which were in West Germany)[486] and 130,000 in Asia (mainly Japan and South Korea).[485] The Cold War also marked the zenith of peacetime military–industrial complexes, especially in the Soviet Union and the United States, and large-scale military funding of science.[487] These complexes, though their origins may be found as early as the 19th century, snowballed considerably during the Cold War.[488]
Cumulative US military expenditures throughout the entire Cold War amounted to an estimated $8 trillion. Further nearly 100,000 Americans died in the Korean and Vietnam Wars.[489] Although Soviet casualties are difficult to estimate, as a share of gross national product the financial cost for the Soviet Union was much higher than that incurred by the United States.[490]
In addition to the loss of life by uniformed soldiers, millions died in the superpowers' proxy wars around the globe, most notably in eastern Asia.[491][492] Most of the proxy wars and subsidies for local conflicts ended along with the Cold War; interstate wars, ethnic wars, revolutionary wars, as well as refugee and displaced persons crises have declined sharply in the post-Cold War years.[U]
However, the aftermath of the Cold War is not considered to be concluded. Many of the economic and social tensions that were exploited to fuel Cold War competition in parts of the Third World remain acute. The breakdown of state control in a number of areas formerly ruled by communist governments produced new civil and ethnic conflicts, particularly in the former Yugoslavia. In Central and Eastern Europe, the end of the Cold War has ushered in an era of economic growth and an increase in the number of liberal democracies, while in other parts of the world, such as Afghanistan, independence was accompanied by state failure.[373]
In popular culture
During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union invested heavily in propaganda designed to influence people around the world, especially using motion pictures.[493][page needed] The Cold War endures as a popular topic reflected in entertainment media, and continuing to the present with post-1991 Cold War-themed feature films, novels, television and web series, and other media. In 2013, a KGB-sleeper-agents-living-next-door action drama series, The Americans, set in the early 1980s, was ranked No. 6 on the Metacritic annual Best New TV Shows list; its six-season run concluded in May 2018.[494][495]
Historiography
As soon as the term "Cold War" was popularized to refer to post-war tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union, interpreting the course and origins of the conflict has been a source of heated controversy among historians, political scientists, and journalists.[496] In particular, historians have sharply disagreed as to who was responsible for the breakdown of Soviet–US relations after the Second World War; and whether the conflict between the two superpowers was inevitable or could have been avoided.[497] Historians have also disagreed on what exactly the Cold War was, what the sources of the conflict were, and how to disentangle patterns of action and reaction between the two sides.[373]
Although explanations of the origins of the conflict in academic discussions are complex and diverse, several general schools of thought on the subject can be identified. Historians commonly speak of three different approaches to the study of the Cold War: "orthodox" accounts, "revisionism", and "post-revisionism".[487]
"Orthodox" accounts place responsibility for the Cold War on the Soviet Union and its expansion further into Europe.[487] "Revisionist" writers place more responsibility for the breakdown of post-war peace on the United States, citing a range of US efforts to isolate and confront the Soviet Union well before the end of World War II.[487] "Post-revisionists" see the events of the Cold War as more nuanced and attempt to be more balanced in determining what occurred during the Cold War.[487] Much of the historiography on the Cold War weaves together two or even all three of these broad categories.[72]
See also
Footnotes
- ^ Historians do not fully agree on its starting and ending points, but the period is generally considered to span from the announcement of the Truman Doctrine on 12 March 1947 to the dissolution of the Soviet Union on 26 December 1991.[1]
- ^ "Where did banana republics get their name?" The Economist, 21 November 2013
- ^ Strobe Talbott, The Great Experiment: The Story of Ancient Empires, Modern States, and the Quest for a Global Nation (2009) p. 441 n. 3; Lippmann's own book is Lippmann, Walter (1947). The Cold War. Harper. ISBN 9780598864048.
- ^ "Left Communist | Russian political faction". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 30 September 2018.
- ^ Max Frankel, "Stalin's Shadow", New York Times 21 Nov 2012 reviewing Anne Applebaum, Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1944–1956 (2012), See Introduction, text after note 26, and ch. 3, 7–9
- ^ United States Government Printing Office, Report on the Morgenthau Diaries prepared by the Subcommittee of the United States Committee of the Judiciary appointed to investigate the Administration of the McCarran Internal Security Act and other Internal Security Laws, (Washington, 1967) volume 1, pp. 620–621
- ^ "South Korea's President Rhee was obsessed with accomplishing early reunification through military means. The Truman administration's fear that Rhee would launch an invasion prompted it to limit South Korea's military capabilities, refusing to provide tanks, heavy artillery, and combat planes. This did not stop the South Koreans from initiating most of the border clashes with North Korean forces at the thirty-eighth parallel beginning in the summer of 1948 and reaching a high level of intensity and violence a year later. Historians now acknowledge that the two Koreas already were waging a civil conflict when North Korea's attack opened the conventional phase of the war.""Revisiting Korea". National Archives. 15 August 2016. Retrieved 21 June 2019.
- ^ "Contradicting traditional assumptions, however, available declassified Soviet documents demonstrate that throughout 1949 Stalin consistently refused to approve Kim Il Sung's persistent requests to approve an invasion of South Korea. The Soviet leader believed that North Korea had not achieved either military superiority north of the parallel or political strength south of that line. His main concern was the threat South Korea posed to North Korea's survival, for example fearing an invasion northward following U.S. military withdrawal in June 1949.""Revisiting Korea". National Archives. 15 August 2016. Retrieved 21 June 2019.
- ^ "We Will Bury You!", Time magazine, 26 November 1956. Retrieved 26 June 2008.
- ^ See also: U.S. Cold War Nuclear Target Lists Declassified for First Time. National Security Archive. 22 December 2015.
- ^ "Revolt in Hungary". Archived from the original on 17 November 2007. Narrator: Walter Cronkite, producer: CBS (1956) – Fonds 306, Audiovisual Materials Relating to the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, OSA Archivum, Budapest, Hungary ID number: HU OSA 306-0-1:40
- ^ "On This Day 16 June 1989: Hungary reburies fallen hero Imre Nagy" British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) reports on Nagy reburial with full honors. Retrieved 13 October 2006.
- ^ 34,374,483 square kilometres (13,272,062 sq mi).
- ^ National Research Council Committee on Antarctic Policy and Science, p. 33
- ^ "Military Advisors in Vietnam: 1963 | JFK Library". www.jfklibrary.org. Retrieved 21 June 2019.
- ^ Vietnam War Statistics and Facts 1, 25th Aviation Battalion website.
- ^ Ello (ed.), Paul (April 1968). Control Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, "Action Plan of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Prague, April 1968)" in Dubcek's Blueprint for Freedom: His original documents leading to the invasion of Czechoslovakia. William Kimber & Co. 1968, pp. 32, 54
- ^ Miglietta, American Alliance Policy (2002), p. 78. "American military goods were provided by Egypt and Iran, which transferred excess arms from their inventories. It was said that American M-48 tanks sold to Iran were shipped to Somalia via Oman."
- ^ "Official Energy Statistics of the US Government", EIA – International Energy Data and Analysis. Retrieved on 4 July 2008.
- ^ "Country profile: United States of America". BBC News. Retrieved 11 March 2007
- ^ Monty G. Marshall and Ted Gurr, "Peace and Conflict" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 June 2008. Retrieved 1 June 2016., Center for Systemic Peace (2006). Retrieved 14 June 2008. "Peace and Conflict" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 June 2008. Retrieved 1 June 2016.
References
- ^ Service, Robert (2015). The End of the Cold War: 1985–1991. Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4472-8728-5.
- ^ Sempa, Francis (12 July 2017). Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the 21st Century. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-51768-3.
- ^ G. Jones 2014, pp. 176–179.
- ^ Orwell 1945.
- ^ Orwell 1946.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 54.
- ^ Safire, William (October 2006). "Opinion | Language: Islamofascism, anyone? – Editorials & Commentary – International Herald Tribune". The New York Times.
- ^ Glass, Andrew (16 April 2016). "Bernard Baruch coins term 'Cold War,' April 16, 1947". Politico. Retrieved 13 November 2022.
- ^ The Warsaw Pact Reconsidered: International Relations in Eastern Europe, 1955–1969 Laurien Crump Routledge, pp. 17, 11 February 2015
- ^ The Warsaw Pact Reconsidered: International Relations in Eastern Europe, 1955–1969 Laurien Crump Routledge, p. 1, 11 February 2015
- ^ Laurien Crump (2015). The Warsaw Pact Reconsidered: International Relations in Eastern Europe, 1955–1969. Routledge. p. 1.
- ^ Bob Reinalda (11 September 2009). Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present Day. Routledge. p. 369. ISBN 978-1-134-02405-6. Archived from the original on 1 January 2016. Retrieved 1 January 2016.
- ^ Jump up to: a b "INFCIRC/397 – Note to the Director General from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation". 23 November 2003. Archived from the original on 23 November 2003.
- ^ "How Lenin's Red Terror set a macabre course for the Soviet Union". National Geographic Society. 2 September 2020. Archived from the original on 22 February 2021.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Tucker 2016, p. 608.
- ^ Combs 2015, pp. 97–101.
- ^ Chretien 2017, p. 129.
- ^ Senior 2016, p. 176.
- ^ Kinvig 2007, p. 91–95.
- ^ Mawdsley, Evan (1 March 2007). The Russian Civil War. Pegasus Books. p. 287. ISBN 978-1-933648-15-6.
- ^ "War Communism". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 8 June 2023.
- ^ Benjamin M. Weissman, "Herbert Hoover and the famine in Soviet Russia, 1921–23" in Mark Hatfield, ed. Herbert Hoover Reassessed (1981) pp 390–396.
- ^ Bertrand M. Patenaude, "A Race against Anarchy: Even after the Great War ended, famine and chaos threatened Europe. Herbert Hoover rescued the continent, reviving trade, rebuilding infrastructure, and restoring economic order, holding a budding Bolshevism in check." Hoover Digest 2 (2020): 183–200 online
- ^ See Lance Yoder's "Historical Sketch" in the online Mennonite Central Committee Photograph Collection Archived 4 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ See David McFadden et al., Constructive Spirit: Quakers in Revolutionary Russia (2004).
- ^ Charles M. Edmondson, "An Inquiry into the Termination of Soviet Famine Relief Programmes and the Renewal of Grain Export, 1922–23", Soviet Studies, Vol. 33, No. 3 (1981), pp. 370–385
- ^ Robert English (2000). Russia and the Idea of the West: Gorbachev, Intellectuals, and the End of the Cold War. Columbia University Press. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-231-50474-4. Archived from the original on 29 July 2020. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
- ^ Kevin McDermott and Jeremy Agnew, The Comintern: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin (1996)
- ^ Douglas Little, "Anti-Bolshevism and American Foreign Policy, 1919–1939" American Quarterly (1983) 35#4 pp 376–390 at p 378.
- ^ Little, p 178
- ^ Little, p 378–79.
- ^ Little, p 379.
- ^ Kendall E. Bailes, "The American Connection: Ideology and the Transfer of American Technology to the Soviet Union, 1917–1941." Comparative Studies in Society and History 23#3 (1981): 421–448.
- ^ Dana G. Dalrymple, "The American tractor comes to Soviet agriculture: The transfer of a technology." Technology and Culture 5.2 (1964): 191–214.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 341–343.
- ^ Doenecke & Stoler 2005, pp. 18, 121.
- ^ Brownell & Billings 1987.
- ^ Haro, Lea (2011). "Entering a Theoretical Void: The Theory of Social Fascism and Stalinism in the German Communist Party". Critique: Journal of Socialist Theory. 39 (4): 563–582. doi:10.1080/03017605.2011.621248. ISSN 0301-7605. S2CID 146848013.
- ^ Hoppe, Bert (2011). In Stalins Gefolgschaft: Moskau und die KPD 1928–1933 (in German). Oldenbourg Verlag. ISBN 9783486711738.
- ^ Yegorov, Oleg (26 September 2019). "Why didn't the USSR join Allies in 1939?". Russia Beyond. Archived from the original on 6 February 2022. Retrieved 5 February 2022.
- ^ Andrew Roth (23 August 2019). "Molotov-Ribbentrop: why is Moscow trying to justify Nazi pact?". The Guardian.
- ^ Leffler 2008, pp. 18–19.
- ^ Kalnins 2015, pp. 126–127.
- ^ USSR expelled from the League of Nations Archived 14 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine. www.history.com. 5 November 2009
- ^ Tucker 2016, pp. 612–613.
- ^ De Gruyter 2010, pp. 171–172.
- ^ Otfinoski 2014, p. 14.
