Печать Трибунала в Испании По бокам креста расположен меч, символизирующий наказание еретиков, и оливковая ветвь, символизирующая примирение с кающимся. На латыни надпись «Exurge Domine et judica causam tuam. Псалом 73». («Восстань, Господи, и рассуди дело Твое»)
Состоял из Великого инквизитора , возглавлявшего Совет Верховной и Генеральной инквизиции, состоявший из шести членов. При нем действовало до 21 трибунала в империи.
Трибунал Священной канцелярии инквизиции ( испанский : Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición ), широко известный как Испанская инквизиция ( Inquisición española ), был учрежден в 1478 году католическими монархами , королём Арагонского Фердинандом II и королевой Изабеллой I. Кастилии . Оно началось ближе к концу Реконкисты и было направлено на поддержание католической ортодоксальности в своих королевствах и замену средневековой инквизиции , находившейся под контролем папы . Она стала наиболее существенным из трех различных проявлений более широкой католической инквизиции , наряду с римской инквизицией и португальской инквизицией . «Испанскую инквизицию» можно определить в широком смысле как действующую в Испании и во всех испанских колониях и территориях, включая Канарские острова , Неаполитанское королевство , [ нужна ссылка ] и все испанские владения в Северной Америке и Южной Америке . По некоторым современным оценкам, за три столетия существования испанской инквизиции за различные правонарушения было привлечено к ответственности около 150 000 человек, из них казнено было от 3 000 до 5 000, что составляет примерно 2,7 процента всех случаев. [ 1 ] Однако инквизиция с момента создания американских судов никогда не имела юрисдикции над коренными народами. Король Испании приказал, «чтобы инквизиторы никогда не действовали против индейцев, а действовали против старых христиан, их потомков и других лиц, против которых в этих королевствах Испании принято действовать». [ 2 ]
Римский император Константин узаконил христианство в 312 году. Будучи сама подвергнута жестоким гонениям при предыдущих императорах, новая религия теперь чувствовала себя способной начать свою собственную программу гонений. С момента его признания и наделения полномочиями начались гонения на приверженцев других культов — язычников, иудеев, еретиков. Хотя только в четвертом веке своего существования христианство широко распространилось и уже начало испытывать внутри себя множество расколов. Среди наиболее значительных ересей в это время были арианство , манихейство , гностицизм , адамиты , донатисты , пелагиане и присциллианцы . [ 5 ]
В 438 году, при императоре Феодосии II , Кодекс Феодосиана (Кодекс Феодосия), сборник законов Римской империи, уже предусматривал конфискацию имущества и смертную казнь для еретиков. [ 8 ] [ 9 ]
Испанский аскет и богослов Присциллиан был обвинен в магии и распутстве и отлучен от церкви в 380 году. Позже он был осужден и казнен вместе с несколькими своими товарищами императором Магнусом Максимом по наущению двух христианских епископов, несмотря на противодействие важных такие фигуры, как святой Мартин Турский и святой Амвросий . Присциллиан был описан как первый мученик, убитый испанской инквизицией. [ 10 ] [ 11 ] [ 12 ]
После падения Западной Римской империи в V веке последовал период длиной почти в семь столетий, в течение которого преследования за ересь стали очень редкими. Некоторые из старых ересей сохранились, но в ослабленном состоянии и не действовали открыто. Никаких новых расколов в этот период, похоже, не возникло. [ 13 ]
Епископальная инквизиция была создана папской буллой Ad Abolendam («Отменить»). [ 14 ] [ 15 ] в конце XII века папой Луцием III при поддержке императора Фридриха I для борьбы с альбигойской ересью на юге Франции. Еретики должны были быть переданы светским властям для наказания, конфискованы их имущество и подвергнуты отлучению от церкви. Должностные лица, графы, бароны, настоятели в городах и других местах обязаны были взять на себя ответственность за наказание еретиков, переданных им Церковью; любой авторитет, не выполнивший эту обязанность, будет отлучен от церкви, отстранен от должности и лишен всех законных прав. Коммерческие бойкоты будут объявлены городам, которые поддерживали еретиков и отказывались участвовать. Это было началом процесса централизации в борьбе с ересью. [ 16 ] [ 17 ] существовало большое количество трибуналов папской инквизиции в различных европейских королевствах В средние века . В Арагонском королевстве трибунал папской инквизиции был учрежден статутом Excommunicamus et anafematisamus Папы Григория IX . [ 18 ] в 1231 году, в эпоху альбигойской ереси, как условие мира с Арагоном. Инквизиция была плохо принята арагонцами, что привело к запрету оскорблений или нападок на нее. Рим был особенно обеспокоен тем, что большое мусульманское и еврейское население Пиренейского полуострова будет иметь «еретическое» влияние на граждан-католиков. Рим требовал от королевств принять папскую инквизицию после Арагона. Наварра уступила в 13 веке, а Португалия - в конце 14 века, хотя ее «римская инквизиция», как известно, бездействовала. Кастилия упорно отказывалась, полагая, что свое видное положение в Европе и свою военную мощь помогут сдержать интервенционизм Папы. К концу Средневековья Англия , благодаря расстоянию и добровольному подчинению, и Кастилия (будущая часть Испании), благодаря сопротивлению и могуществу, были единственными западноевропейскими королевствами, которые успешно сопротивлялись установлению инквизиции в своих владениях. [ нужна ссылка ]
Испанскую инквизицию можно интерпретировать как ответ на многоконфессиональную природу испанского общества после завоевания Пиренейского полуострова -мусульман у мавров . Реконкиста не привела к полному изгнанию мусульман из Испании, поскольку правящая христианская элита терпела их, как и евреев. В крупных городах, особенно в Севилье , Вальядолиде и Барселоне , проживало значительное еврейское население, сосредоточенное в Юдерии , но в последующие годы мусульмане становились все более отчужденными и отстраненными от центров власти. [ 19 ]
Средневековая Испания после завоевания была охарактеризована Америко Кастро как общество относительно мирного сосуществования ( convivencia ), перемежающееся периодическими конфликтами между правящими католиками, евреями и мусульманами. Как отмечает историк Генри Кэмен, «так называемая конвивенсия всегда представляла собой отношения между неравными». [ 20 ] Несмотря на юридическое неравенство, существовала давняя традиция еврейской службы Арагонской короне, и евреи занимали многие важные посты, как религиозные, так и политические. В самой Кастилии был неофициальный раввин . Отец Фердинанда Иоанн II еврея Авиафара Крескаса назвал придворным астрономом . [ нужна ссылка ]
По словам дона Хасдая Крескаса , всерьез гонения на евреев начались в Севилье в 1391 году, в 1-й день лунного месяца Таммуз (июнь). [ 23 ] Оттуда насилие распространилось на Кордову и к 17-му дню того же лунного месяца достигло Толедо (названного тогда евреями по арабскому названию «Тулайтула») в районе Кастилии . [ 24 ] Затем насилие распространилось на Майорку и к 1-му дню лунного месяца Элул достигло и евреев Барселоны в Каталонии , где число убитых оценивалось в двести пятьдесят человек. многие евреи, проживавшие в соседних провинциях Лерида и Жиронда, а также в королевстве Валенсия . Действительно, пострадали [ 25 ] как и евреи Аль-Андалуса (Андалусия). [ 26 ] В то время как многие умерли мученической смертью, другие обратились, чтобы спастись.
Воодушевленные проповедями Феррана Мартинеса , архидьякона Эсихи как , всеобщие волнения затронули почти всех евреев в Испании, за это время около 200 000 евреев изменили свою религию или скрыли свою религию, став известными на иврите Анусим . [ 27 ] что означает «те, кто вынужден [скрывать свою религию]». Лишь горстке наиболее видных деятелей еврейской общины, которые нашли убежище среди наместников в отдаленных городах и районах, удалось бежать. [ 23 ]
Принудительное крещение противоречило закону Католической церкви, и теоретически любой, кто был крещен насильно, мог законно вернуться в иудаизм. Юридические определения того времени теоретически признавали, что принудительное крещение не было действительным таинством, но ограничивали это случаями, когда оно совершалось буквально с применением физической силы: человек, согласившийся на крещение под угрозой смерти или серьезного увечья, по-прежнему считался причастным. добровольно обращенный, и, соответственно, ему запрещено возвращаться в иудаизм. [ 28 ] После публичного насилия многие из обращенных «почувствовали, что безопаснее оставаться в своей новой религии». [ 29 ] Таким образом, после 1391 года появилась новая социальная группа, получившая название conversos или новые христиане . Многие conversos , теперь освобожденные от антисемитских ограничений, наложенных на трудоустройство евреев, достигли важных постов в Испании пятнадцатого века, включая должности в правительстве и в церкви. Среди многих других врачи Андрес Лагуна и Франсиско Лопес де Вильялобос (придворный врач Фердинанда), писатели Хуан дель Энзина , Хуан де Мена , Диего де Валера и Алонсо де Паленсия, а также банкиры Луис де Сантанхель и Габриэль Санчес (финансировавшие путешествие Кристофера Колумб ) все были conversos . Конверсос - не без сопротивления - сумели достичь высоких постов в церковной иерархии, временами становясь ярыми противниками иудаизма. [ 30 ] Некоторые даже получили дворянские титулы, и в результате в течение следующего столетия в некоторых работах пытались продемонстрировать, что многие дворяне Испании произошли от израильтян. [ 31 ]
Согласно этой гипотезе, инквизиция была создана для стандартизации множества законов и многих юрисдикций, на которые была разделена Испания. Это будет административная программа, аналогичная Санта-Эрмандаду («Святое Братство», правоохранительный орган, подчиняющийся короне, который преследует воров и преступников в разных графствах так, как не могли местные власти графства, предок Гражданской гвардии ). , учреждение, которое гарантировало бы единообразное судебное преследование за преступления против королевских законов во всех местных юрисдикциях.