- ^ Duiker, William J. (31 August 2009). Contemporary World History. Wadsworth Pub Co. p. 128. ISBN 978-0-495-57271-8. Archived from the original on 22 June 2020. Retrieved 25 May 2020.
- ^ Herring 1973.
- ^ Gaddis 1990, pp. 151–153.
- ^ Zaloga (Armored Thunderbolt) p. 28, 30, 31
- ^ Lend-Lease Shipments: World War II, Section IIIB, Published by Office, Chief of Finance, War Department, 31 December 1946, p. 8.
- ^ Hardesty 1991, p. 253
- ^ World War II The War Against Germany And Italy Archived 6 May 2017 at the Wayback Machine, US Army Center Of Military History, page 158.
- ^ "The five Lend-Lease routes to Russia". Engines of the Red Army. Archived from the original on 12 December 2003. Retrieved 12 July 2014.
- ^ Motter, T.H. Vail (1952). The Persian Corridor and Aid to Russia. Center of Military History. pp. 4–6. Retrieved 12 July 2014.
- ^ Denunciation of the neutrality pact Archived 20 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine 5 April 1945. (Avalon Project at Yale University)
- ^ Soviet Declaration of War on Japan Archived 20 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine, 8 August 1945. (Avalon Project at Yale University)
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Gaddis 2005, pp. 13–23.
- ^ Gaddis 1990, p. 156.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Plokhy 2010.
- ^ Gaddis 1990, p. 176.
- ^ Heller 2006, p. 27: "From the Soviet perspective, a postwar period of peace and reconstruction was indispensable. Therefore, the continuation of cooperation and peaceful relations with its wartime allies, the United States and Great Britain, was greatly to be desired."
- ^ Carlton 2000.
- ^ Todd 2016, pp. 105–111.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, p. 21.
- ^ Jonas 1985, p. 270.
- ^ Zubok & Pleshakov 1996, p. 94.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 22.
- ^ Glennon 2003.
- ^ Garthoff 1994, p. 401.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Byrd 2003.
- ^ Moss 1993, p. 256.
- ^ Wood 2005, p. 62.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Gaddis 2005, pp. 24–26.
- ^ LaFeber 2002, p. 28.
- ^ Hart-Landsberg, Martin, Korea: Division, Reunification, & U.S. Foreign Policy, Monthly Review Press (1998), p. 65
- ^ Cumings, Bruce, The Origins of the Korean War, Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945–1947, Princeton University Press (1981), p. 88
- ^ Cumings, Bruce (1981). The Origins of the Korean War, Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945–1947. Princeton University Press. pp. 196–197, 392–393, 408.
- ^ Armstrong, Charles (2004). The North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950 (1st ed.). Cornell University Press. p. 54.
- ^ Roberts 2006, p. 43.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Wettig 2008, p. 21.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Senn 2007.
- ^ Roberts 2006, p. 55.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Schmitz 1999.
- ^ van Dijk 2008, p. 200.
- ^ Cook 2001, p. 17.
- ^ Roht-Arriaza 1995, p. 83.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 40.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Gaddis 2005, p. 34.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 100.
- ^ Mark Kramer, "The Soviet Bloc and the Cold War in Europe", in Larresm, Klaus, ed. (2014). A Companion to Europe Since 1945. Wiley. p. 79. ISBN 978-1-118-89024-0.
- ^ Fenton 1998.
- ^ Ganser, Daniele (2005). NATO's secret armies : operation Gladio and terrorism in Western Europe. London: Frank Cass. ISBN 9780714656076.
- ^ "This Day in History: George Kennan Sends "Long Telegram"". Truman Library Institute. 22 February 2021. Retrieved 27 October 2021.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Hasanli 2014, pp. 221–222.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Sebestyen 2014.
- ^ Kinzer 2003, pp. 65–66.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 94.
- ^ Harriman 1987–1988.
- ^ Marxists Internet Archive.
- ^ McCauley 2008, p. 143.
- ^ Roberts, Geoffrey (2011). "Moscow's Cold War on the Periphery: Soviet Policy in Greece, Iran, and Turkey, 1943–8". Journal of Contemporary History. 46 (1): 58–81. doi:10.1177/0022009410383292. hdl:20.500.12323/1406. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 25764609. S2CID 161542583.
- ^ Kydd 2018, p. 107.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 30.
- ^ "Secretary of State James Byrnes. Restatement of Policy on Germany. September 6, 1946". usa.usembassy.de. Retrieved 5 November 2022.
- ^ Milestones: 1945–1952.
- ^ Iatrides 1996, pp. 373–376.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, pp. 28–29.
- ^ Gerolymatos 2017, pp. 195–204.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m LaFeber 1993, pp. 194–197.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 38.
- ^ Paterson 1989, pp. 35, 142, 212.
- ^ Moschonas 2002, p. 21.
- ^ Andrew & Mitrokhin 2000, p. 276.
- ^ Crocker, Hampson & Aall 2007, p. 55.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Miller 2000, p. 16.
- ^ Gaddis 1990, p. 186.
- ^ Dinan 2017, p. 40.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l Karabell 1999, p. 916.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Gaddis 2005, p. 32.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, pp. 105–106.
- ^ Wettig 2008, p. 86.
- ^ Miller 2000, p. 19.
- ^ Grenville 2005, pp. 370–371.
- ^ Wettig 2008, pp. 96–100.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 162.
- ^ Garthoff 2004.
- ^ "8 Spies Who Leaked Atomic Bomb Intelligence to the Soviets". HISTORY. 21 July 2023.
- ^ Christopher Andrew, The Sword And The Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB (1999).
- ^ Raymond L. Garthoff, "Foreign intelligence and the historiography of the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 6.2 (2004): 21–56.
- ^ Michael F. Hopkins, "Continuing debate and new approaches in Cold War history." Historical Journal 50.4 (2007): 913–934.
- ^ Garth Jowett; Victoria O'Donnell (2005), "What Is Propaganda, and How Does It Differ From Persuasion?", Propaganda and Persuasion, Sage Publications, pp. 21–23, ISBN 978-1-4129-0898-6,
In fact, the word disinformation is a cognate for the Russian dezinformatsia, taken from the name of a division of the KGB devoted to black propaganda.
- ^ "Before 'fake news,' there was Soviet 'disinformation'". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 13 November 2021.
- ^ Garthoff 2004, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Benson, Robert Louis; Warner, Michael (1996). Venona Soviet Espionage and the American Response 1939–1957. National Security Agency. pp. vii, xix. Retrieved 17 September 2021.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Moynihan, Daniel Patrick (1998). Secrecy: The American Experience. Yale University Press. pp. 15–16. ISBN 978-0-300-08079-7.
- ^ Jump up to: a b West, Nigel (1 March 2002). "'Venona': the British dimension". Intelligence and National Security. 17 (1): 117–134. doi:10.1080/02684520412331306440. ISSN 0268-4527. S2CID 145696471.
- ^ Benson, Robert Louis; Warner, Michael (1996). Venona Soviet Espionage and the American Response 1939–1957. National Security Agency. pp. xxvii, xxviii. Retrieved 17 September 2021.
- ^ "Did Truman Know about Venona?". fas.org. Retrieved 12 June 2021.
- ^ Moynihan, Daniel Patrick (1998). Secrecy: The American Experience. Yale University Press. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-300-08079-7.
- ^ Cowley 1996 p. 157
- ^ Epstein, Edward Jay. "Secrets of the Teheren Archive". www.edwardjayepstein.com. Archived from the original on 17 February 2001. Retrieved 13 November 2021.
- ^ Epstein, Edward Jay. "Secrets of the Teheren Archive (page 2)". www.edwardjayepstein.com. Archived from the original on 23 February 2001. Retrieved 13 November 2021.
- ^ "KGB Active Measures – Russia / Soviet Intelligence Agencies". irp.fas.org. Retrieved 13 November 2021.
- ^ Interview of Oleg Kalugin on CNN Archived 27 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "The Soviet-Chinese Spy Wars in the 1970s: What KGB Counterintelligence Knew, Part II | Wilson Center". www.wilsoncenter.org. Retrieved 13 November 2021.
- ^ Papathanasiou 2017, p. 66.
- ^ Christian Jennings "Flashpoint Trieste: The First Battle of the Cold War", (2017), pp. 244.
- ^ Karlo Ruzicic-Kessler "Togliatti, Tito and the Shadow of Moscow 1944/45–1948: Post-War Territorial Disputes and the Communist World", in Journal of European Integration History, (2014) vol 2.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Miller 2000, p. 13.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Miller 2000, p. 18.
- ^ Miller 2000, p. 31.
- ^ Layne 2007, p. 67.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 33.
- ^ Miller 2000, pp. 65–70.
- ^ Turner 1987, p. 29.
- ^ Fritsch-Bournazel 1990, p. 143.
- ^ Miller 2000, p. 26.
- ^ Daum 2008, pp. 11–13, 41.
- ^ Miller 2000, pp. 180–181.
- ^ van Dijk 1996.
- ^ Turner 1987, p. 23.
- ^ Bungert 1994.
- ^ O'Neil 1997, pp. 15–25.
- ^ Wood 1992, p. 105.
- ^ Puddington 2003, p. 131.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Puddington 2003, p. 9.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Пуддингтон 2003 , с. 7.
- ^ Голос Америки и свободы: странная политика. (на английском языке) // Слушания по вопросу обращения федерального правительства с перебежчиками из советского и коммунистического блоков в Постоянном подкомитете Сената США по расследованиям, Вашингтон, округ Колумбия, 8 октября 1987 г. - С. 6 {406}.
- ^ Бэмфорд, Джеймс . [1] Архивировано 9 ноября 2017 г. в Wayback Machine Books of The Times; Лабиринт шпионажа в холодной войне. (на английском языке) // Нью-Йорк Таймс . - 4 июля 2003 г.
- ^ Пуддингтон 2003 , с. 10.
- ^ Каммингс 2010 .
- ^ Бейснер, Роберт Л. (2006). Дин Ачесон: жизнь в годы холодной войны . Оксфорд: Издательство Оксфордского университета. стр. 356–374. ISBN 9780195045789 .
- ^ Снайдер, Дэвид Р. (апрель 2002 г.). «Вооружение Бундесмарины: Соединенные Штаты и наращивание федерального флота Германии, 1950–1960». Журнал военной истории . 66 (2): 477–500. дои : 10.2307/3093068 . JSTOR 3093068 .
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 105.
- ^ Дэвид К. Лардж, Немцы на фронте: перевооружение Западной Германии в эпоху Аденауэра (U of North Carolina Press, 1996).
- ^ Джеймс Г. Хершберг, «Взрыв в ближайшем будущем: перевооружение Германии и американская дипломатия, 1953–1955». Дипломатическая история 16.4 (1992): 511–550.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 39.
- ^ Вестад 2012 , стр. 291.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Лейн 2007 , стр. 63–66.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с Гэддис 2005 , с. 212.
- ^ Харуки 2018 , стр. 7–12.
- ^ Штуек 2013 , стр. 252–256.
- ^ Уэзерсби 1993 , стр. 28, 30.
- ^ Малкасян 2001 , с. 16.
- ^ Ференбах 2001 , с. 305.
- ^ Крейг и Логевалл, 2012 , с. 118.
- ^ Матрай 1979 .
- ^ Патерсон и др. 2014 , стр. 286–289.
- ^ Исби и Кампс 1985 , стр. 13–14.
- ^ Коттон 1989 , с. 100.
- ^ Обердорфер 2001 , стр. 10–11.
- ^ Нет и Остерхольм 1996 .
- ^ Хван 2016 , стр. 61–70.
- ^ Су 2013 , стр. 25–35.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 84.
- ^ Tompson 1997 , pp. 237–239.
- ^ Брэднер 2015 .
- ^ Патерсон и др. 2014 , стр. 306–308.
- ^ Шудсон 2015 .
- ^ Ханна 2013 , с. 372.
- ^ Би-би-си, 1956 .
- ^ Генеральная Ассамблея ООН, 1957 год .
- ^ Холодков 1956 .
- ^ Cseresnyés 1999 , стр. 86–101.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 70.
- ^ Перлмуттер 1997 , с. 145.
- ^ Ньёльстад 2004 , с. 136.
- ^ Бреслауер 2002 , с. 72.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Лендвай 2008 , стр. 196.
- ^ Дэвид Стефанчич, «План Рапаки: пример европейской дипломатии». East European Quarterly 21.4 (1987): 401–412.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 71.
- ^ Таубман 2004 , стр. 488–502.
- ^ Херринг 2008 , стр. 704–705.
- ^ Нэш, Филип (1 декабря 1993 г.). «Ядерное оружие во внешней политике Кеннеди». Историк . 56 (2): 285–300. дои : 10.1111/j.1540-6563.1994.tb01309.x .
- ^ Уоррен, Эйден; Сиракузы, Джозеф М. (2021). «Ядерная дилемма Кеннеди». Президенты США и ядерная дипломатия холодной войны . Чам, Швейцария: Springer Nature / Palgrave Macmillan . стр. 95–124. дои : 10.1007/978-3-030-61954-1 . ISBN 978-3-030-61954-1 . S2CID 234294333 .
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , стр. 121–124.
- ^ Таул 2000 , с. 160.
- ^ Такер 2010 , с. 1566.
- ^ Карабелл 1999 , стр. 64, 916.
- ^ Гасиоровски и Бирн 2004 , с. 125.
- ^ Смит 1953 .
- ^ Университет Джорджа Вашингтона, 1953 .
- ^ Уотсон 2002 , с. 118.
- ^ Стоун 2010 , стр. 199, 256.
- ^ Балмер-Томас 1987 , с. 142.
- ^ Ночь дорог 2002 .
- ^ Чжун-Нталья 2011 , с. 108.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Шредер 1994 , с. 57.
- ^ Нзонгола-Нталаджа 2011 .
- ^ Джерард 2015 , стр. 216–218.
- ^ Роуз 2002 , с. 57.
- ^ Марс и Янг 2004 , с. XVIII.
- ^ Палмер 2010 , стр. 247–248.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 126.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Гэддис 2005 , с. 142.
- ^ Кемпе 2011 , с. 42.
- ^ Люти 2010 , стр. 273–276.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , стр. 140–142.
- ^ Люти 2010 , с. 1.
- ^ МакМахон 2003 , стр. 75–76.
- ^ Би-би-си, 1957 .
- ^ Журнал, Смитсоновский институт; Клезиус, Майк. «Смело идти» . Смитсоновский журнал . Проверено 5 ноября 2022 г.
- ^ Дас, Сасвато Р. (16 июля 2009 г.). «Посадка на Луну глазами СССР: вопросы и ответы с Сергеем Хрущёвым, сыном бывшего премьер-министра Никиты Хрущёва» . Научный американец . Архивировано из оригинала 25 февраля 2021 года . Проверено 7 января 2019 г.
- ^ «РАЗВЕДКА США И СОВЕТСКАЯ КОСМИЧЕСКАЯ ПРОГРАММА» . nsarchive2.gwu.edu . Проверено 27 октября 2021 г.
- ^ «Советско-американское сотрудничество в космосе, часть 1: От Юрия Гагарина до «Аполлона-Союза» | Архив национальной безопасности» . nsarchive.gwu.edu . Проверено 27 октября 2021 г.
- ^ Блумберг 1995 , стр. 23–24.
- ^ Борн 1986 , стр. 181–183; Quirk 1993 , стр. 248–252; Кольтман 2003 , с. 162.
- ^ Тяжелый салат 2001 , с. 142.
- ^ Домингес 1989 , с. 22.
- ^ «Пора перестать говорить, что Джон Кеннеди унаследовал операцию в заливе Свиней от Айка | History News Network» . Historynewsnetwork.org . 5 декабря 2015 г. Архивировано из оригинала 26 июля 2020 г. . Проверено 3 сентября 2020 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Смит 1998 , с. 95.
- ^ Басевич, Андрей (2010). Вашингтон правит: путь Америки к перманентной войне (Первое изд.). Нью-Йорк: Генри Холт и компания . стр. 77–80. ISBN 978-1-4299-4326-0 .
- ^ Франклин, Джейн (2016). Куба и империя США: хронологическая история . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Нью-Йоркского университета . стр. 45–63, 388–392 и т. д . ISBN 978-1-58367-605-9 .
- ^ Прадос, Джон; Хименес-Бакарди, Артуро, ред. (3 октября 2019 г.). Кеннеди и Куба: операция «Мангуст» . Архив национальной безопасности (Отчет). Вашингтон, округ Колумбия : Университет Джорджа Вашингтона . Архивировано из оригинала 2 ноября 2019 года . Проверено 3 апреля 2020 г. .
В меморандуме не отражено никакого беспокойства по поводу международного права или негласного характера этих операций как террористических атак.
- ^ Отчет о международной политике (Отчет). Вашингтон, округ Колумбия : Центр международной политики . 1977. стр. 10–12.
Для координации и ведения войны террора и разрушения в начале 1960-х годов ЦРУ создало оперативную базу, известную как JMWAVE.
- ^ Miller, Nicola (2002). "The Real Gap in the Cuban Missile Crisis: The Post-Cold-War Historiography and Continued Omission of Cuba". In Carter, Dale; Clifton, Robin (eds.). War and Cold War in American foreign policy, 1942–62. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 211–237. ISBN 978-1-4039-1385-2.
- ^ Schoultz, Lars (2009). "State Sponsored Terrorism". That infernal little Cuban republic : the United States and the Cuban Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. pp. 170–211. ISBN 978-0-8078-8860-5.
- ^ [254][255][256][257][258][259]
- ^ Dowty 1989, p. 114.
- ^ "Berlin Wall". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 9 August 2023.
- ^ Harrison 2003, p. 99.
- ^ Dowty 1989, p. 122.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 114.
- ^ Daum 2008, p. 27.
- ^ Pearson 1998, p. 75.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Zubok 1994.
- ^ H. Jones 2009, p. 122.
- ^ Blight, Allyn & Welch 2002, p. 252.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 82.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, pp. 119–120.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 119.
- ^ William Taubman, Khrushchev: The Man and His Era (2004) p. 579.
- ^ Jeffery D. Shields (7 March 2016). "The Malin Notes: Glimpses Inside the Kremlin during the Cuban Missile Crisis" (PDF). Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
- ^ Hardt & Kaufman 1995, p. 16.
- ^ Milestones: 1969–1976.
- ^ Painter 2014.
- ^ Miller & Wainstock 2013, pp. 315–325.
- ^ Koven 2015, p. 93.
- ^ Tucker 2011, p. 131.
- ^ Glass 2017.
- ^ Kalb 2013.
- ^ Crespino, Joseph (March 2020). "A Nation Ruled by Its Fears". Reviews in American History. 48 (1): 119–123. doi:10.1353/rah.2020.0016. (quoting p. 123)
- ^ Menon 2000, p. 11.
- ^ Nuenlist, Locher & Martin 2010, pp. 99–102.
- ^ The Cold War and the Treaty of 1948 from the Library of Congress (the Country Studies)
- ^ Ekholm, Kai (2001). "Political Censorship in Finnish Libraries in 1944–1946". Libraries & Culture. 36 (1): 51–57. doi:10.1353/lac.2001.0008. S2CID 152952804.
- ^ Mäkinen, Ilkka. 2001. The golden age of Finnish public libraries : institutional, structural and ideological background since the 1960s. p. 131
- ^ Keller, Bill; Times, Special To the New York (26 October 1989). "Gorbachev, in Finland, Disavows Any Right of Regional Intervention (Published 1989)". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 16 March 2021.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Jukka Rislakki (1982). Erittäin salainen. Vakoilu Suomessa (in Finnish). LOVE KIRJAT. pp. 440–454. ISBN 951-835-057-4.
- ^ "Finland and American intelligence – Secret history". The Economist. 1 December 2011. Retrieved 16 August 2020.
- ^ Helin, Satu (2 July 2017). "Naisia, autoja ja piilopirttejä – Norjalainen vakoili CIA:n laskuun kylmän sodan Suomessa" (in Finnish). YLE. Retrieved 16 August 2020.
- ^ Lehto, Mika (19 September 2018). "Näin Neuvostoliitto vakoili Suomessa – Supo seurasi "Jakkea", joka johdatti uusille jäljille". Ilta-Sanomat (in Finnish). Retrieved 16 August 2020.
- ^ Growth and Equity in Finland, World Bank
- ^ Von Geldern & Siegelbaum.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, p. 150.
- ^ BBC 2008.
- ^ Čulík 1998.
- ^ "Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia". 31 July 2017. Archived from the original on 31 July 2017. Retrieved 5 November 2022.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, p. 154.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 153.
- ^ LaFeber 1993a, pp. 186–190.
- ^ LaFeber 1993a, p. 191.
- ^ LaFeber 1993a, pp. 194–97.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Itzigsohn 2000, pp. 41–42.
- ^ Robinson 2018, p. 203.
- ^ Simpson 2010, p. 193.
- ^ Thaler 2015.
- ^ Perry 2016.
- ^ Bevins 2017.
- ^ Farid 2005, pp. 3–16.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Aarons 2007.
- ^ Bevins 2020, p. 2.
- ^ Scott 2017.
- ^ Stone 2010, p. 230.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Grenville & Wasserstein 1987.
- ^ Quandt, William (2005). Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab–Israeli Conflict Since 1967 (third ed.). California: University of California Press. pp. 104–105. ISBN 978-0520246317.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Tripp 2002.
- ^ Friedman 2007, p. 330.
- ^ Erlich 2008, pp. 84–86.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Perrett 2016, pp. 216–217.
- ^ "Chinese to Increase Aid to Somalia". The Washington Post. 21 April 1987.
- ^ Bronson 2006, p. 134: "Encouraged by Saudi Arabia, Safari Club members approached Somali president Siad Barre and offered to provide the arms he needed if he stopped taking Soviet aid. Barre agreed. Egypt then sold Somalia $75 million worth of its unwanted Soviet arms, with Saudi Arabia footing the bill."
- ^ BBC 2003.
- ^ J. Samuel Valenzuela and Arturo Valenzuela (eds.), Military Rule in Chile: Dictatorship and Oppositions, p. 317
- ^ McSherry 2011, p. 107.
- ^ Hixson 2009, p. 223.
- ^ Grandin 2011, p. 75.
- ^ Hamann 2007, pp. 15–32, 44.
- ^ Stockwell 1979, pp. 161–165, 185–194.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Rothschild 1997, pp. 115–121.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d Vanneman 1990, pp. 48–49.
- ^ "Document obtained by National Security Archive, from National Archives Record Group 59. Records of the Department of State, Policy Planning Staff, Director's Files (Winston Lord), 1969–1977, Box 373" (PDF). Gwu.edu. Archived (PDF) from the original on 17 June 2014. Retrieved 3 January 2020.
- ^ Hughes, Geraint (2014). My Enemy's Enemy: Proxy Warfare in International Politics. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. pp. 65–79. ISBN 978-1-84519-627-1.
- ^ Weigert 2011, pp. 56–65.
- ^ Mosyakov 2004, p. 54.
- ^ Norodom Sihanouk, My War with the CIA, Random House, 1973, p. 62
- ^ BBC 2018.
- ^ Chandler 2000, pp. 96–98.
- ^ Power 2013.
- ^ Mosyakov 2004, p. 66.
- ^ Locard 2005.
- ^ Kiernan 2003.
- ^ Heuveline 2001, pp. 102–105.
- ^ World Peace Foundation 2015.
- ^ Shaw 2000, p. 141.
- ^ Slocomb 2001.
- ^ Elleman, Bruce A. (2001). Modern Chinese Warfare, 1795–1989. Routledge. p. 297. ISBN 0415214742.
- ^ Kissinger, H. (2011), On China, New York:Penguin Press, pp. 304–305, ISBN 9781101445358
- ^ "People's Republic of China-United States: Establishment of Diplomatic Relations". International Legal Materials. 18 (1): 272–275. January 1979. doi:10.1017/s0020782900043886. ISSN 0020-7829. S2CID 249005911.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, pp. 149–152.
- ^ "Détente and Arms Control, 1969–1979". U.S. State Department. Retrieved 9 November 2023.
- ^ BBC 1972.
- ^ "Расходы на оборону и численность вооруженных сил СССР". Translated by Defense spending and size of the Armed Forces of the USSR.
- ^ Litwak 1986.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 188.
- ^ Richard Pipes (2001) Communism Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 0-297-64688-5
- ^ Richard Pipes (1994) Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime. Vintage. ISBN 0-679-76184-5., pages 401–403.
- ^ Wyszyński, Andrzej (1949). Teoria dowodów sądowych w prawie radzieckim (PDF). Biblioteka Zrzeszenia Prawników Demokratów. pp. 153, 162. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 July 2018. Retrieved 29 March 2023.
- ^ Thomas, Daniel C. (2005). "Human Rights Ideas, the Demise of Communism, and the End of the Cold War". Journal of Cold War Studies. 7 (2): 110–141. doi:10.1162/1520397053630600. S2CID 57570614.
- ^ Yergin, Daniel (5 April 2011). The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money & Power. Simon and Schuster. p. 557. ISBN 978-1-4391-3483-2.