The Kingdom of Castile had been prosperous and successful in Europe thanks in part to the unusual authority and control the king exerted over the nobility, which ensured political stability and kept the kingdom from being weakened by in-fighting (as was the case in England, for example). Under the Trastámara dynasty, both kings of Castile and Aragon had lost power to the great nobles, who now formed dissenting and conspiratorial factions. Taxation and varying privileges differed from county to county, and powerful noble families constantly extorted the kings to attain further concessions, particularly in Aragon.
The main goals of the reign of the Catholic Monarchs were to unite their two kingdoms and strengthen royal influence to guarantee stability. In pursuit of this, they sought to further unify the laws of their realms and reduce the power of the nobility in certain local areas. They attained this partially by raw military strength by creating a combined army between the two of them that could outmatch the army of most noble coalitions in the Peninsula. It was impossible to change the entire laws of both realms by force alone, and due to reasonable suspicion of one another the monarchs kept their kingdoms separate during their lifetimes. The only way to unify both kingdoms and ensure that Isabella, Ferdinand, and their descendants maintained the power of both kingdoms without uniting them in life was to find, or create, an executive, legislative and judicial arm directly under the Crown empowered to act in both kingdoms. This goal, the hypothesis goes, might have given birth to the Spanish Inquisition.[32][page needed]
The religious organization to oversee this role was obvious: Catholicism was the only institution common to both kingdoms, and the only one with enough popular support that the nobility could not easily attack it. Through the Spanish Inquisition, Isabella and Ferdinand created a personal police force and personal code of law that rested above the structure of their respective realms without altering or mixing them, and could operate freely in both. As the Inquisition had the backing of both kingdoms, it would exist independent of both the nobility and local interests of either kingdom.[33]
According to this view, the prosecution of heretics would be secondary, or simply not considered different, from the prosecution of conspirators, traitors, or groups of any kind who planned to resist royal authority. At the time, royal authority rested on divine right and on oaths of loyalty held before God, so the connection between religious deviation and political disloyalty would appear obvious. This hypothesis is supported by the disproportionately high representation of the nobility and high clergy among those investigated by the Inquisition, as well as by the many administrative and civil crimes the Inquisition oversaw. The Inquisition prosecuted the counterfeiting of royal seals and currency, ensured the effective transmission of the orders of the kings, and verified the authenticity of official documents traveling through the kingdoms, especially from one kingdom to the other. See "Non-Religious Crimes".[34][32][page needed]
At a time when most of Europe had already expelled the Jews from the Christian kingdoms, the "dirty blood" of Spaniards was met with open suspicion and contempt by the rest of Europe. As the world became smaller and foreign relations became more relevant to stay in power, this foreign image of "being the seed of Jews and Moors" may have become a problem. In addition, the coup that allowed Isabella to take the throne from Joanna of Castile ("la Beltraneja") and the Catholic Monarchs to marry had estranged Castile from Portugal, its historical ally, and created the need for new relationships. Similarly, Aragon's ambitions lay in control of the Mediterranean and the defense against France. As their policy of royal marriages proved, the Catholic Monarchs were deeply concerned about France's growing power and expected to create strong dynastic alliances across Europe. In this scenario, the Iberian reputation of being too tolerant was a problem.
Despite the prestige earned through the reconquest (reconquista), the foreign image of Spaniards coexisted with an almost universal image of heretics and "bad Christians", due to the long coexistence between the three religions they had accepted in their lands. Anti-Jewish stereotypes created to justify or prompt the expulsion and expropriation of the European Jews were also applied to Spaniards in most European courts, and the idea of them being "greedy, gold-thirsty, cruel and violent" due to the "Jewish and Moorish blood" was prevalent in Europe before America was discovered by Europeans. Chronicles by foreign travelers circulated through Europe, describing the tolerant ambiance reigning in the court of Isabella and Ferdinand, and how Moors and Jews were free to go about without anyone trying to convert them. Past and common clashes between the Pope and the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula regarding the Inquisition in Castile's case and regarding South Italy in Aragon's case, also reinforced their image of heretics in the international courts. These accusations and images could have direct political and military consequences at the time, especially considering that the union of two powerful kingdoms was a particularly delicate moment that could prompt the fear and violent reactions from neighbors, even more if combined with the expansion of the Ottoman Turks on the Mediterranean.
The creation of the Inquisition and the expulsion of both Jews and Moriscos may have been part of a strategy to whitewash the image of Spain and ease international fears regarding Spain's allegiance. In this scenario, the creation of the Inquisition could have been part of the Catholic Monarchs' strategy to "turn" away from African allies and "towards" Europe, a tool to turn both actual Spain and the Spanish image more European and improve relations with the Pope.[35][page needed]
The alleged discovery of Morisco plots to support a possible Ottoman invasion were crucial factors in their decision to create the Inquisition. At this time, the Ottoman Empire was in rapid expansion and the Aragonese Mediterranean Empire was crumbling under debt and war exhaustion. Ferdinand reasonably feared that he would not be capable of repelling an Ottoman attack to Spain's shores, especially if the Ottomans had internal help. The regions with the highest concentration of Moriscos were those close to the common naval crossings between Spain and Africa. If the weakness of the Aragonese Naval Empire was combined with the resentment of the higher nobility against the monarchs, the dynastic claims of Portugal on Castile and the two monarchs' exterior politics that turned away from Morocco and other African nations in favor of Europe, the fear of a second Muslim invasion, and thus a second Muslim occupation was hardly unfounded. This fear may have been the base reason for the expulsion of those citizens who had either a religious reason to support the invasion of the Ottomans (Moriscos) or no particular religious reason to not do it (Jews). The Inquisition might have been part of the preparations to enforce these measures and ensure their effectiveness by rooting out false converts that would still pose a threat of foreign espionage.[36][37]
In favor of this view there is the obvious military sense it makes, and the many early attempts of peaceful conversion and persuasion that the Monarchs used at the beginning of their reign, and the sudden turn towards the creation of the Inquisition and the edicts of expulsion when those initial attempts failed. The conquest of Naples by the Gran Capitan is also proof of an interest in Mediterranean expansion and re-establishment of Spanish power in that sea that was bound to generate frictions with the Ottoman Empire and other African nations. So, the Inquisition would have been created as a permanent body to prevent the existence of citizens with religious sympathies with African nations now that rivalry with them had been deemed unavoidable.[38]
The creation of the Spanish Inquisition was consistent with the most important political philosophers of the Florentine School, with whom the kings were known to have contact (Guicciardini, Pico della Mirandola, Machiavelli, Segni, Pitti, Nardi, Varchi, etc.) Both Guicciardini and Machiavelli defended the importance of centralization and unification to create a strong state capable of repelling foreign invasions, and also warned of the dangers of excessive social uniformity to the creativity and innovation of a nation. Machiavelli considered piety and morals desirable for the subjects but not so much for the ruler, who should use them as a way to unify its population. He also warned of the nefarious influence of a corrupt church in the creation of a selfish population and middle nobility, which had fragmented the peninsula and made it unable to resist either France or Aragon. German philosophers at the time were spreading the importance of a vassal sharing the religion of their lord.
The Inquisition may have just been the result of putting these ideas into practice. The use of religion as a unifying factor across a land that was allowed to stay diverse and maintain different laws in other respects, and the creation of the Inquisition to enforce laws across it, maintain said religious unity and control the local elites were consistent with most of those teachings.
Alternatively, the enforcement of Catholicism across the realm might indeed be the result of simple religious devotion by the monarchs. The recent scholarship on the expulsion of the Jews leans towards the belief of religious motivations being at the bottom of it.[39] But considering the reports on Ferdinand's political persona, that is unlikely the only reason. Ferdinand was described, among others, by Machiavelli, as a man who didn't know the meaning of piety, but who made political use of it and would have achieved little if he had really known it. He was Machiavelli's main inspiration while writing The Prince.[40]
The hierarchy of the Catholic Church had made many attempts during the Middle Ages to take over Christian Spain politically, such as claiming the Church's ownership over all land reconquered from non-Christians (a claim that was rejected by Castile but accepted by Aragon and Portugal). In the past, the papacy had tried and partially succeeded, in forcing the Mozarabic Rite out of Iberia. Its intervention had been pivotal for Aragon's loss of Rosellon.[clarification needed] The meddling regarding Aragon's control over South Italy was even stronger historically. In their lifetime, the Catholic Monarchs had problems withPope Paul II, a very strong proponent of absolute authority for the church over the kings. Carrillo actively opposed them both and often used Spain's "mixed blood" as an excuse to intervene. The papacy and the monarchs of Europe had been involved in a rivalry for power all through the high Middle Ages that Rome had already won in other powerful kingdoms like France.
Since the legitimacy granted by the church was necessary for both monarchs, especially Isabella, to stay in power, the creation of the Spanish Inquisition may have been a way to apparently concede to the Pope's demands and criticism regarding Spain's mixed religious heritage, while at the same time ensuring that the Pope could hardly force the second inquisition of his own, and at the same time create a tool to control the power of the Roman Church in Spain. The Spanish Inquisition was unique at the time because it was not led by the Pope. Once the bull of creation was granted, the head of the Inquisition was the Monarch of Spain. It was in charge of enforcing the laws of the king regarding religion and other private-life matters, not of following orders from Rome, from which it was independent. This independence allowed the Inquisition to investigate, prosecute and convict clergy for both corruptions and possible charges of treason of conspiracy against the crown (on the Pope's behalf presumably) without the Pope's intervention. The inquisition was, despite its title of "Holy", not necessarily formed by the clergy and secular lawyers were equally welcome to it. If it was an attempt at keeping Rome out of Spain, it was an extremely successful and refined one. It was a bureaucratic body that had the nominal authority of the church and permission to prosecute members of the church, which the kings could not do, while answering only to the Spanish Crown. This did not prevent the Pope from having some influence on the decisions of Spanish monarchs, but it did force the influence to be through the kings, making direct influence very difficult.[41][page needed]
Other hypotheses that circulate regarding the Spanish Inquisition's creation include:
Economic reasons: Since one of the penalties that the Inquisition could enforce on the convicts was the confiscation of their property, which became Crown property, it has been stated that the creation of the Inquisition was a way to finance the crown. There is no solid reason for this hypothesis to stand alone, nor for the Kings of Spain to need an institution to do this gradually instead of confiscating property through edicts, but it may be one of the reasons why the Inquisition stayed for so long. This hypothesis notes the tendency of the Inquisition to operate in large and wealthy cities and is favoured by those who consider that most of those prosecuted for practising Judaism and Islam in secret were actually innocent of it.[42]Gustav Bergenroth, editor and translator of the Spanish state papers from 1485 to 1509, believed that revenue was the incentive for Ferdinand and Isabella's decision to invite the Inquisition into Spain.[43] Other authors point out that both monarchs were very aware of the economic consequences they would suffer from a decrease in population.
Intolerance and racism: This argument is usually made regarding the expulsion of the Jews or the Moriscos,[42] and since the Inquisition was so closely interconnected with those actions can be expanded to it. It varies between those who deny that Spain was really that different from the rest of Europe regarding tolerance and openmindedness and those who argue that it used to be, but gradually the antisemitic and racist atmosphere of medieval Europe rubbed onto it. It explains the creation of the Inquisition as the result of exactly the same forces as those that caused the creation of similar entities across Europe. This view may account for the similarities between the Spanish Inquisition and similar institutions but completely fails to account for its many unique characteristics, including its time of appearance and its duration through time, so even if accepted requires the addition of some of the other hypothesis to be complete.[32][page needed]
Purely religious reasons: This view argues that the Catholic Monarchs has the Inquisition created to prosecute heretics and sodomites out of diligence of the laws of the Church, which clearly forbid both (cf. CJC can. 1634 §1, ST IIa IIæ Q11 A3; CCC pp. 2357-8, Persona Humana 1975, ST IIa IIæ Q154 AA11, 12)
Torquemada is buried in the monastery of Saint Thomas at Ávila, and left his own epitaph: “Pestem Fugat Haereticam” i.e. “drove away the pestilence of heresy".[44]
Spanish monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella requested a papal bull establishing an inquisition in Spain in 1478. Pope Sixtus IV granted the bull Exigit sincerae devotionis affectus permitting the monarchs to select and appoint two or three priests over forty years of age to act as inquisitors.[47][48] In 1483, Ferdinand and Isabella established a state council to administer the inquisition with the Dominican Friar Tomás de Torquemada acting as its president, even though Sixtus IV protested the activities of the inquisition in Aragon and its treatment of the conversos. Torquemada eventually assumed the title of Inquisitor-General.[49][50]
Ferdinand II of Aragon pressured Pope Sixtus IV to agree to an Inquisition controlled by the monarchy by threatening to withdraw military support at a time when the Turks were a threat to Rome. [citation needed] The pope issued a bull to stop the Inquisition but was pressured into withdrawing it.[51] On 1 November 1478, Sixtus published the Papal bull, Exigit Sinceras Devotionis Affectus, ("Sincere Devotion Is Required") through which he gave the monarchs exclusive authority to name the inquisitors in their kingdoms. The first two inquisitors, Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martín, were not named until two years later, on 27 September 1480 in Medina del Campo.[52] The first auto de fé was held in Seville on 6 February 1481: six people were burned alive. From there, the Inquisition grew rapidly in the Kingdom of Castile. By 1492, tribunals existed in eight Castilian cities: Ávila, Córdoba, Jaén, Medina del Campo, Segovia, Sigüenza, Toledo, and Valladolid. Sixtus IV promulgated a new bull (1482) categorically prohibiting the Inquisition's extension to Aragón, affirming that:[51]
... in Aragon, Valencia, Mallorca and Catalonia the Inquisition has for some time been moved not by zeal for the faith and the salvation of souls, but by lust for wealth, and that many true and faithful Christians, on the testimony of enemies, rivals, slaves and other lower and even less proper persons, have without any legitimate proof been thrust into secular prisons, tortured and condemned as relapsed heretics, deprived of their goods and property and handed over to the secular arm to be executed, to the peril of souls, setting a pernicious example, and causing disgust to many.[51]
Outraged, Ferdinand feigned doubt about the bull's veracity, arguing that no sensible pope would have published such a document. He wrote the pope on May 13, 1482, saying: "Take care therefore not to let the matter go further, and to revoke any concessions and entrust us with the care of this question."[53]
According to the book A History of the Jewish People,[54]
In 1482 the pope was still trying to maintain control over the Inquisition and to gain acceptance for his own attitude towards the New Christians which was generally more moderate than that of the Inquisition and the local rulers.
In 1483, Jews were expelled from all of Andalusia. Though the pope wanted to crack down on abuses, Ferdinand pressured him to promulgate a new bull, threatening that he would otherwise separate the Inquisition from Church authority.[53][55] Sixtus did so on 17 October 1483, naming Tomás de Torquemada Inquisidor General of Aragón, Valencia, and Catalonia.
Torquemada quickly established procedures for the Inquisition. In 1484, based in Nicholas Eymerich's Directorium Inquisitorum, he created a twenty-eight-article inquisitor's code, Compilación de las instrucciones del oficio de la Santa Inquisición (i.e. Compilation of the instructions of the office of the Holy Inquisition), essentially unaltered for more than three centuries following Torquemada's death.[56][57][58]A new court would be announced with a thirty-day grace period for self confessions and denunciations, and the gathering of accusations by neighbors and acquaintances. Evidence that was used to identify a crypto-Jew included the absence of chimney smoke on Saturdays (a sign the family might secretly be honoring the Sabbath), the buying of many vegetables before Passover, or the purchase of meat from a converted butcher. The court could employ physical torture to extract confessions. Crypto-Jews were allowed to confess and do penance, although those who relapsed were executed.[59][60]
In 1484, Pope Innocent VIII attempted to allow appeals to Rome against the Inquisition, which would weaken the function of the institution as protection against the pope, but Ferdinand in December 1484 and again in 1509 decreed death and confiscation for anyone trying to make use of such procedures without royal permission.[61] With this, the Inquisition became the only institution that held authority across all the realms of the Spanish monarchy and, in all of them, a useful mechanism at the service of the crown. The cities of Aragón continued resisting, and even saw revolt, as in Teruel from 1484 to 1485. The murder of InquisidorPedro Arbués (later made saint) in Zaragoza on 15 September 1485, caused public opinion to turn against the conversos and in favour of the Inquisition. In Aragón, the Inquisitorial courts were focused specifically on members of the powerful converso minority, ending their influence in the Aragonese administration.