- ^ Jump up to: a b "Deal-maker Armand Hammer Moscow's capitalist comrade". Christian Science Monitor. 3 July 1980. ISSN 0882-7729. Retrieved 7 November 2021.
- ^ Jump up to: a b "The Riddle of Armand Hammer". The New York Times. 29 November 1981. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 7 November 2021.
- ^ Caldwell 2009
- ^ Schwartz 2011
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 186.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 178.
- ^ "NIXON IN APPEAL ON SOVIET TRADE". The New York Times. 5 October 1973. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 7 December 2021.
- ^ Herring, George C. (2008). From Colony to Superpower; U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. Oxford University Press. p. 804. ISBN 978-0-19-507822-0.
- ^ Pomeranz, William E. "The Legacy and Consequences of Jackson-Vanik: Reassessing Human Rights in 21st Century Russia". wilsoncenter.org. Retrieved 21 October 2021.
- ^ BBC 1979.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Halliday 2001, p. 2e.
- ^ Diggins 2007, p. 267.
- ^ Cox 1990, p. 18.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Hussain 2005, pp. 108–109.
- ^ Starr 2004, pp. 157–158.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Kinsella 1992.
- ^ Meher 2004, pp. 68–69, 94.
- ^ Tobin, Conor (April 2020). "The Myth of the "Afghan Trap": Zbigniew Brzezinski and Afghanistan, 1978–1979". Diplomatic History. 44 (2). Oxford University Press: 237–264. doi:10.1093/dh/dhz065.
- ^ Martin McCauley (2008). Russia, America and the Cold War: 1949–1991 (Revised 2nd ed.). Harlow, UK: Pearson Education. ISBN 9781405874304.
- ^ "How Soviet troops stormed Kabul palace". BBC. 27 December 2009. Retrieved 1 July 2013.
- ^ "Afghanistan: Lessons from the Last War". nsarchive2.gwu.edu. Retrieved 23 March 2023.
- ^ John K. Cooley (2002) Unholy Wars. Pluto Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0745319179
- ^ Coll, Steve (2004). Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to 10 September 2001. Penguin Group. pp. 47–49. ISBN 9781594200076.
Frustrated and hoping to discredit him, the KGB initially planted false stories that Amin was a CIA agent. In the autumn these rumors rebounded on the KGB in a strange case of "blowback," the term used by spies to describe planted propaganda that filters back to confuse the country that first set the story loose.
- ^ James G. Blight (2012). Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979–1988. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 70. ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.
- ^ Seth G. Jones (2010). In the Graveyard of Empires: America's War in Afghanistan. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 16–17. ISBN 9780393071429.
'It was total nonsense,' said the CIA's Graham Fuller. 'I would have been thrilled to have those kinds of contacts with Amin, but they didn't exist.'
- ^ Kalinovsky 2011, pp. 25–28.
- ^ Toohey, Kristine (8 November 2007). The Olympic Games: A Social Science Perspective. CABI. p. 100. ISBN 978-1-84593-355-5. Archived from the original on 29 December 2021. Retrieved 21 March 2022.
- ^ Eaton, Joseph (November 2016). "Reconsidering the 1980 Moscow Olympic Boycott: American Sports Diplomacy in East Asian Perspective". Diplomatic History. 40 (5): 845–864. doi:10.1093/dh/dhw026. JSTOR 26376807. Retrieved 20 June 2022.
- ^ Treadaway, Dan (5 August 1996). "Carter stresses role of Olympics in promoting global harmony". Emory Report. 48 (37).
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 211.
- ^ Allen 2000.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 189.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, p. 197.
- ^ Esno 2018, pp. 281–304.
- ^ Graebner, Burns & Siracusa 2008, pp. 29–31.
- ^ Graebner, Burns & Siracusa 2008, p. 76.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Singh 1995 p. 130
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, pp. 219–222.
- ^ Jump up to: a b LaFeber 2002, p. 332.
- ^ Towle, p. 159.
- ^ LaFeber 2002, p. 335.
- ^ Odom 2000, p. 1.
- ^ LaFeber 2002, p. 340.
- ^ Evans 1992.
- ^ Carliner & Alesina 1991, p. 6.
- ^ Feeney 2006.
- ^ Fischer, Ben B. "The 1983 War Scare in US-Soviet Relations" (PDF). National Security Archive. Archived (PDF) from the original on 28 March 2015. Retrieved 21 November 2015.
- ^ Kennedy, Bruce. "War Games: Soviets, Fearing Western Attack, Prepared for Worst in '83". CNN. Archived from the original on 19 December 2008.
- ^ Federation of American Scientists 2000.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 202.
- ^ Garthoff 1994, pp. 881–882.
- ^ Lebow & Stein 1994.
- ^ Allen, Robert C. (November 2001). "The rise and decline of the Soviet economy". Canadian Journal of Economics. 34 (4): 859–881. doi:10.1111/0008-4085.00103. ISSN 0008-4085.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaĭdar, E. T. (2007). Collapse of an empire : lessons for modern Russia. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. pp. 190–205. ISBN 9780815731146.
- ^ Hardt & Kaufman 1995, p. 1.
- ^ "KAL Tapes To Be Handed Over To ICAO" (PDF) (Press release). International Civil Aviation Organization. January 1993. Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 December 2012. Retrieved 31 January 2009.
- ^ Talbott et al. 1983.
- ^ Hoffman, David (10 February 1999). "I Had A Funny Feeling in My Gut". The Washington Post. Retrieved 18 April 2006.
- ^ "Stanislav Petrov – the man who quietly saved the world – has died aged 77". Metro. 18 September 2017. Retrieved 11 May 2022.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 228.
- ^ Jump up to: a b LaFeber 2002, p. 323.
- ^ Reagan 1991.
- ^ New York Times 2013.
- ^ Jump up to: a b LaFeber 2002, p. 314.
- ^ Dobrynin 2001, pp. 438–439.
- ^ Jump up to: a b LaFeber 2002, pp. 331–333.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, pp. 231–233.
- ^ LaFeber 2002, pp. 300–340.
- ^ Gibbs 1999, p. 7.
- ^ Gibbs 1999, p. 33.
- ^ Gibbs 1999, p. 61.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Gaddis 2005, pp. 229–230.
- ^ BBC News 1985
- ^ New York Times 1988.
- ^ Federation of American Scientists.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Shearman 1995, p. 76.
- ^ Gaddis 2005, p. 248.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Гаддис 2005 , стр. 235–236.
- ^ Би-би-си, 1989 .
- ^ Ньюман 1993 , с. 41.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 255.
- ^ Кеннет С. Деффейес, За пределами нефти: вид с пика Хабберта.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Андреас Рёддер, Единое отечество Германия – история воссоединения (2009).
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Томас Розер: Массовый исход ГДР: Пикник очищает мир (нем. – Массовый исход ГДР: Пикник очищает мир) в: Die Presse, 16 августа 2018 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Отмар Лаходинский: Панъевропейский пикник: Генеральная репетиция падения Берлинской стены - нем.), в: Профиль, 9 августа 2014 г.
- ^ Хильде Сабо: Берлинская стена начала рушиться в Бургенланде - немецкий), в Wiener Zeitung, 16 августа 1999 г.
- ^ Гартофф 1994 .
- ^ Лефебер, Фицморис и Вирдаг 1991 , стр. 221.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 247.
- ^ «Национальное обозрение: красный синий — советская политика» . 24 марта 2005 г. Архивировано из оригинала 24 марта 2005 г. Проверено 25 марта 2024 г.
- ^ "РСПП: Статьи" . www.rspp.su . Retrieved 25 March 2024 .
- ^ Лаури Мялксоо (28 июня 2022 г.). «Страны Балтии между 1940 и 1991 годами: незаконность и/или давность». Незаконная аннексия и целостность государства . БРИЛЛ. стр. 70–139. дои : 10.1163/9789004464896_005 . ISBN 9789004464896 .
- ^ Грин, стр. 205–206.
- ^ Амброуз и Бринкли, 2011 , с. xvi.
- ^ Юсси Ханхимяки; Жорж-Анри Суту; Бэзил Джермонд (2010). Справочник Routledge по трансатлантической безопасности . Рутледж. п. 501. ИСБН 9781136936074 .
- ^ Рууд ван Дейк; и др. (2013). Энциклопедия холодной войны . Рутледж. стр. 860–51. ISBN 978-1135923112 .
- ^ Зубок, Владислав М. (1 февраля 2009 г.). Несостоявшаяся империя: Советский Союз в холодной войне от Сталина до Горбачева . Университет Северной Каролины Пресс. п. ix. ISBN 978-0-8078-9905-2 . Архивировано из оригинала 9 марта 2017 года . Проверено 1 декабря 2017 г. - через Google Книги.
- ^ ПБС 2014 .
- ^ Нолан 1995 , стр. 17–18
- ^ Годси 2017 , с. 63.
- ^ Миланович 2015 , стр. 135–138.
- ↑ После социализма: где лежит надежда на свободу личности. Архивировано 15 января 2016 года в Wayback Machine . Светозар Пейович.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Майкл Мандельбаум (ред., 1996) «Посткоммунизм: четыре перспективы», Совет по международным отношениям ISBN 0-87609-186-9
- ^ Карл В. Рявец. Российская бюрократия: власть и патология , 2003, Роуман и Литтлфилд, ISBN 0-8476-9503-4 , с. 13
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с Шевченко, Виталий (14 апреля 2015 г.). «Прощай, Ленин: Украина движется к запрету коммунистической символики» . Новости Би-би-си . Проверено 1 июня 2016 г.
- ^ Стив Розенберг (19 августа 2016 г.), Русские с теплыми воспоминаниями об СССР , BBC News, заархивировано из оригинала 21 августа 2016 г. , получено 20 августа 2016 г.
- ^ Люси Эш (1 мая 2016 г.), Изнасилование Берлина , BBC News , получено 1 июня 2016 г.
- ^ Ростислав Хотин (27 ноября 2009 г.). «Украина снесла скандальную статую» . Новости Би-би-си . Проверено 17 октября 2017 г.
- ^ Мотыль, Александр Ю. (28 апреля 2015 г.). «Декоммунизация Украины» . Иностранные дела . Проверено 19 мая 2015 г.
- ^ Порошенко подписал законы о декоммунизации . Украинская правда . 15 мая 2015 г.
Порошенко подписывает законы о разоблачении коммунистического и нацистского режимов , Интерфакс-Украина . 15 мая 2015 г. - ^ Шевченко, Виталий (14 апреля 2015 г.). «Прощай, Ленин: Украина движется к запрету коммунистической символики» . Новости Би-би-си . Проверено 17 мая 2015 г.
- ^ (на украинском языке) В Украине переименовывают 22 города и 44 села , Украинская правда (4 июня 2015 г.)
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с (на украинском языке) «Комсомольск в любом случае переименовывать» , depo.ua (1 октября 2015 г.)
- ^ «Декоммунизационная реформа: 25 районов и 987 населенных пунктов в Украине переименованы в 2016 году» , Укринформ (27 декабря 2016 г.)
- ^ «Украинские законодатели запрещают« коммунистическую и нацистскую пропаганду » » , Deutsche Welle (9 апреля 2015 г.)
- ^ «Новые законы в Украине представляют собой потенциальную угрозу свободе слова и свободе СМИ, говорит представитель ОБСЕ» , ОБСЕ (18 мая 2015 г.)
- ^ «Минюст Украины запретил коммунистам участвовать в выборах» . Киев Почта . 24 июля 2015 г.
- ^ "Европейский суд приступил к рассмотрению жалобы на запрет КПУ" . Украинская правда . 30 декабря 2016 г.
- ^ Ищенко, Владимир (18 декабря 2015 г.). «В Киеве тяжелейший случай антикоммунистической истерии» . Хранитель .
- ^ «Суд в Украине запретил Коммунистическую партию» . Ежедневные новости и анализ . 17 декабря 2015 г.
- ^ Блюм 2006 , с. 87.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б ПБС 2004 .
- ^ Дьюк 1989 , стр. 175.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с д и Кэлхун 2002 .
- ^ Павелец 2009 , стр. xv–xvi.
- ^ ЛаФебер 2002 , с. 1.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 213.
- ^ Гаддис 2005 , с. 266.
- ^ Ким, Сэмюэл С. (2014). «Развивающаяся азиатская система». Международные отношения Азии . Роуман и Литтлфилд . п. 45. ИСБН 9781442226418 .