The Inquisition was extremely active between 1480 and 1530. Different sources give different estimates of the number of trials and executions in this period; some estimate about 2,000 executions, based on the documentation of the autos de fé, the great majority being conversos of Jewish origin. He [who?] offers striking statistics: 91.6% of those judged in Valencia between 1484 and 1530 and 99.3% of those judged in Barcelona between 1484 and 1505 were of Jewish origin.[62][failed verification]
The Inquisition had jurisdiction only over Christians. It had no power to investigate, prosecute, or convict Jews, Muslims, or any open member of other religions. Anyone who was known to identify as either Jew or Muslim was outside of Inquisitorial jurisdiction and could be tried only by the King. All the inquisition could do in some of those cases was to deport the individual according to the King's law, but usually, even that had to go through a civil tribunal. The Inquisition had the authority to try only those who self-identified as Christians (initially for taxation purposes, later to avoid deportation as well) while practicing another religion de facto. Even those were treated as Christians. If they confessed or identified not as "judeizantes" but as fully practicing Jews, they fell back into the previously explained category and could not be targeted, although they would have pleaded guilty to previously lying about being Christian.[citation needed]
Though not subject to the Inquisition, Jews who refused to convert or leave Spain were called heretics and could be burned to death on a stake.[citation needed]
The Spanish Inquisition had been established in part to prevent conversos from engaging in Jewish practices, which, as Christians, they were supposed to have given up. This remedy for securing the orthodoxy of conversos was eventually deemed inadequate since the main justification the monarchy gave for formally expelling all Jews from Spain was the "great harm suffered by Christians (i.e., conversos) from the contact, intercourse and communication which they have with the Jews, who always attempt in various ways to seduce faithful Christians from our Holy Catholic Faith", according to the 1492 edict.[63]
The Alhambra Decree, issued in January 1492, gave the choice between expulsion, conversion or death.[3] It was among the few expulsion orders that allowed conversion as an alternative and is used as a proof of the religious, not racial, element of the measure. The enforcement of this decree was very unequal with the focus mainly on coastal and southern regions—those at risk of Ottoman invasion—and more gradual and ineffective enforcement towards the interior.[64]
Historic accounts of the numbers of Jews who left Spain were based on speculation, and some aspects were exaggerated by early accounts and historians: Juan de Mariana speaks of 800,000 people, and Don Isaac Abravanel of 300,000. While few reliable statistics exist for the expulsion, modern estimates based on tax returns and population estimates of communities are much lower, with Kamen stating that of a population of approximately 80,000 Jews and 200,000 conversos, about 40,000 emigrated.[65] The Jews of the kingdom of Castile emigrated mainly to Portugal (where the entire community was forcibly converted in 1497) and to North Africa. The Jews of the kingdom of Aragon fled to other Christian areas including Italy, rather than to Muslim lands as is often assumed.[66] Although the vast majority of conversos simply assimilated into the Catholic dominant culture, a minority continued to practice Judaism in secret, gradually migrated throughout Europe, North Africa, and the Ottoman Empire, mainly to areas where Sephardic communities were already present as a result of the Alhambra Decree.[67]
The most intense period of persecution of conversos lasted until 1530. From 1531 to 1560 the percentage of conversos among the Inquisition trials dropped to 3% of the total. There was a rebound of persecutions when a group of crypto-Jews was discovered in Quintanar de la Orden in 1588 and there was a rise in denunciations of conversos in the last decade of the sixteenth century. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, some conversos who had fled to Portugal began to return to Spain, fleeing the persecution of the Portuguese Inquisition, founded in 1536. This led to a rapid increase in the trials of crypto-Jews, among them a number of important financiers. In 1691, during a number of autos de fé in Majorca, 37 chuetas, or conversos of Majorca, were burned.[68]
During the eighteenth century, the number of conversos accused by the Inquisition decreased significantly. Manuel Santiago Vivar, tried in Córdoba in 1818, was the last person tried for being a crypto-Jew.[69]
The Inquisition searched for false or relapsed converts among the Moriscos, who had converted from Islam. Beginning with a decree on 14 February 1502, Muslims in Granada had to choose between conversion to Christianity or expulsion.[4] In the Crown of Aragon, most Muslims faced this choice after the Revolt of the Brotherhoods (1519–1523). The enforcement of the expulsion of the Moriscos was implemented unevenly, especially in the lands of the interior and the north. In these regions coexistence had lasted for over five centuries and Moriscos were protected by the population; in many cases expulsion orders were partially or completely ignored.[citation needed]
The War of the Alpujarras (1568–71), a general Muslim/Morisco uprising in Granada that expected to aid Ottoman disembarkation in the peninsula, ended in a forced dispersal of about half of the region's Moriscos throughout Castile and Andalusia as well as increased suspicions by Spanish authorities against this community.
Many Moriscos were suspected of practising Islam in secret, and the jealousy with which they guarded the privacy of their domestic life prevented the verification of this suspicion.[70] Initially, they were not severely persecuted by the Inquisition, experiencing instead a policy of evangelization[71] a policy not followed with those conversos who were suspected of being crypto-Jews. There were various reasons for this. In the kingdoms of Valencia and Aragon, a large number of the Moriscos were under the jurisdiction of the nobility, and persecution would have been viewed as a frontal assault on the economic interests of this powerful social class. Most importantly, the moriscos had integrated into the Spanish society significantly better than the Jews, intermarrying with the population often, and were not seen as a foreign element, especially in rural areas.[72][73] Still, fears ran high among the population that the Moriscos were traitorous, especially in Granada. The coast was regularly raided by Barbary pirates backed by Spain's enemy, the Ottoman Empire, and the Moriscos were suspected of aiding them.
In the second half of the century, late in the reign of Philip II, conditions worsened between Old Christians and Moriscos. The Morisco Revolt in Granada in 1568–1570 was harshly suppressed, and the Inquisition intensified its attention on the Moriscos. From 1570 Morisco cases became predominant in the tribunals of Zaragoza, Valencia and Granada; in the tribunal of Granada, between 1560 and 1571, 82% of those accused were Moriscos, who were a vast majority of the Kingdom's population at the time.[74] Still, the Moriscos did not experience the same harshness as judaizing conversos and Protestants, and the number of capital punishments was proportionally less.[75]
In 1609, King Philip III, upon the advice of his financial adviser the Duke of Lerma and Archbishop of Valencia Juan de Ribera, decreed the Expulsion of the Moriscos. Hundreds of thousands of Moriscos were expelled. This was further fueled by the religious intolerance of Archbishop Ribera who quoted the Old Testament texts ordering the enemies of God to be slain without mercy and setting forth the duties of kings to extirpate them.[76] The edict required: 'The Moriscos to depart, under the pain of death and confiscation, without trial or sentence... to take with them no money, bullion, jewels or bills of exchange.... just what they could carry.'[77] Although initial estimates of the number expelled such as those of Henri Lapeyre reach 300,000 Moriscos (or 4% of the total Spanish population), the extent and severity of the expulsion in much of Spain has been increasingly challenged by modern historians such as Trevor J. Dadson.[78] Nevertheless, the eastern region of Valencia, where ethnic tensions were high, was particularly affected by the expulsion, suffering economic collapse and depopulation of much of its territory.
Of those permanently expelled, the majority finally settled in the Maghreb or the Barbary coast.[79] Those who avoided expulsion or who managed to return were gradually absorbed by the dominant culture.[80]
The Inquisition pursued some trials against Moriscos who remained or returned after expulsion: at the height of the Inquisition, cases against Moriscos are estimated to have constituted less than 10 percent of those judged by the Inquisition. Upon the coronation of Philip IV in 1621, the new king gave the order to desist from attempting to impose measures on remaining Moriscos and returnees. In September 1628 the Council of the Supreme Inquisition ordered inquisitors in Seville not to prosecute expelled Moriscos "unless they cause significant commotion."[81] The last mass prosecution against Moriscos for crypto-Islamic practices occurred in Granada in 1727, with most of those convicted receiving relatively light sentences. By the end of the 18th century, the indigenous practice of Islam is considered to have been effectively extinguished in Spain.[82]
The burning of a Dutch Anabaptist, Anneken Hendriks, who was charged with heresy in Amsterdam,1571
Despite popular myths about the Spanish Inquisition relating to Protestants, it dealt with very few cases involving actual Protestants, as there were so few in Spain.[83] Lutheran was a portmanteau accusation used by the Inquisition to act against all those who acted in a way that was offensive to the church. The first of the trials against those labeled by the Inquisition as "Lutheran" were those against the sect of mystics known as the "Alumbrados" of Guadalajara and Valladolid. The trials were long and ended with prison sentences of differing lengths, though none of the sect were executed. Nevertheless, the subject of the "Alumbrados" put the Inquisition on the trail of many intellectuals and clerics who, interested in Erasmian ideas, had strayed from orthodoxy. This is striking because both Charles I and Philip II were confessed admirers of Erasmus.[84][85]
The first trials against Lutheran groups, as such, took place between 1558 and 1562, at the beginning of the reign of Philip II, against two communities of Protestants from the cities of Valladolid and Seville, numbering about 120.[86] The trials signaled a notable intensification of the Inquisition's activities. A number of autos de fé were held, some of them presided over by members of the royal family, and around 100 executions took place.[87] The autos de fé of the mid-century virtually put an end to Spanish Protestantism, which was, throughout, a small phenomenon to begin with.[88]
After 1562, though the trials continued, the repression was much reduced. About 200 Spaniards were accused of being Protestants in the last decades of the 16th century.