Благодаря трем из четырех основных линий разлома «холодной войны» — разделенной Германии, разделенной Кореи, разделенного Китая и разделенного Вьетнама — Восточная Азия приобрела сомнительную славу, поскольку в период с 1945 по 1994 год она породила наибольшее количество вооруженных конфликтов, приведших к большему числу жертв, чем любая другая регион или субрегион. Даже в Азии, в то время как в Центральной и Южной Азии общее количество человеческих жертв в регионе составило 2,8 миллиона человек, общее количество человеческих жертв в регионе Восточной Азии составляет 10,4 миллиона, включая гражданскую войну в Китае (1 миллион), войну в Корее (3 миллиона), войну во Вьетнаме (2 миллиона). миллионов) и геноцид Пол Пота в Камбодже (от 1 до 2 миллионов).
- ^ Шоу и Янгблад 2010 , гл. 1.
- ^ «Десять лучших списков кинокритиков 2013 года» . Метакритик . Архивировано из оригинала 11 декабря 2013 года . Проверено 5 ноября 2022 г.
- ^ Лоури, Брайан (26 февраля 2015 г.). «Американцы» . Разнообразие . Архивировано из оригинала 26 февраля 2015 года . Проверено 5 ноября 2022 г.
- ^ Nashel 1999 .
- ^ Амброуз и Бринкли, 2011 , стр. 789–799.
174 Афтергуд, С. (2017). Кибербезопасность: холодная война в Интернете. Природа , 547 (7661), 30–31. https://doi.org/10.1038/547030a
175 Шифринсон, JRI (2016). Сделка или нет? Окончание холодной войны и предложение США ограничить расширение НАТО. Международная безопасность , 40 (4), 7–44.
Источники
Книги
- Ааронс, Марк (2007). «Предано правосудие: реакция на геноцид после 1945 года» . У Дэвида А. Блюменталя; Тимоти Л. Х. МакКормак (ред.). Наследие Нюрнберга: цивилизующее влияние или узаконенная месть? (Международное гуманитарное право) . Издательство Мартинуса Нийхоффа . п. 80. ИСБН 978-90-04-15691-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 января 2017 года . Проверено 20 ноября 2017 г.
- Эндрю, Кристофер ; Митрохин, Василий (2000). Меч и щит: Архив Митрохина и тайная история КГБ . Основные книги .
- Анг, Чэн Гуань. Холодная война в Юго-Восточной Азии: интерпретирующая история (Гавайский университет Press, 2018). онлайн-обзор
- Бевинс, Винсент (2020). Джакартский метод: антикоммунистический крестовый поход Вашингтона и программа массовых убийств, которые сформировали наш мир . Общественные дела . ISBN 978-1541742406 .
- Блюм, Уильям (2006). Государство-изгой: Путеводитель по единственной в мире сверхдержаве (3-е изд.). Пресса «Общее мужество». ISBN 978-1-56751-374-5 .
- Блумберг, Арнольд (1995). Великие лидеры, великие тираны?: Современные взгляды на мировых правителей, творивших историю . Вестпорт, Коннектикут: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-28751-0 .
- Борн, Питер Г. (1986). Фидель: Биография Фиделя Кастро . Нью-Йорк: Додд, Мид и компания. ISBN 978-0-396-08518-8 .
- Бреслауер, Джордж В. (2002). Горбачев и Ельцин как лидеры . Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-521-89244-5 .
- Бронсон, Рэйчел (2006). Гуще, чем нефть: непростое партнерство Америки с Саудовской Аравией . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-536705-8 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Балмер-Томас, Виктор (1987). Политическая экономия Центральной Америки с 1920 года . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-521-34284-1 .
- Карлтон, Дэвид (2000). Черчилль и Советский Союз . Издательство Манчестерского университета. ISBN 978-0-7190-4107-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 13 марта 2020 года . Проверено 3 декабря 2017 г. - через Google Книги.
- Чендлер, Дэвид (2000). Брат номер один: политическая биография Пол Пота, исправленное издание . Чиангмай, Таиланд: Книги о шелкопряде.
- Кретьен, Тодд (2017). Очевидцы русской революции . Книги Хеймаркет. ISBN 978-1-60846-880-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Кольтман, Лестер (2003). Настоящий Фидель Кастро . Нью-Хейвен и Лондон: Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-300-10760-9 .
- Комбс, Джеральд А. (2015). История американской внешней политики с 1895 года . Рутледж. ISBN 978-1-317-45641-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Кук, Бернард А. (2001), Европа с 1945 года: энциклопедия , Тейлор и Фрэнсис, ISBN 0-8153-4057-5
- Коттон, Джеймс (1989). Корейская война в истории . Издательство Манчестерского университета, ND. ISBN 978-0-7190-2984-4 .
- Кокс, Майкл (1990). За пределами холодной войны: сверхдержавы на перепутье . Университетское издательство Америки. ISBN 978-0-8191-7865-7 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Крейг, Кэмпбелл; Логевалл, Фредрик (2012). Холодная война Америки: политика незащищенности . Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-05367-0 .
- Каммингс, Ричард Х. (2010). «Крестовый поход за свободу» Радио «Свободная Европа»: сплочение американцев в поддержку радиовещания времен холодной войны, 1950–1960 гг . Джефферсон, Северная Каролина: ISBN McFarland & Co. 978-0-7864-4410-6 .
- Даллек, Роберт (2007). Никсон и Киссинджер: партнеры у власти . Нью-Йорк: ХарперКоллинз. ISBN 978-0-06-072230-2 .
- Даум, Андреас (2008). Кеннеди в Берлине . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-521-85824-3 .
- Диггинс, Джон П. (2007). Рональд Рейган: судьба, свобода и творение истории . WW Нортон. ISBN 978-0-393-06022-5 .
- Динан, Десмонд (2017). Перестройка Европы: история Европейского Союза . Macmillan Education Великобритания. стр. 40–. ISBN 978-1-137-43645-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 25 октября 2019 г.
- Добрынин, Анатолий (2001). По секрету: посол Москвы при шести президентах времен холодной войны . Вашингтонский университет Press. ISBN 978-0-295-98081-2 .
- Домингес, Хорхе И. (1989). Сделать мир безопасным для революции: внешняя политика Кубы . Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-89325-2 .
- Даути, Алан (1989). Закрытые границы: современное наступление на свободу передвижения . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 0-300-04498-4 .
- Герцог, Симон (1989). Военные силы и объекты США в Европе . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-829132-9 .
- Эрлих, Риз (2008). Dateline Гавана: реальная история политики США и будущее Кубы . Саусалито, Калифорния: PoliPoint Press. ISBN 978-0-9815769-7-8 .
- Ференбах, Т.Р. (2001). Этот вид войны: классическая история корейской войны (изд. к 15-летию). Вашингтон, округ Колумбия : Потомакские книги. ISBN 978-1-57488-334-3 .
- Фридман, Норман (2007). Пятидесятилетняя война: конфликт и стратегия в холодной войне . Издательство Военно-морского института. ISBN 978-1-59114-287-4 .
- Фрич-Бурназель, Рената (1990). Перед лицом немецкого вопроса: немцы на расколе между Востоком и Западом . Берг. ISBN 978-0-85496-100-9 .
- Гэддис, Джон Льюис (1990). Россия, Советский Союз и США. Интерпретационная история . МакГроу-Хилл. ISBN 978-0-07-557258-9 .
- Гэддис, Джон Льюис (2005). Холодная война: новая история . Пингвин Пресс. ISBN 978-1-59420-062-5 .
- Гартофф, Раймонд (1994). Разрядка и конфронтация: американо-советские отношения от Никсона до Рейгана . Издательство Брукингского института. ISBN 978-0-8157-3041-5 .
- Гасиоровски, Марк Дж.; Бирн, Малькольм (2004). Мохаммад Мосаддек и переворот 1953 года в Иране . Издательство Сиракузского университета. ISBN 978-0-8156-3018-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Жерар, Эммануэль (2015). Смерть в Конго . Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-74536-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Геролиматос, Андре (2017). Международная гражданская война: Греция, 1943–1949 гг . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-300-18060-2 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Годси, Кристен (2017). Красное похмелье: наследие коммунизма двадцатого века . Издательство Университета Дьюка . ISBN 978-0-8223-6949-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 7 декабря 2019 года . Проверено 4 августа 2018 г.
- Гиббс, Джозеф (1999). Гласность Горбачева: советские СМИ на первом этапе перестройки . Издательство Техасского университета A&M. ISBN 0-89096-892-6 .
- Грандин, Грег (2011). Последняя колониальная резня: Латинская Америка в холодной войне (обновленное издание). Издательство Чикагского университета. ISBN 978-0-226-30690-2 .
- Гренвилл, JAS ; Вассерштейн, Бернар (1987). Основные международные договоры двадцатого века . Рутледж . ISBN 978-0-415-14125-3 .
- Гренвилл, Джон Эшли Сомс (2005), Мировая история с 20 по 21 век , Routledge, ISBN 0-415-28954-8
- Холлидей, Фред (2001). «Холодная война». Оксфордский спутник мировой политики . Издательство Оксфордского университета, Inc.
- Хаманн, Хилтон (2007) [2003]. Дни генералов . Кейптаун: Издательство Струик. ISBN 978-1-86872-340-9 .
- Хардести, Фон (1991) [1982]. Красный Феникс: расцвет советской авиации, 1941–1945 гг . Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Издательство Смитсоновского института. ISBN 0-87474-510-1 .
- Харрисон, Хоуп Миллард (2003). Подталкивание Советов к стене: советско-восточногерманские отношения, 1953–1961 гг . Издательство Принстонского университета. ISBN 0-691-09678-3 .
- Харуки, Вада (2018). Корейская война: международная история . Роуман и Литтлфилд. ISBN 978-1-5381-1642-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Гасанлы, Джамиль (2014). Хрущевская оттепель и национальная идентичность в Советском Азербайджане, 1954–1959 гг . Лексингтонские книги.
- Хеллер, Генри (2006). Холодная война и новый империализм: глобальная история, 1945–2005 гг . Ежемесячный обзор прессы. ISBN 978-1-58367-140-5 .
- Херринг, Джордж К. (1973). Помощь России, 1941–1946: стратегия, дипломатия, истоки холодной войны . Издательство Колумбийского университета. ISBN 978-0-231-03336-7 .
- Хёвелин, Патрик (2001). «Демографический анализ кризисов смертности: пример Камбоджи, 1970–1979». Вынужденная миграция и смертность . Пресса национальных академий . стр. 102–105. ISBN 978-0-309-07334-9 .
Насколько можно сейчас оценить, более двух миллионов камбоджийцев погибли в 1970-х годах из-за политических событий десятилетия, причем подавляющее большинство из них — всего за четыре года правления режима «красных кхмеров». Это число смертей еще более ошеломляет, если учесть численность населения Камбоджи, составляющую менее восьми миллионов. ... Последующая переоценка демографических данных показала, что число погибших в [гражданской войне] составило порядка 300 000 или меньше.
- Хиксон, Уолтер Л. (2009). Миф американской дипломатии: национальная идентичность и внешняя политика США . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-300-15013-1 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 12 апреля 2017 г.
- Хван, Су Гён (2016). Тяжёлая война в Корее . Издательство Пенсильванского университета. ISBN 978-0-8122-4845-6 .
- Исби, Дэвид К.; Кампс, Чарльз Тастин (1985). Армии Центрального фронта НАТО . Джейн. ISBN 978-0-7106-0341-8 .
- Ицигсон, Хосе (2000). Развитие бедности: государство, дерегулирование рынка труда и неформальная экономика в Коста-Рике и Доминиканской Республике . Юниверсити-Парк, Пенсильвания: Издательство Пенсильванского государственного университета. ISBN 978-0-271-02028-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Йонас, Манфред (1985). Соединенные Штаты и Германия: дипломатическая история . Издательство Корнельского университета. ISBN 0-8014-9890-2 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 25 октября 2019 г.
- Джонс, Джеффри (2014). «Фирмы и глобальный капитализм». В Ниле, Ларри; Уильямсон, Джеффри Г. (ред.). Кембриджская история капитализма: Том 2, Распространение капитализма: с 1848 года по настоящее время . Издательство Кембриджского университета. стр. 176–179. ISBN 978-1-316-02571-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 21 октября 2017 г.
- Джонс, Ховард (2009). Горнило власти: история американских международных отношений с 1945 года . Лэнхэм: Роуман и Литтлфилд. ISBN 978-0-7425-6454-1 .
- Калиновский, Артемий М. (2011). Долгое прощание: вывод советских войск из Афганистана . Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-05866-8 .
- Калниньш, Мара (2015). Латвия: Краткая история . Херст. ISBN 978-1-84904-606-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 19 июня 2019 г.
- Карабелл, Закари (1999). Архитекторы интервенции: Соединенные Штаты, третий мир и холодная война 1946–1962 гг . ЛГУ Пресс. ISBN 978-0-8071-2341-6 .
- Кемпе, Фредерик (2011). Берлин, 1961 год . Группа Пингвин (США). ISBN 978-0-399-15729-5 .
- Ханна, В. Н. (2013). Международные отношения (5-е изд.). Викас. ISBN 978-93-259-6836-3 .
- Кирнан, Бен (2003). «Геноциды двадцатого века, лежащие в основе идеологических тем от Армении до Восточного Тимора» . В Роберте Геллатели, Бен Кирнан (ред.). Призрак геноцида: массовые убийства в исторической перспективе . Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-521-52750-7 .
- Кинселла, Уоррен (1992). Нечестивые союзы . Лестер Паблишинг. ISBN 978-1-895555-24-0 .
- Кинвиг, Клиффорд (2007). Крестовый поход Черчилля: британское вторжение в Россию, 1918–1920 гг . Хэмблдонский континуум. ISBN 978-1-84725-021-6 .
- Кинзер, Стивен (2003). Все люди шаха: американский переворот и корни ближневосточного террора . Хобокен, Нью-Джерси: J. Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0-471-67878-6 .
- Ковен, Стивен Г. (2015). Ответственное управление: подход к тематическому исследованию . Я Шарп. стр. 93–. ISBN 978-0-7656-2932-6 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 21 июня 2019 г.
- Кидд, Эндрю Х. (2018). Доверие и недоверие в международных отношениях . Издательство Принстонского университета. стр. 107–. ISBN 978-0-691-18851-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 24 октября 2019 г.
- ЛаФебер, Уолтер (1993a). «Томас К. Манн и передача латиноамериканской политики: от доброго соседа к военному вмешательству». В Томасе Дж. Маккормике и Уолтере Лафебере (ред.). За троном: Слуги власти имперских президентов, 1898–1968 гг . Университет Висконсина Пресс. ISBN 0-299-13740-6 .
- ЛаФебер, Уолтер (1993). Америка, Россия и холодная война, 1945–1992 гг . МакГроу-Хилл. ISBN 978-0-07-035853-9 .
- ЛаФебер, Уолтер (2002). Америка, Россия и холодная война, 1945–2002 гг . МакГроу-Хилл. ISBN 978-0-07-284903-5 .
- Лейн, Кристофер (2007). Мир иллюзий: Великая американская стратегия с 1940 года по настоящее время . Издательство Корнельского университета. ISBN 978-0-8014-7411-8 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Тяжелый салат, Чарльз (2001). Куба и ракетный кризис Мельбурн, Австралия: Ocean Press. ISBN 978-1-876175-34-4 .
- Лефебер, Р.; Фицморис, М.; Вирдаг, EW (1991). Меняющаяся политическая структура Европы: аспекты международного права . М. Нейхофф. ISBN 978-0-7923-1379-3 .
- Леффлер, Мелвин П. (2008). Для души человечества: Соединенные Штаты, Советский Союз и холодная война . Нью-Йорк: Фаррар, Штраус и Жиру . ISBN 978-0-374-53142-3 .
- Одом, Уильям Э. (2000). Крах советской армии . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-300-08271-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Лендвай, Пол (2008). Один день, который потряс коммунистический мир: Венгерское восстание 1956 года и его наследие . Издательство Принстонского университета. ISBN 978-0-691-13282-2 .
- Литвак, Роберт (1986). Разрядка и доктрина Никсона: американская внешняя политика и стремление к стабильности, 1969–1976 гг . Кембридж Кембриджшир, Нью-Йорк: Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-521-25094-8 .
- Люти, Лоренц М. (2010). Советско-китайский раскол: холодная война в коммунистическом мире . Принстон, UP. ISBN 978-1-4008-3762-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 9 июня 2019 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Малкасян, Картер (2001). Корейская война: основные истории . Издательство Оспри. ISBN 978-1-84176-282-1 .
- Марс, Перри; Янг, Альма Х (2004). Карибский труд и политика: наследие Чедди Джагана и Майкла Мэнли . Детройт: Издательство Государственного университета Уэйна. ISBN 978-0-8143-3211-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Макколи, Мартин (2008). Истоки холодной войны 1941–1949 гг . Харлоу, Англия; Нью-Йорк: Пирсон Лонгман. ISBN 978-1-4058-7433-5 .
- МакМахон, Роберт (2003). Холодная война: очень краткое введение . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-280178-4 .
- Менон, Ананд (2000). Франция, НАТО и пределы независимости, 1981–97: политика амбивалентности . Пэлгрейв Макмиллан. ISBN 978-0-312-22931-3 .
- Мехер, Джагмохан (2004). Война Америки в Афганистане: успех, который потерпел неудачу . Дели: Калпаз. ISBN 978-81-7835-262-6 .
- Миллер, Роджер Джин (2000). Чтобы спасти город: Берлинский воздушный транспорт, 1948–1949 гг . Издательство Техасского университета A&M. ISBN 978-0-89096-967-0 .
- Миллер, Роберт; Уэйнсток, Деннис Д. (2013). Индокитай и Вьетнам: Тридцатипятилетняя война, 1940–1975 гг . Книги-загадки. стр. 101–102. ISBN 978-1-936274-66-6 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Мошонас, Герассимос (2002). Во имя социал-демократии: Великая трансформация, с 1945 года по настоящее время . Перевод Эллиота, Грегори. Версо. стр. 4–. ISBN 978-1-85984-639-1 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 24 октября 2019 г.
- Мосс, Джордж (1993). Америка в двадцатом веке . Прентис Холл. ISBN 978-0-13-031733-9 .
- Мосяков, Дмитрий (2004). «Красные кхмеры и вьетнамские коммунисты: история их отношений, рассказанная в советских архивах» (PDF) . В книге Кук, Сьюзен Э. (ред.). Геноцид в Камбодже и Руанде (серия монографий № 1 Йельской программы исследований геноцида) . Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 31 декабря 2018 года . Проверено 30 декабря 2018 г.
- Ньюман, Уильям В. (1993). «История ускоряется: дипломатия сотрудничества и фрагментации» . В «Прощай, Джеймс Э.»; Морель, Бенуа (ред.). Партнерство с ограниченной ответственностью: построение российско-американского сообщества безопасности . Оксфорд: Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-829161-9 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 26 апреля 2020 г. .
- Ньёлстад, Олав (2004). Последнее десятилетие холодной войны . Рутледж. ISBN 978-0-7146-8371-3 .
- Нет, Кум-Сок; Остерхольм, Дж. Роджер (1996). МиГ-15 к свободе: мемуары северокорейского перебежчика времен войны, который первым доставил американцам секретный истребитель в 1953 году . МакФарланд. ISBN 978-0-7864-0210-6 .
- Нолан, Питер (1995). Подъем Китая и падение России . Пресса Святого Мартина. ISBN 978-0-312-12714-5 .
- Обердорфер, Дон (2001). Тет!: Поворотный момент во Вьетнамской войне . Джу Пресс. ISBN 978-0-8018-6703-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- О'Нил, Патрик (1997). Посткоммунизм и СМИ в Восточной Европе . Рутледж. ISBN 978-0-7146-4765-4 .
- Отфиноски, Стивен (2014). Прибалтийские республики . Издательство информационной базы. ISBN 978-1-4381-2253-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 19 июня 2019 г.
- Палмер, Колин А. (2010). Чедди Джаган и политика власти: борьба Британской Гвианы за независимость . Чапел-Хилл: Издательство Университета Северной Каролины. ISBN 978-0-8078-3416-9 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Папатанасиу, Иоанна (5 июля 2017 г.). «Коминформ и гражданская война в Греции, 1947–49» . В Каработте, Филип; Сфикас, Танасис Д. (ред.). Гражданская война в Греции: очерки конфликта исключительности и молчания . Тейлор и Фрэнсис. стр. 57–72. ISBN 978-1-351-88865-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 25 октября 2019 г.
- Патерсон, Томас Г. (1989). Встреча с коммунистической угрозой: Трумэн Рейгану . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-504532-1 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 25 октября 2019 г.
- Патерсон, Томас; Клиффорд, Дж. Гарри; Бригам; Донохью, Майкл; Хаган, Кеннет (1 января 2014 г.). Американские международные отношения: Том 2: С 1895 года . Cengage Обучение. ISBN 978-1-305-17722-2 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Павелец, Стерлинг Майкл (2009). Военно-промышленный комплекс и американское общество . АВС-КЛИО. ISBN 978-1-59884-187-9 .
- Пирсон, Раймонд (1998). Взлет и падение советской империи . Макмиллан. ISBN 978-0-312-17407-1 .
- Перлмуттер, Амос (1997). Делаем мир безопасным для демократии: век вильсонианства и его тоталитарных соперников . Университет Северной Каролины Пресс. ISBN 978-0-8078-2365-1 .
- Перретт, Брайан (2016). Война в пустыне: от римского истока до конфликта в Персидском заливе . Барнсли: Книги о пере и мече . ISBN 978-1-4738-4745-3 .
- Плохий, С.М. (2010). Ялта: Цена мира . Издательская группа «Пингвин». ISBN 978-1-101-18992-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 13 декабря 2019 года . Проверено 23 октября 2019 г.
- Сила, Саманта (2013). Проблема из ада: Америка и эпоха геноцида . Основные книги. ISBN 978-0-465-05089-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 30 декабря 2018 г.
- Пуддингтон, Арка (2003). Свобода вещания: триумф радио «Свободная Европа» и «Радио Свобода» в холодной войне . Университетское издательство Кентукки. ISBN 978-0-8131-9045-7 .
- Квирк, Роберт Э. (1993). Фидель Кастро . Нью-Йорк и Лондон: WW Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-03485-1 .
- Рейган, Рональд (1991). Фонер, Эрик ; Гаррати, Джон Артур (ред.). Спутник читателя по американской истории . Книги Хоутона Миффлина. ISBN 978-0-395-51372-9 . Проверено 16 июня 2008 г.
- Хусейн, Ризван (2005). Пакистан и возникновение исламской воинственности в Афганистане . Олдершот, Англия Берлингтон, Вирджиния: Эшгейт. ISBN 978-0-7546-4434-7 .
- Roadnight, Эндрю (2002). Политика США в отношении Индонезии в годы Трумэна и Эйзенхауэра . Нью-Йорк: Пэлгрейв Макмиллан. ISBN 978-0-333-79315-2 .
- Робертс, Джеффри (2006). Сталинские войны: от мировой войны к холодной войне, 1939–1953 гг . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-300-11204-7 .
- Робинсон, Джеффри Б. (2018). Сезон убийств: история резни в Индонезии, 1965–66 гг . Издательство Принстонского университета . ISBN 978-1-4008-8886-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 19 апреля 2019 года . Проверено 6 июня 2018 г.
Сотрудник посольства США в Джакарте Роберт Мартенс предоставил индонезийской армии списки, содержащие имена тысяч должностных лиц КПИ, в течение нескольких месяцев после предполагаемой попытки государственного переворота. По словам журналистки Кэти Кадане, «за несколько месяцев тамошней армии было передано около 5000 имен, а позже американцы вычеркнули имена тех, кто был убит или взят в плен». Несмотря на то, что Мартенс позже отрицал наличие подобных намерений, эти действия почти наверняка способствовали гибели или задержанию многих невинных людей. Они также послали мощный сигнал, с которым правительство США согласилось и поддержало кампанию армии против КПИ, даже несмотря на то, что эта кампания унесла ужасные человеческие жизни.
- Рохт-Арриаза, Наоми (1995). Безнаказанность и права человека в международном праве и практике . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 0-19-508136-6 .
- Роуз, Евклид А. (2002). Зависимость и социализм в современном Карибском бассейне: вмешательство сверхдержав в Гайане, Ямайке и Гренаде, 1970–1985 гг . Лексингтонские книги. ISBN 978-0-7391-0448-4 .
- Ротшильд, Дональд (1997). Управление этническими конфликтами в Африке: давление и стимулы для сотрудничества . Вашингтон: Институт Брукингса. ISBN 978-0-8157-7593-5 .
- Шредер, Питер Дж. (1994). Внешняя политика США в отношении Африки: постепенность, кризис и перемены . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-521-46677-6 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 мая 2011 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Шудсон, Майкл (2015). Рост права знать: политика и культура прозрачности, 1945–1975 гг . Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-91580-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Себастьен, Виктор (2014). 1946: Создание современного мира . Пан Макмиллан. ISBN 978-0-230-75800-1 .
- Старший, Майкл (2016). Победа на Западном фронте: развитие британской армии 1914-1918 гг . Перо и меч. ISBN 978-1-5267-0957-8 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Сенн, Альфред Эрих (2007). Литва 1940: Революция сверху . Родопи. ISBN 978-90-420-2225-6 .