Most of them were in no sense Protestants ... Irreligious sentiments, drunken mockery, anticlerical expressions, were all captiously classified by the inquisitors (or by those who denounced the cases) as "Lutheran." Disrespect to church images, and eating meat on forbidden days, were taken as signs of heresy...[89]
It is estimated that a dozen Protestant Spaniards were burned alive in the later part of the sixteenth century.[90]
Protestantism was treated as a marker to identify agents of foreign powers and symptoms of political disloyalty as much as, if not more than a cause of prosecution in itself.[91]
Even though the Inquisition had theoretical permission to investigate Orthodox "heretics", it almost never did. There was no major war between Spain and any Orthodox nation, so there was no reason to do so. There was one casualty tortured by those "Jesuits" (though most likely, Franciscans) who administered the Spanish Inquisition in North America, according to authorities within the Eastern Orthodox Church: St. Peter the Aleut. Even that single report has various numbers of inaccuracies that make it problematic, and has no confirmation in the Inquisitorial archives.
The category "superstitions" includes trials related to witchcraft. The witch-hunt in Spain had much less intensity than in other European countries (particularly France, Scotland, and Germany). One remarkable case was that of Logroño, in which the witches of Zugarramurdi in Navarre were persecuted. During the auto de fé that took place in Logroño on 7 and 8 November 1610, six people were burned and another five burned in effigy.[92] The role of the Inquisition in cases of witchcraft was much more restricted than is commonly believed. Well after the foundation of the Inquisition, jurisdiction over sorcery and witchcraft remained in secular hands.[93][page needed] In general the Spanish Inquisition maintained a skeptical attitude towards cases of witchcraft, considering it as a mere superstition without any basis. Alonso de Salazar Frías, who took the Edict of Faith to various parts of Navarre after the trials of Logroño, noted in his report to the Suprema that, "There were neither witches nor bewitched in a village until they were talked and written about".[94]
Included under the rubric of heretical propositions were verbal offences, from outright blasphemy to questionable statements regarding religious beliefs, from issues of sexual morality to misbehaviour of the clergy. Many were brought to trial for affirming that simple fornication (sex between unmarried persons) was not a sin or for putting in doubt different aspects of Christian faith such as Transubstantiation or the virginity of Mary.[95] Also, members of the clergy themselves were occasionally accused of heretical propositions. These offences rarely led to severe penalties.[96]
Pope Clement VII granted the Inquisition jurisdiction over sodomy within Aragon in 1524, in response to a petition from the Saragossa tribunal.[97] The Inquisition in Castile declined to take the same jurisdiction, making sodomy the only major crime with such a significant regional discrepancy. Even within Aragon, the treatment of sodomy varied significantly by region, because the pope's decree required that it be prosecuted according to each area's local law.[98] For instance, the tribunal of the city of Zaragoza was considered unusually harsh by contemporaries.[99]
The first person known to have been executed by the Inquisition for sodomy was a priest, Salvador Vidal, in 1541. Others convicted of sodomy received sentences including fines, burning in effigy, public whipping, and the galleys.[100] The first burning for sodomy took place in Valencia in 1572.[101]
Sodomy was an expansive term; while a 1560 decision ruled that lesbian sex not involving a dildo could not be prosecuted as sodomy, bestiality routinely was, especially in Saragossa in the 1570s.[102] Men might also be prosecuted based on accusations of engaging in heterosexual sodomy with their wives.[103] For that time and place, the word "sodomy" covered several kinds of not procreative sexual acts, denounced by the Church, like coitus interruptus, masturbation, fellatio, anal coitus (whether heterosexual or homosexual) etc. [104]
Those accused included 19% clergy, 6% nobles, 37% workers, 19% servants, and 18% soldiers and sailors.[101][failed verification] Nearly all of almost 500 cases of sodomy between persons concerned the relationship between an older man and an adolescent, often by coercion, with only a few cases where the couple were consenting homosexual adults. About 100 of the total involved allegations of child abuse. Adolescents were generally punished more leniently than adults, but only when they were very young (under about 12 years) or when the case clearly concerned rape did they have a chance to avoid punishment altogether.[105]
Prosecutions for sodomy gradually declined, in large part due to decisions from the Suprema intended to reduce the publicity for sodomy cases. In 1579, public autos de fé ceased to include people convicted on sodomy charges unless they were sentenced to death; even the death sentences were excluded from public proclamation after 1610. In 1589, Aragon raised the minimum age for sodomy executions to 25, and by 1633 executions for sodomy had generally come to an end.[105]
The Roman Catholic Church has regarded Freemasonry as heretical since about 1738; the suspicion of Freemasonry was potentially a capital offence. Spanish Inquisition records reveal two prosecutions in Spain and only a few more throughout the Spanish Empire.[106] In 1815, Francisco Javier de Mier y Campillo, the Inquisitor General of the Spanish Inquisition and the Bishop of Almería, suppressed Freemasonry and denounced the lodges as "societies which lead to atheism, to sedition and to all errors and crimes."[107] He then instituted a purge during which Spaniards could be arrested on the charge of being "suspected of Freemasonry".[107]
As one manifestation of the Counter-Reformation, the Spanish Inquisition worked actively to impede the diffusion of heretical ideas in Spain by producing "Indexes" of prohibited books. Such lists of prohibited books were common in Europe a decade before the Inquisition published its first. The first Index published in Spain in 1551 was, in reality, a reprinting of the Index published by the University of Leuven in 1550, with an appendix dedicated to Spanish texts. Subsequent Indexes were published in 1559, 1583, 1612, 1632, and 1640.
Included in the Indices, at one point, were some of the great works of Spanish literature, but most of the works were religious in nature and plays.[108] A number of religious writers who are today considered saints by the Catholic Church saw their works appear in the Indexes. At first, this might seem counter-intuitive or even nonsensical—how were these Spanish authors published in the first place if their texts were then prohibited by the Inquisition and placed in the Index? The answer lies in the process of publication and censorship in Early Modern Spain. Books in Early Modern Spain faced prepublication licensing and approval (which could include modification) by both secular and religious authorities. Once approved and published, the circulating text also faced the possibility of post-hoc censorship by being denounced to the Inquisition—sometimes decades later. Likewise, as Catholic theology evolved, once-prohibited texts might be removed from the Index.
At first, inclusion in the Index meant total prohibition of a text. This proved not only impractical and unworkable but also contrary to the goals of having a literate and well-educated clergy. In time, a compromise solution was adopted in which trusted Inquisition officials blotted out words, lines or whole passages of otherwise acceptable texts, thus allowing these expurgated editions to circulate. Although in theory, the Indexes imposed enormous restrictions on the diffusion of culture in Spain, some historians argue that such strict control was impossible in practice and that there was much more liberty in this respect than is often believed. And Irving Leonard has conclusively demonstrated that, despite repeated royal prohibitions, romances of chivalry, such as Amadis of Gaul, found their way to the New World with the blessing of the Inquisition. Moreover, with the coming of the Age of Enlightenment in the 18th century, increasing numbers of licenses to possess and read prohibited texts were granted.
Despite the repeated publication of the Indexes and a large bureaucracy of censors, the activities of the Inquisition did not impede the development of Spanish literature's "Siglo de Oro", although almost all of its major authors crossed paths with the Holy Office at one point or another. Among the Spanish authors included in the Index are Bartolomé Torres Naharro, Juan del Enzina, Jorge de Montemayor, Juan de Valdés and Lope de Vega, as well as the anonymous Lazarillo de Tormes and the Cancionero General by Hernando del Castillo. La Celestina, which was not included in the Indexes of the 16th century, was expurgated in 1632 and prohibited in its entirety in 1790. Among the non-Spanish authors prohibited were Ovid, Dante, Rabelais, Ariosto, Machiavelli, Erasmus, Jean Bodin, Valentine Naibod and Thomas More (known in Spain as Tomás Moro). One of the most outstanding and best-known cases in which the Inquisition directly confronted literary activity is that of Fray Luis de León, noted humanist and religious writer of converso origin, who was imprisoned for four years (from 1572 to 1576) for having translated the Song of Songs directly from Hebrew.
One of the main effects of the inquisition was to end free thought and scientific thought in Spain. As one contemporary Spaniard in exile put it: "Our country is a land of pride and envy ... barbarism; down there one cannot produce any culture without being suspected of heresy, error and Judaism. Thus silence was imposed on the learned."[109] For the next few centuries, while the rest of Europe was slowly awakened by the influence of the Enlightenment, Spain stagnated.[110] This conclusion is contested.[according to whom?]