- Ширман, Питер (1995). Внешняя политика России с 1990 года . Вествью Пресс . ISBN 978-0-8133-2633-7 . [ постоянная мертвая ссылка ]
- Симпсон, Брэдли (2010). Экономисты с оружием: авторитарное развитие и американо-индонезийские отношения, 1960–1968 гг . Издательство Стэнфордского университета . ISBN 978-0-8047-7182-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 25 июня 2018 года . Проверено 10 июля 2018 г.
Вашингтон делал все возможное, чтобы поощрять и облегчать резню предполагаемых членов КПИ, проводимую армией, а официальные лица США беспокоились только о том, что убийство безоружных сторонников партии может не зайти достаточно далеко, что позволит Сукарно вернуться к власти и расстроить [Джонсона ] Новые планы администрации относительно пост-Сукарно Индонезии. Это был эффективный террор, важный строительный блок неолиберальной политики, которую Запад попытается навязать Индонезии после свержения Сукарно.
- Смит, Джозеф (1998). Холодная война 1945–1991 гг . Оксфорд: Блэквелл. ISBN 978-0-631-19138-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Смит, Джин Эдвард (2007). ФДР . Случайный дом. ISBN 978-1-4000-6121-1 .
- Старр, С. Фредерик (2004). Синьцзян: мусульманская граница Китая . ME Sharpe Inc. ISBN 978-0-7656-1318-9 .
- Стоквелл, Джон (1979) [1978]. В поисках врагов . Лондон: Futura Publications Limited. ISBN 978-0-393-00926-2 .
- Стоун, Норман (2010). Атлантика и ее враги: история холодной войны . Издательство основных книг. ISBN 978-0-465-02043-0 .
- Стюк, Уильям (25 апреля 2013 г.). Переосмысление корейской войны: новая дипломатическая и стратегическая история . Издательство Принстонского университета. ISBN 978-1-4008-4761-7 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Су, Джэ Чжон (2013). Правда и примирение в Южной Корее: между настоящим и будущим корейских войн . Рутледж. ISBN 978-1-135-73820-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Таубман, Уильям (2004). Хрущев: Человек и его эпоха . WW Нортон и компания. ISBN 978-0-393-32484-6 .
- Тодд, Аллан (2016). История дипломной работы IB 3 Советский Союз и постсоветская Россия (1924–2000) . Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-1-316-50369-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 2 апреля 2020 года . Проверено 3 декабря 2017 г.
- Трипп, Чарльз Р.Х. (2002). История Ирака . Издательство Кембриджского университета . стр. XII, 211–214. ISBN 978-0-521-87823-4 .
- Такер, Спенсер С (2010). Энциклопедия войн на Ближнем Востоке: Соединенные Штаты в конфликтах в Персидском заливе, Афганистане и Ираке, Том 1 . Санта-Барбара, Калифорния: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-8510-9947-4 .
- Такер, Спенсер К. (2011). Энциклопедия войны во Вьетнаме: политическая, социальная и военная история . АВС-КЛИО. ISBN 978-1-85109-960-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 18 мая 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2020 г.
- Такер, Спенсер К. (2016). Вторая мировая война: Полная энциклопедия и собрание документов . Санта-Барбара, Калифорния: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-85109-969-6 .
- Тернер, Генри Эшби (1987). Две Германии с 1945 года: Восток и Запад . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 0-300-03865-8 .
- Конгресс США, Объединенный экономический комитет (1995 г.). Страны Восточной и Центральной Европы в переходный период . Я Шарп. ISBN 978-1-56324-613-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 23 октября 2019 г.
- Ваннеман, Питер (1990). Советская стратегия в Южной Африке: прагматический подход Горбачева . Стэнфорд: Издательство Гуверовского института. ISBN 978-0-8179-8902-6 .
- Уотсон, Синтия А. (2002). Национальная безопасность США: Справочник . Санта-Барбара, Калифорния: ABL-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-57607-598-2 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Вейгерт, Стивен (2011). Ангола: современная военная история . Бейзингсток: Пэлгрейв-Макмиллан. ISBN 978-0-230-11777-8 .
- Вестад, Одд Арне (2012). Неспокойная империя: Китай и мир с 1750 года . Основные книги. ISBN 978-0-465-02936-5 .
- Веттиг, Герхард (2008). Сталин и холодная война в Европе . Роуман и Литтлфилд. ISBN 978-0-7425-5542-6 .
- Вуд, Алан (2005). Сталин и сталинизм . Психология Пресс. ISBN 978-0-415-30731-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 19 июня 2019 г.
- Вуд, Джеймс (1992). История международного радиовещания . ИЭПП. ISBN 978-0-86341-302-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 19 июня 2019 г.
- Зубок, Владислав М. (1994). «Раскрытие загадки: что стояло за советским вызовом в 1960-е годы?». В Кунце, Дайан Б. (ред.). Дипломатия решающего десятилетия: американские международные отношения в 1960-е годы . Издательство Колумбийского университета. ISBN 978-0-231-08177-1 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2015 года . Проверено 20 июня 2015 г.
- Эмброуз, Стивен Э.; Бринкли, Дуглас Г. (2011). Восхождение к глобализму: американская внешняя политика с 1938 года . Книги о пингвинах. ISBN 978-0-14-200494-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 23 октября 2019 г.
- Блайт, Джеймс Г.; Аллин, Брюс Дж.; Уэлч, Дэвид А. (2002). Куба на грани: Кастро, ракетный кризис и крах СССР . Роуман и Литтлфилд. ISBN 978-0-7425-2269-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 23 октября 2019 г.
- Браунелл, Уилл; Биллингс, Ричард Н. (1987). Так близко к величию: биография Уильяма К. Буллита . Макмиллан. ISBN 978-0-02-517410-8 .
- Крокер, Честер А; Хэмпсон, Фен Ослер; Аалл, Памела Р. (2007). На поводке псов войны: управление конфликтами в разделенном мире . Институт прессы мира США. ISBN 978-1-929223-97-8 .
- Денеке, Юстус Д.; Столер, Марк А. (2005). Обсуждение внешней политики Франклина Д. Рузвельта, 1933–1945 гг . Роуман и Литтлфилд. ISBN 978-0-8476-9416-7 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 14 января 2019 г.
- Гребнер, Норман А.; Бернс, Ричард Дин; Сиракузы, Джозеф М. (2008). Рейган, Буш, Горбачев: возвращение к концу холодной войны . Гринву. ISBN 978-0-313-35241-6 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 13 мая 2018 г.
- МакШерри, Дж. Патрис (2011). «Глава 5: «Промышленные репрессии» и операция «Кондор» в Латинской Америке» . В Эспарсе, Марсия; Генри Р. Хаттенбах; Дэниел Файерштейн (ред.). Государственное насилие и геноцид в Латинской Америке: годы холодной войны (критические исследования терроризма) . Рутледж . п. 107 . ISBN 978-0-415-66457-8 . Архивировано из оригинала 19 июля 2018 года . Проверено 12 апреля 2017 г.
Операция «Кондор» также имела тайную поддержку правительства США. Вашингтон предоставил Кондору военную разведку и обучение, финансовую помощь, современные компьютеры, сложную технологию слежения и доступ к континентальной телекоммуникационной системе, расположенной в зоне Панамского канала.
- Нуэнлист, Кристиан; Лохер, Анна; Мартин, Гаррет (2010). Глобализация де Голля: международные перспективы внешней политики Франции, 1958–1969 гг . Лексингтонские книги. ISBN 978-0-7391-4250-9 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 29 октября 2018 г.
- Шоу, Мартин (2000). Теория глобального государства: глобальность как незавершенная революция . Издательство Кембриджского университета. стр. 141–. ISBN 978-0-521-59730-2 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 23 октября 2019 г.
- Шоу, Тони; Янгблад, Дениз Жанна (2010). Кинематографическая холодная война: борьба Америки и СССР за сердца и умы . Университетское издательство Канзаса. ISBN 978-0-7006-1743-2 .
- Tompson, William (1997). Khrushchev: a Political Life . Palgrave Macmillan . ISBN 978-0-312-16360-0 .
- Таул, Филип (2000). «Холодная война» . В Чарльзе Таунсенде (ред.). Оксфордская история современной войны . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Оксфордского университета. п. 160 . ISBN 978-0-19-285373-8 .
- Таул, Филип. Оксфордская история современной войны .
- Зубок, Владислав; Плешаков, Константин (1996). Внутри холодной войны Кремля: от Сталина до Хрущева . Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-45531-3 .
- Карлинер, Джеффри; Алесина, Альберто, ред. (1991). Политика и экономика в восьмидесятые годы . Издательство Чикагского университета. ISBN 978-0-226-01281-0 .
- Лига Наций в ретроспективе . Вальтер де Грюйтер. 2010. ISBN 978-3-11-090585-4 .
- Берд, Питер (2003). «Холодная война (вся глава)» . В Маклине, Иэн; Макмиллан, Алистер (ред.). Краткий Оксфордский политический словарь . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-280276-7 . Архивировано из оригинала 29 июля 2020 года . Проверено 16 июня 2008 г.
- Калхун, Крейг (2002). «Холодная война (вся глава)» . Словарь социальных наук . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-512371-5 . Проверено 16 июня 2008 г. [ постоянная мертвая ссылка ]
- Нашель, Джонатан (1999). «Холодная война (1945–91): изменение интерпретаций (вся глава)» . В Уайтклей Чемберс, Джон (ред.). Оксфордский справочник по американской военной истории . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-507198-6 . Проверено 16 июня 2008 г. [ постоянная мертвая ссылка ]
- Шмитц, Дэвид Ф. (1999). «Холодная война (1945–91): причины [вся глава]» . В Уайтклей Чемберс, Джон (ред.). Оксфордский справочник по американской военной истории . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-507198-6 . Проверено 16 июня 2008 г. [ постоянная мертвая ссылка ]
- ван Дейк, Рууд (1996). Дебаты о записке Сталина 1952 года: миф или упущенная возможность объединения Германии? . Проект международной истории холодной войны, Международный центр ученых Вудро Вильсона.
- ван Дейк, Рууд (2008). Энциклопедия холодной войны, Том . Тейлор и Фрэнсис. ISBN 978-0-415-97515-5 .
- Уэзерсби, Кэтрин (1993), Советские цели в Корее и истоки Корейской войны, 1945–50: новые свидетельства из российских архивов , Проект международной истории холодной войны: Рабочий документ № 8, заархивировано из оригинала 25 мая 2017 г. , получено 4 июня 2017 г.
Журналы
- Бунгерт, Хайке (июль 1994 г.). «Новый взгляд на французско-американские отношения во время оккупации Германии, 1945–1948 годы: закулисные дипломатические переговоры и зональное слияние». Дипломатическая история . 18 (3): 333–352. дои : 10.1111/j.1467-7709.1994.tb00217.x .
- Чересньес, Ференц (лето 1999 г.). «Исход 56-го года в Австрию» . Венгерский ежеквартальный журнал . XL (154): 86–101. Архивировано из оригинала 27 ноября 2004 года . Проверено 9 октября 2006 г.
- Эсно, Тайлер (апрель 2018 г.). «Экономическая война Рейгана с Советским Союзом». Дипломатическая история . 42 (2): 281–304. дои : 10.1093/dh/dhx061 . ISSN 0145-2096 .
- Фарид, Хилмар (2005). «Первородный грех Индонезии: массовые убийства и капиталистическая экспансия, 1965–66». Межазиатские культурные исследования . 6 (1): 3–16. дои : 10.1080/1462394042000326879 . S2CID 145130614 .
- Гартофф, Раймонд Л. (2004). «Внешняя разведка и историография холодной войны». Журнал исследований холодной войны . 6 (2): 21–56. дои : 10.1162/152039704773254759 . S2CID 57563600 .
- Ятридес, Джон О. (1 октября 1996 г.). «Британское лейбористское правительство и гражданская война в Греции: империализм« невмешательства »(обзор)». Журнал современных греческих исследований . 14 (2): 373–376. дои : 10.1353/mgs.1996.0020 . ISSN 1086-3265 . S2CID 142792238 .
- Локар, Анри (1 марта 2005 г.). «Государственное насилие в Демократической Кампучии (1975–1979) и возмездие (1979–2004)». Европейский обзор истории: Revue européenne d'histoire . 12 (1): 121–143. дои : 10.1080/13507480500047811 . ISSN 1350-7486 . S2CID 144712717 .