The censorship of books was actually very ineffective, and prohibited books circulated in Spain without significant problems. The Spanish Inquisition never persecuted scientists, and relatively few scientific books were placed on the Index. On the other hand, Spain was a state with more political freedom than in other absolute monarchies in the 16th to 18th centuries.[111] The apparent paradox gets explained by both the hermeticist religious ideas of the Spanish church and monarchy, and the budding seed of what would become Enlightened absolutism taking shape in Spain. The list of banned books was not, as interpreted sometimes, a list of evil books but a list of books that lay people were very likely to misinterpret. The presence of highly symbolical and high-quality literature on the list was so explained. These metaphorical or parable sounding books were listed as not meant for free circulation, but there might be no objections to the book itself and the circulation among scholars was mostly free. Most of these books were carefully collected by the elite. The practical totality of the prohibited books can be found now as then in the library of the monasterio del Escorial, carefully collected by Philip II and Philip III. The collection was "public" after Philip II's death and members of universities, intellectuals, courtesans, clergy, and certain branches of the nobility didn't have too many problems to access them and commission authorised copies. The Inquisition has not been known to make any serious attempt to stop this for all the books, but there are some records of them "suggesting" the King of Spain to stop collecting grimoires or magic-related ones.[citation needed]
The Inquisition also pursued offenses against morals and general social order, at times in open conflict with the jurisdictions of civil tribunals. In particular, there were trials for bigamy, a relatively frequent offence[112] in a society that only permitted divorce under the most extreme circumstances. In the case of men, the penalty was two hundred lashes and five to ten years of "service to the Crown". Said service could be whatever the court deemed most beneficial for the nation but it usually was either five years as an oarsman in a royal galley for those without any qualification[113] (possibly a death sentence),[114] or ten years working maintained but without salary in a public Hospital or charitable institution of the sort for those with some special skill, such as doctors, surgeons, or lawyers.[115] The penalty was five to seven years as an oarsman in the case of Portugal.
Under the category of "unnatural marriage" fell any marriage or attempted marriage between two individuals who could not procreate. The Catholic Church in general, and in particular a nation constantly at war like Spain,[116][117] emphasised the reproductive goal of marriage.
The Spanish Inquisition's policy in this regard was restrictive but applied in a very egalitarian way. It considered unnatural any non-reproductive marriage, and natural any reproductive one, regardless of gender or sex involved. The two forms of obvious male sterility were either due to damage to the genitals through castration, or accidental wounding at war (capón), or to some genetic condition that might keep the man from completing puberty (lampiño). Female sterility was also a reason to declare a marriage unnatural but was harder to prove. One case that dealt with marriage, sex, and gender was the trial of Eleno de Céspedes.
Despite popular belief, the role of the Inquisition as a mainly religious institution, or religious in nature at all, is contested at best. Its main function was that of private police for the Crown with jurisdiction to enforce the law in those crimes that took place in the private sphere of life.[citation needed] The notion of religion and civil law being separate is a modern construction and made no sense in the 15th century, so there was no difference between breaking a law regarding religion and breaking a law regarding tax collection. The difference between them is a modern projection the institution itself did not have. As such, the Inquisition was the prosecutor (in some cases the only prosecutor) of any crimes that could be perpetrated without the public taking notice (mainly domestic crimes, crimes against the weakest members of society, administrative crimes and forgeries, organized crime, and crimes against the Crown).[citation needed]
The non-religious crimes processed by the Inquisition accounted for a considerable percentage of its total investigations and are often hard to separate in the statistics, even when documentation is available. The line between religious and non-religious crimes did not exist in 15th century Spain as legal concept. Many of the crimes listed here and some of the religious crimes listed in previous sections were contemplated under the same article. For example, "sodomy" included paedophilia as a subtype. Often part of the data given for prosecution of male homosexuality corresponds to convictions for paedophilia, not adult homosexuality. In other cases, religious and non-religious crimes were seen as distinct but equivalent. The treatment of public blasphemy and street swindlers was similar (since both involved "misleading the public in a harmful way"). Making counterfeit currency and heretic proselytism were also treated similarly; both of them were punished by death and subdivided in similar ways since both were "spreading falsifications". In general heresy and falsifications of material documents were treated similarly by the Spanish Inquisition, indicating that they may have been thought of as equivalent actions.[35]
Trials were often further complicated by the attempts of witnesses or victims to add further charges, especially witchcraft. Like in the case of Eleno de Céspedes, charges for witchcraft done in this way, or in general, were quickly dismissed but they often show in the statistics as investigations made.[citation needed]
Beyond its role in religious affairs, the Inquisition was also an institution at the service of the monarchy. The Inquisitor General, in charge of the Holy Office, was designated by the crown. The Inquisitor General was the only public office whose authority stretched to all the kingdoms of Spain (including the American viceroyalties), except for a brief period (1507–1518) during which there were two Inquisitors General, one in the kingdom of Castile, and the other in Aragon.
Auto de fé, Plaza Mayor in Lima, Viceroyalty of Peru, 17th century
The Inquisitor General presided over the Council of the Supreme and General Inquisition (generally abbreviated as "Council of the Suprema"), created in 1483, which was made up of six members named directly by the crown (the number of members of the Suprema varied over the course of the Inquisition's history, but it was never more than 10). Over time, the authority of the Suprema grew at the expense of the power of the Inquisitor General.
The Suprema met every morning, except for holidays, and for two hours in the afternoon on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. The morning sessions were devoted to questions of faith, while the afternoons were reserved for "minor heresies"[119] cases of perceived unacceptable sexual behavior, bigamy, witchcraft, etc.[120]
Below the Suprema were the various tribunals of the Inquisition, which were originally itinerant, installing themselves where they were necessary to combat heresy, but later being established in fixed locations. During the first phase, numerous tribunals were established, but the period after 1495 saw a marked tendency towards centralization.
In the kingdom of Castile, the following permanent tribunals of the Inquisition were established:
Initially, each of the tribunals included two inquisitors, calificadors (qualifiers), an alguacil (bailiff), and a fiscal (prosecutor); new positions were added as the institution matured. The inquisitors were preferably jurists more than theologians; in 1608 Philip III even stipulated that all inquisitors needed to have a background in law. The inquisitors did not typically remain in the position for a long time: for the Court of Valencia, for example, the average tenure in the position was about two years.[123] Most of the inquisitors belonged to the secular clergy (priests who were not members of religious orders) and had a university education.
The fiscal was in charge of presenting the accusation, investigating the denunciations and interrogating the witnesses by the use of physical and mental torture. The calificadores were generally theologians; it fell to them to determine whether the defendant's conduct added up to a crime against the faith. Consultants were expert jurists who advised the court in questions of procedure. The court had, in addition, three secretaries: the notario de secuestros (Notary of Property), who registered the goods of the accused at the moment of his detention; the notario del secreto (Notary of the Secret), who recorded the testimony of the defendant and the witnesses; and the escribano general (General Notary), secretary of the court. The alguacil was the executive arm of the court, responsible for detaining, jailing, and physically torturing the defendant. Other civil employees were the nuncio, ordered to spread official notices of the court, and the alcaide, the jailer in charge of feeding the prisoners.
In addition to the members of the court, two auxiliary figures existed that collaborated with the Holy Office: the familiares and the comissarios (commissioners). Familiares were lay collaborators of the Inquisition, who had to be permanently at the service of the Holy Office. To become a familiar was considered an honor, since it was a public recognition of limpieza de sangre—Old Christian status—and brought with it certain additional privileges. Although many nobles held the position, most of the familiares came from the ranks of commoners. The commissioners, on the other hand, were members of the religious orders who collaborated occasionally with the Holy Office.