- Матрей, Джеймс I (сентябрь 1979 г.). «План победы Трумэна: национальное самоопределение и тридцать восьмое параллельное решение в Корее». Журнал американской истории . 66 (2). ДжСтор: 314–333. дои : 10.2307/1900879 . JSTOR 1900879 .
- Миланович, Бранко (2015). «После падения стены: плохой баланс перехода к капитализму». Испытание . 58 (2): 135–138. дои : 10.1080/05775132.2015.1012402 . S2CID 153398717 .
- Художник, Д.С. (2014). «Нефть и геополитика: нефтяные кризисы 1970-х годов и холодная война». Историко-социальные исследования . 39(4 (2014): 186–208. doi : 10.12759/hsr.39.2014.4.186-208 .
- Слокомб, Маргарет (2001). «Азартная игра K5: национальная оборона и государственное строительство в Народной Республике Кампучия». Журнал исследований Юго-Восточной Азии . 32 (2): 195–210. дои : 10.1017/S0022463401000091 . ISSN 1474-0680 . S2CID 162956030 .
- Смит, Уолтер Б. (20 марта 1953 г.). «Первый отчет о ходе работы по параграфу 5-1 NSC 136/1, «Политика США в отношении текущей ситуации в Иране»» ( PDF) . Университет Джорджа Вашингтона. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 16 января 2015 года . Проверено 7 ноября. 2007 .
Новости
- Бевинс, Винсент (20 октября 2017 г.). «Что Соединенные Штаты сделали в Индонезии» . Атлантика . Архивировано из оригинала 1 февраля 2020 года . Проверено 21 октября 2017 г.
- Брэднер, Эрик (2015). «Недавно опубликованные документы раскрывают список ядерных целей США времен холодной войны» . Политика CNN . Архивировано из оригинала 22 октября 2019 года . Проверено 23 октября 2019 г.
- Эванс, Дэвид (7 февраля 1992 г.). «Буря в пустыне наполнила советские военные трепетом» . tribunedigital-чикаготрибуна . Архивировано из оригинала 16 октября 2017 года . Проверено 15 октября 2017 г.
- Фини, Марк (29 марта 2006 г.). «Каспар В. Вайнбергер, 88 лет; архитектор масштабного строительства Пентагона» . Бостон Глобус . Бостон.com. Архивировано из оригинала 29 мая 2014 года . Проверено 28 мая 2014 г.
- Гласс, Эндрю (14 октября 2017 г.). «Макнамара становится скептиком войны во Вьетнаме, 14 октября 1966 года» . Политик . Архивировано из оригинала 9 мая 2019 года . Проверено 1 июня 2018 г.
- Нзонгола-Нталаджа, Жорж (17 января 2011 г.). «Патрис Лумумба: самое важное убийство 20 века» . Хранитель . Архивировано из оригинала 23 октября 2019 года . Проверено 26 октября 2019 г.
- Оруэлл, Джордж (19 октября 1945 г.). «Ты и атомная бомба». Трибуна .
- Оруэлл, Джордж (10 марта 1946 г.). «Россия начала вести «холодную войну» с Британией и Британской империей». Наблюдатель .
- Перри, Джульетта (21 июля 2016 г.). «Трибунал признал Индонезию виновной в геноциде 1965 года; США и Великобритания — соучастниками» . CNN . Архивировано из оригинала 8 июня 2019 года . Проверено 5 июня 2017 г.
- Скотт, Маргарет (26 октября 2017 г.). «Раскрытие акта убийства в Индонезии» . Нью-Йоркское обозрение книг . Архивировано из оригинала 25 июня 2018 года . Проверено 27 февраля 2018 г.
- Лебоу, Ричард Нед ; Штейн, Дженис Гросс (февраль 1994 г.). «Рейган и русские» . Атлантика . Архивировано из оригинала 31 декабря 2016 года . Проверено 28 мая 2010 г.
- Тэлботт, Строуб; Ханнифин, Джерри; Магнусон, Эд; Дорнер, Уильям Р.; Кейн, Джозеф Дж. (12 сентября 1983 г.). «Зверство в небе» . Время . Архивировано из оригинала 12 июня 2008 года . Проверено 8 июня 2008 г.
- Талер, Кай (2 декабря 2015 г.). «50 лет назад американские дипломаты одобрили массовые убийства в Индонезии. Вот что это значит для сегодняшнего дня» . Вашингтон Пост . Архивировано из оригинала 5 июня 2019 года . Проверено 12 апреля 2017 г.
- «Профиль Камбоджи» . Новости Би-би-си . 20 июля 2018 г. Архивировано из оригинала 28 ноября 2018 г. Проверено 30 декабря 2018 г.
- «Холодная война» . Би-би-си . Архивировано из оригинала 18 декабря 2012 года . Проверено 22 декабря 2005 г.
- «Факты + статистика эпохи Ельцина» . ПБС . 2014. Архивировано из оригинала 17 ноября 2018 года . Проверено 22 августа 2019 г.
- «Лидеры согласовывают договор о сокращении вооружений» . Новости Би-би-си . 1979. Архивировано из оригинала 27 апреля 2008 года . Проверено 10 июня 2008 г.
- «1989: Саммит на Мальте положил конец холодной войне» . Би-би-си . 3 декабря 1989 года. Архивировано из оригинала 3 октября 2018 года . Проверено 19 июня 2008 г.
- «Президент Никсон прибывает в Москву» . Новости Би-би-си . 22 мая 1972 года. Архивировано из оригинала 23 октября 2012 года . Проверено 10 июня 2008 г.
- «Профиль Сальвадора Альенде» . Би-би-си. 8 сентября 2003 г. Архивировано из оригинала 9 июля 2017 г. Проверено 25 января 2011 г.
- «Доклад Специального комитета по проблеме Венгрии» (PDF) . Генеральная Ассамблея ООН . 1957. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 25 мая 2017 года . Проверено 14 мая 2009 г.
- «Россия приносит зиму в Пражскую весну» . Новости Би-би-си . 21 августа 1968 года. Архивировано из оригинала 21 июля 2008 года . Проверено 10 июня 2008 г.
- «Советские войска захватывают Венгрию» . Новости Би-би-си . 4 ноября 1956 года. Архивировано из оригинала 7 апреля 2008 года . Проверено 11 июня 2008 г.
- «Спутник «Спутник» взлетает в космос» . Новости Би-би-си . 4 октября 1957 года. Архивировано из оригинала 3 февраля 2020 года . Проверено 11 июня 2008 г.
- «На пути к саммиту; предыдущие саммиты Рейгана-Горбачева» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . 29 мая 1988 года. Архивировано из оригинала 10 ноября 2012 года . Проверено 21 июня 2008 г.
- «Какую вину несут США в Гватемале?» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . 19 мая 2013 года. Архивировано из оригинала 18 февраля 2017 года . Проверено 23 апреля 2017 г.
Интернет
- Аллен, Ричард В. (30 января 2000 г.). «Человек, который выиграл холодную войну» . Гуверовский институт. Архивировано из оригинала 1 мая 2011 года . Проверено 3 ноября 2011 г.
- Чулик, Ян (21 августа 1998 г.). «День, когда танки разрушили чешские мечты о Пражской весне» . Британские письма. Архивировано из оригинала 28 сентября 2007 года . Проверено 23 января 2008 г.
- Фентон, Бен (1 октября 1998 г.). «Секретная стратегия нападения на Красную Армию» . «Дейли телеграф» . Архивировано из оригинала 28 мая 2008 года . Проверено 29 января 2017 г.
- Гленнон, Майкл Дж. (май – июнь 2003 г.). «Почему Совет Безопасности потерпел неудачу» . Иностранные дела . 82 (3): 16–35. дои : 10.2307/20033576 . JSTOR 20033576 . Архивировано из оригинала 28 июля 2020 года . Проверено 26 апреля 2020 г. .
- Гарриман, Памела К. (зима 1987–1988 гг.). «Черчилль и... политика: истинный смысл речи о железном занавесе» . Центр Уинстона Черчилля. Архивировано из оригинала 15 октября 2007 года . Проверено 22 июня 2008 г.
- Калб, Марвин (22 января 2013 г.). «Это называется вьетнамский синдром, и он вернулся» . Брукингский институт. Архивировано из оригинала 13 июня 2015 года . Проверено 12 июня 2015 г.
- Фон Гельдерн, Джеймс; Сигельбаум, Льюис. «Интервенция под руководством СССР в Чехословакии» . Советская история.org. Архивировано из оригинала 17 августа 2009 года . Проверено 7 марта 2008 г.
- «Обращение Михаила Горбачева к Совету Европы» . Центр Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe . 6 июля 1989 года. Архивировано из оригинала 27 сентября 2007 года . Проверено 11 февраля 2007 г.
- «Ядерные силы средней дальности» . Федерация американских ученых. Архивировано из оригинала 24 июля 2008 года . Проверено 21 июня 2008 г.
- «ЛГМ-118А Миротворец» . Федерация американских ученых. 15 августа 2000 г. Архивировано из оригинала 15 апреля 2007 г. Проверено 10 апреля 2007 г.
- «Вехи: 1945–1952 – Кабинет историка» . History.state.gov . Архивировано из оригинала 18 января 2020 года . Проверено 25 октября 2017 г.
- «Вехи: 1969–1976 – Кабинет историка» . History.state.gov . Архивировано из оригинала 11 июня 2019 года . Проверено 21 июня 2019 г.
- «Доклад заместителя министра внутренних дел СССР М. Н. Холодкова министру внутренних дел Н. П. Дудорову (15 ноября 1956 г.)» (PDF) . Венгерская революция 1956 года, история в документах . Университет Джорджа Вашингтона: Архив национальной безопасности. 4 ноября 2002 г. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 8 сентября 2006 г. . Проверено 2 сентября 2006 г.
- «Военное развертывание США с 1969 года по настоящее время» . ПБС . 26 октября 2004 г. Архивировано из оригинала 15 мая 2011 г. Проверено 30 ноября 2010 г.
- «Камбоджа: бомбардировки США, гражданская война и красные кхмеры» . Всемирный фонд мира . 7 августа 2015 года. Архивировано из оригинала 14 июля 2019 года . Проверено 30 августа 2019 г.
- «Меры, которые правительство Соединенных Штатов могло бы принять в поддержку правительства-преемника Мосаддыка» (PDF) . Университет Джорджа Вашингтона. Март 1953 г. Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 17 июня 2014 г. Проверено 7 ноября 2007 г.
- «Интервью корреспонденту «Правды» по поводу выступления г-на Уинстона Черчилля» . www.marxists.org . Архивировано из оригинала 31 января 2020 года . Проверено 4 апреля 2017 г.
Дальнейшее чтение
Внешние ссылки
Определения из Викисловаря 
СМИ из Commons 
Цитаты из Wikiquote 
Тексты из Wikisource 
Учебники из Wikibooks 
Ресурсы из Викиверситета 
Туристическая информация от Wikivoyage 
Данные из Викиданных
Архивы
- Проект международной истории холодной войны (CWIHP)
- Файлы холодной войны
- Выберите значение «Коммунизм и холодная война», чтобы просмотреть карты 1933–1982 годов в коллекции Persuasive Cartography, The PJ Mode Collection , Библиотека Корнелльского университета.
- Сайт поп-культуры времен холодной войны CONELRAD. Архивировано 29 июля 2020 года на Wayback Machine.
- Цифровые архивы CBC – Культура холодной войны: ядерный страх 1950-х и 1960-х годов
Библиография
Образовательный ресурс
- Электронные информационные книги в Архиве национальной безопасности Университета Джорджа Вашингтона
Новости
- «Холодная война» . Би-би-си . Видео и аудио репортажи времен холодной войны.
Фильмы
- Андре Боссруа, Программа Европейского Союза «Европа для граждан», «30 лет назад произошло падение Берлинской стены, конец Холодной войны» . Документальный 26 мин, 2019 .
Советского Союза Темы |
|---|
- Холодная война
- Конфликты 20-го века
- Глобальные конфликты
- История международных отношений
- Войны с участием Советского Союза
- Войны с участием США
- Военные отношения СССР и США
- Последствия Второй мировой войны
- Геополитическое соперничество
- Войны с участием НАТО
- Ядерная война
- Неологизмы 1940-х годов
- История НАТО
- Исторические эпохи
- начало 1940-х годов
- Концовки 1990-х годов
- Президентство Гарри С. Трумэна
- Президентство Дуайта Д. Эйзенхауэра
- Президентство Джона Ф. Кеннеди
- Президентство Линдона Б. Джонсона
- Президентство Ричарда Никсона
- Президентство Джеральда Форда
- Президентство Джимми Картера
- Президентство Рональда Рейгана
- Президентство Джорджа Буша-старшего