One of the most striking aspects of the organization of the Inquisition was its form of financing: devoid of its own budget, the Inquisition depended almost exclusively on the confiscation of the goods of the denounced.[124] It is not surprising, therefore, that many of those prosecuted were rich men. That the situation was open to abuse is evident, as stands out in the memorandum that a converso from Toledo directed to Charles I:
Your Majesty must provide, before all else, that the expenses of the Holy Office do not come from the properties of the condemned, because if that is the case if they do not burn they do not eat.[124]
When the Inquisition arrived in a city, the first step was the Edict of Grace. Following the Sunday Mass, the Inquisitor would proceed to read the edict, which described possible heresies and encouraged all the congregation to come to the tribunals of the Inquisition to "relieve their consciences". They were called Edicts of Grace because all of the self-incriminated who presented themselves within a period of grace (usually ranging from thirty to forty days) were offered the possibility of reconciliation with the Church without severe punishment.[125][126] The promise of benevolence was effective, and many voluntarily presented themselves to the Inquisition. These were encouraged to denounce others who had also committed offences, informants being the Inquisition's primary source of information. After about 1500, the Edicts of Grace were replaced by the Edicts of Faith, which left out the grace period and instead encouraged the denunciation of those deemed guilty.[127]
The denunciations were anonymous, and the defendants had no way of knowing the identities of their accusers. This was one of the points most criticized by those who opposed the Inquisition. In practice, false denunciations were frequent. Denunciations were made for a variety of reasons, apart from genuine concern. Some just went after non-conformists. Others wished to hurt a neighbor or get rid of an opponent.[128]
This method turned everyone into an agent of the Inquisition, and made every man aware that a simple word or deed could bring him before the tribunal. Denunciation was elevated to the rank of a superior religious duty, filled the nation with spies, and made each individual an object of suspicion to his neighbor, his family, and any strangers he might meet.[129]
Diego Mateo López Zapata in his cell before his trial by the Inquisition Court of Cuenca. (An engraving by Goya)
After a denunciation, the case was examined by the calificadores, who had to determine whether there was heresy involved. This was followed by the detention of the accused. In practice many were detained in preventive custody, and many cases of lengthy incarcerations occurred, lasting up to two years before the calificadores examined the case.[130]
Detention of the accused entailed the preventive sequestration of their property by the Inquisition. The property of the prisoner was used to pay for procedural expenses and the accused's own maintenance and costs. Often the relatives of the defendant found themselves in outright misery. This situation was remedied only following instructions written in 1561.[131] However, Llorente, despite having consulted numerous records of old Inquisition proceedings, did not find any record of such an agreement in favor of the children of condemned heretics.[132]
Some authors, such as apologist William Thomas Walsh, stated that the entire process was undertaken with the utmost secrecy, as much for the public as for the accused, who were not informed about the accusations that were levied against them. Months or even years could pass without the accused being informed about why they were imprisoned. The prisoners remained isolated, and, during this time, they were not allowed to attend Mass nor receive the sacraments. The jails of the Inquisition were no worse than those of secular authorities, and there are even certain testimonies that occasionally they were much better.[133] According to William Walsh, the miseries of the Jews "are not the result, fundamentally, of the hatred and misunderstanding of others, but the consequence of their own stubborn rejection of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ".[134]
Two priests and a suspected heretic in a Spanish Inquisition interrogation chamber (Bernard Picart's engraving, 1722) In contrast to the Inquisitor's armchair, Eymeric's manual suggests that the accused be sat on a low bench.[135]
The inquisitorial process consisted of a series of hearings, in which both the denouncers and the defendant gave separate testimony. A defense counsel, a so-called lawyer, a member of the tribunal itself, was assigned to the defendant; his role was simply to advise the accused and to encourage them to speak the truth. [citation needed] He was obliged to renounce the defense at the moment when he realized his client's guilt.[136]
The prosecution was directed by the fiscal. Interrogation of the defendant was done in the presence of the notario del secreto, who meticulously wrote down the words of the accused. The archives of the Inquisition, in comparison to those of other judicial systems of the era, are striking in the completeness of their documentation.[citation needed]
To defend themselves, the accused had two main choices: abonos (to find favourable and character witnesses) or tachas (to demonstrate that the witnesses of accusers — whose identity he did not know — were not trustworthy, and were his personal enemies.[137]
The structure of the trials was similar to modern trials and, according to apologists, advanced for the time with regard to fairness. The Inquisition, "professional and efficient", was dependent on the political power of the King. The lack of separation of powers allows assuming questionable fairness for certain scenarios. The fairness of the Inquisitorial tribunals is alleged by apologists to be among the best in early modern Europe when it came to the trial of laymen.[138][139] There are also testimonies by former prisoners that, if believed, suggest that said fairness was less than ideal when national or political interests were involved.[140]
There is hardly one item in the whole Inquisitorial procedure that could be squared with the demands of justice; on the contrary, every one of its items is the denial of justice or a hideous caricature of it [...] its principles are the very denial of the demands made by the most primitive concepts of natural justice [...] This kind of proceeding has no longer any semblance to a judicial trial but is rather its systematic and methodical perversion. [141]
A fictional scene of a jail of the Spanish Inquisition, with a priest supervising his scribe while men and women are suspended from pulleys, tortured on the rack or burnt with torches (Etching, date unknown)
To obtain a confession or information relevant to an investigation, the Inquisition used torture, as prescribed in the instrucciones. It is impossible to determine with any degree of accuracy the number of cases in which it was employed during the Inquisition's existence.[142]
Torture would be applied if the alleged heresy was "half proven" and could be repeated, according to Article XV of Torquemada instructions.[143] Henry Lea estimates that between 1575 and 1610 the court of Toledo tortured approximately a third of those processed for Protestant heresy. Nearly all of the accused in several cases tried by the Lima tribunal between 1635 and 1639 appear to have been tortured; the Valladolid tribunal report for 1624 reveals that in eleven cases involving Jews and one involving a Protestant used torture; in 1655, all nine cases involving Jews employed torture.[144]
The recently opened Vatican Archives suggest lower numbers.[138][145][page needed] "In truth," says Thomas Madden, " the Inquisition brought order, justice, and compassion to combat rampant secular and popular persecutions of heretics." And concludes: "The Spanish people loved their Inquisition. That is why it lasted for so long."[138] In other periods, the proportions of torture varied remarkably.
A rack on display at the Torture Museum in Toledo, Spain.Water torture (engraving from 1556)In the strappado torture, the victim's hands are tied behind their back and the body is suspended by the wrists, resulting in dislocated shoulders. Weights can be added to the feet (engraving from 1768)
Torture was employed in all civil and religious trials in Europe. The Spanish Inquisition allegedly used it more restrictively than was common at the time. Unlike both civil trials and other inquisitions, it had strict regulations in relation to when, what, whom, frequency, duration, and supervision.[146][page needed][147] According to some scholars, the Spanish Inquisition engaged in torture less often and with greater care than secular courts.[148][149]
When: Torture was allowed when guilt was "half proven" or there existed a "presumption of guilt", as stated in Article XV of Torquemada's instruciones and in Eymerich's directions.[150] However, Eymerich admits that information obtained through torment was not always reliable, and should be used only when all other means of obtaining "the truth" had failed.[151]
What: The Spanish Inquisition was not permitted to "maim, mutilate, draw blood or cause any sort of permanent damage" to the prisoner. Ecclesiastical tribunals were prohibited by church law from shedding blood. As a result of torture, many had broken limbs, or other definitive health problems, and some died.[152]
Supervision: A Physician was usually available in case of emergency.[153] It was also required for a doctor to certify that the prisoner was healthy enough to go through the torment without suffering harm,[154] which of course happened.[152]
Among the methods of torture allowed were garrucha, toca and the potro (which were all used in other secular and ecclesiastical tribunals).[152] The application of the garrucha, also known as the strappado, consisted of suspending the victim from the ceiling by the wrists, which are tied behind the back. Sometimes weights were tied to the feet, with a series of lifts and violent drops, during which the arms and legs suffered violent pulls and were sometimes dislocated.[155]
The use of the toca (cloth), also called interrogatorio mejorado del agua (enhanced water interrogation), now known as waterboarding, is better documented. It consisted of forcing the victim to ingest water poured from a jar so that they had the impression of drowning.[156] The potro, the rack, in which the limbs were slowly pulled apart, was thought to be the instrument of torture used most frequently.[157] The assertion that confessionem esse veram, non factam vi tormentorum (literally: '[a person's] confession is truth, not made by way of torture') sometimes follows a description of how, after torture had ended, the subject "freely" confessed to the offences.[158] In practice, those who recanted confessions made during torture knew that they could be tortured again. Under torture, or even harsh interrogation, comments Cullen Murphy, people will say anything.[159][160]Bernard Délicieux, the franciscan friar who was tortured by the Inquisition and ultimately died in prison as a result of the abuse, said the Inquisition's tactics would have proved St. Peter and St. Paul to be heretics.[161]
Once the process concluded, the inquisidores met with a representative of the bishop and with the consultores (consultants), experts in theology or Canon Law (but not necessarily clergy themselves), which was called the consulta de fe (faith consultation/religion check). The case was voted and sentence pronounced, which had to be unanimous. In case of discrepancies, the Suprema had to be informed.[citation needed]
Although quite rare in actual practice, the defendant could be acquitted, but an acquittal was interpreted as a dishonourable reflection on the inquisitors.[162]
The trial could be suspended, in which case the defendant, although under suspicion, went free (with the threat that the process could be reopened at any time). In the unusual instance of a defendant being declared not guilty during the trial, the decision was made in private. [163]
The defendant could be penanced. Since they were considered guilty, they had to publicly abjure their crimes (de levi if it was a misdemeanor, and de vehementi if the crime were serious), and accept a public punishment. Among these were sanbenito, forced church attendance, exile, scourging, fines or even sentencing to service as oarsmen in royal galleys.[164]
The defendant could be reconciled. In addition to the public ceremony in which the condemned was reconciled with the Catholic Church, more severe punishments were used, among them long sentences to jail or the galleys, plus the confiscation of all property. Physical punishments, such as whipping, were also used. The reconciled were prohibited from working as advocates, landlords, apothecaries, doctors, surgeons, and other professions. They were banned from carrying weapons, wearing jewelry or gold, and from riding horses. The restrictions also applied to the offspring of the convicted.[164]
The most serious punishment was relaxation to the secular arm, i.e. burning at the stake. This penalty was frequently applied to impenitent heretics and those who had relapsed. Execution was public. If the condemned repented, they were "shown mercy" by being garroted before their corpse was burned; if not, they were burned alive. The victims were handed over to the secular authorities, who had no access to the process; they only administered the sentences and were obliged to do so on pain of heresy and excommunication. [165][166][167]
Frequently, cases were judged in absentia. When the accused died before the trial finished, the condemned were burned in effigy. The death of an accused did not extinguish the inquisitorial actions, even up to forty years after the death. When it was considered proven that the deceased were heretics in their lifetime, their corpses were exhumed and burned, their property confiscated and the heirs disinherited.[168][169][170]
The distribution of the punishments varied considerably over time. It is believed that sentences of death were enforced most frequently in the early stages within the long history of the Inquisition. According to García Cárcel, one of the most active courts—the court of Valencia—employed the death penalty in 40% of cases before 1530, but later that percentage dropped to 3%.[171] By the middle of the 16th century, inquisition courts viewed torture as unnecessary and death sentences had become rare.[172][failed verification]
Rizi's 1683 painting of the 1680 auto de fé, Plaza Mayor in Madrid
If the sentence was condemnatory, this implied that the condemned had to participate in the ceremony of an auto de fé (more commonly known in English as an auto-da-fé) that solemnized their return to the Church (in most cases), or punishment as an impenitent heretic. The autos de fé could be public (auto publico or auto general) or private (auto particular).
Although initially the public autos did not have any special solemnity nor sought a large attendance of spectators, with time they became expensive and solemn ceremonies, a display of the great power shared by the Church and the State, celebrated with large public crowds, amidst a festive atmosphere. The auto de fé eventually became a baroque spectacle, with staging meticulously calculated to cause the greatest effect among the spectators. The autos were conducted in a large public space (frequently in the largest plaza of the city), generally on holidays. The rituals related to the auto began the previous night (the "procession of the Green Cross") and sometimes lasted the whole day.[173][174]
The auto de fé frequently was taken to the canvas by painters: one of the better-known examples is the 1683 painting by Francisco Rizi, held by the Prado Museum in Madrid that represents the auto celebrated in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid on 30 June 1680. The last public auto de fé took place in 1691.[citation needed]
The auto de fé involved a Catholic Mass, prayer, a public procession of those found guilty, and a reading of their sentences.[175] They took place in public squares or esplanades and lasted several hours; ecclesiastical and civil authorities attended. Artistic representations of the auto de fé usually depict torture and the burning at the stake. This type of activity never took place during an auto de fé, which was in essence a religious act. Torture was not administered after a trial concluded, and executions were always held after and separate from the auto de fé,[176] though in the minds and experiences of observers and those undergoing the confession and execution, the separation of the two might be experienced as merely a technicality.
The first recorded auto de fé was held in Paris in 1242, during the reign of Louis IX.[177] The first Spanish auto de fé did not take place until 1481 in Seville; six of the men and women subjected to this first religious ritual were later executed.
The Inquisition had limited power in Portugal, having been established in 1536 and officially lasting until 1821, although its influence was much weakened with the government of the Marquis of Pombal in the second half of the 18th century. The Marquis, himself a familiar, transformed it into a royal court, and the heretics continued to be persecuted, as so the "high spirits".[178][179]
Autos de fé also took place in Mexico, Brazil and Peru: contemporary historians of the Conquistadors such as Bernal Díaz del Castillo record them. They also took place in the Portuguese colony of Goa, India, following the establishment of Inquisition there in 1562–1563.[citation needed]
Enlightenment era and the Inquisition's transformation
The arrival of the Enlightenment in Spain slowed inquisitorial activity. In the first half of the 18th century, 111 were condemned to be burned in person, and 117 in effigy, most of them for judaizing. In the reign of Philip V, there were 125 autos de fé, while in the reigns of Charles III and Charles IV only 44.[citation needed]
Auto-da-fé, Viceroyalty of New Spain, 18th century
During the 18th century, the Inquisition changed: Enlightenment ideas were the closest threat that had to be fought. The main figures of the Spanish Enlightenment were in favour of the abolition of the Inquisition, and many were processed by the Holy Office, among them Olavide, in 1776; Iriarte, in 1779; and Jovellanos, in 1796; Jovellanos sent a report to Charles IV in which he indicated the inefficiency of the Inquisition's courts and the ignorance of those who operated them: "... friars who take [the position] only to obtain gossip and exemption from the choir; who are ignorant of foreign languages, who only know a little scholastic theology."[180]
In its new role, the Inquisition tried to accentuate its function of censoring publications but found that Charles III had secularized censorship procedures, and, on many occasions, the authorization of the Council of Castile hit the more intransigent position of the Inquisition. Since the Inquisition itself was an arm of the state, being within the Council of Castile, civil rather than ecclesiastical censorship usually prevailed. This loss of influence can also be explained because the foreign Enlightenment texts entered the peninsula through prominent members of the nobility or government,[181] influential people with whom it was very difficult to interfere. Thus, for example, Diderot's Encyclopedia entered Spain thanks to special licenses granted by the king.
After the French Revolution the Council of Castile, fearing that revolutionary ideas would penetrate Spain's borders, decided to reactivate the Holy Office that was directly charged with the persecution of French works. An Inquisition edict of December 1789, that received the full approval of Charles IV and Floridablanca, stated that:
having news that several books have been scattered and promoted in these kingdoms... that, without being contented with the simple narration events of a seditious nature... seem to form a theoretical and practical code of independence from the legitimate powers.... destroying in this way the political and social order... the reading of thirty and nine French works is prohibited, under fine...[182]
The fight from within against the Inquisition was almost always clandestine. The first texts that questioned the Inquisition and praised the ideas of Voltaire or Montesquieu appeared in 1759. After the suspension of pre-publication censorship on the part of the Council of Castile in 1785, the newspaper El Censor began the publication of protests against the activities of the Holy Office by means of a rationalist critique. Valentin de Foronda published Espíritu de los Mejores Diarios, a plea in favour of freedom of expression that was avidly read in the salons. Also, in the same vein, Manuel de Aguirre wrote On Toleration in El Censor, El Correo de los Ciegos and El Diario de Madrid.[183]
During the reign of Charles IV of Spain (1788–1808), in spite of the fears that the French Revolution provoked, several events accelerated the decline of the Inquisition. The state stopped being a mere social organizer and began to worry about the well-being of the public. As a result, the land-holding power of the Church was reconsidered, in the señoríos and more generally in the accumulated wealth that had prevented social progress.[184] The power of the throne increased, under which Enlightenment thinkers found better protection for their ideas. Manuel Godoy and Antonio Alcalá Galiano were openly hostile to an institution whose only role had been reduced to censorship and was the very embodiment of the Spanish Black Legend, internationally, and was not suitable to the political interests of the moment:
The Inquisition? Its old power no longer exists: the horrible authority that this bloodthirsty court had exerted in other times was reduced... the Holy Office had come to be a species of commission for book censorship, nothing more...[185]
The Inquisition was first abolished during the domination of Napoleon and the reign of Joseph Bonaparte (1808–1812). In 1813, the liberal deputies of the Cortes of Cádiz also obtained its abolition,[186] largely as a result of the Holy Office's condemnation of the popular revolt against French invasion. But the Inquisition was reconstituted when Ferdinand VII recovered the throne on 1 July 1814. Juan Antonio Llorente, who had been the Inquisition's general secretary in 1789, became a Bonapartist and published a critical history in 1817 from his French exile, based on his privileged access to its archives.[187]
Possibly as a result of Llorente's criticisms, the Inquisition was once again temporarily abolished during the three-year Liberal interlude known as the Trienio liberal, but still the old system had not yet had its last gasp. Later, during the period known as the Ominous Decade, the Inquisition was not formally re-established,[188] although, de facto, it returned under the so-called Congregation of the Meetings of Faith (Juntas da Fé) , created in the dioceses by King Ferdinand VII. On 26 July 1826, the "Meetings of Faith" Congregation condemned and executed the school teacher Cayetano Ripoll, who thus became the last person known to be executed by the Inquisition.[189][190]
On that day, Ripoll was hanged in Valencia, for having taught deist principles. This execution occurred against the backdrop of a European-wide scandal concerning the despotic attitudes still prevailing in Spain. Finally, on 15 July 1834, the Spanish Inquisition was definitively abolished by a Royal Decree signed by regent Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies, Ferdinand VII's liberal widow, during the minority of Isabella II and with the approval of the President of the Cabinet Francisco Martínez de la Rosa.
The prohibitions, persecution and eventual Jewish mass emigration from Spain and Portugal probably had adverse effects on the development of the Spanish and the Portuguese economy. Jews and Non-Catholic Christians reportedly had substantially better numerical skills than the Catholic majority, which might be due to the Jewish religious doctrine, which focused strongly on education. Even when Jews were forced to quit their highly skilled urban occupations, their numeracy advantage persisted. However, during the inquisition, spillover-effects of these skills were rare because of forced separation and Jewish emigration, which was detrimental for economic development.[192]
It is unknown exactly how much wealth was confiscated from converted Jews and others tried by the Inquisition. Wealth confiscated in one year of persecution in the small town of Guadaloupe paid the costs of building a royal residence.[193] There are numerous records of the opinion of ordinary Spaniards of the time that "the Inquisition was devised simply to rob people". "They were burnt only for the money they had", a resident of Cuenca averred. "They burn only the well-off", said another. In 1504 an accused stated, "only the rich were burnt". In 1484 Catalina de Zamora was accused of asserting that "this Inquisition that the fathers are carrying out is as much for taking property from the conversos as for defending the faith. It is the goods that are the heretics." This saying passed into common usage in Spain. In 1524 a treasurer informed Charles V that his predecessor had received ten million ducats from the conversos, but the figure is unverified. In 1592 an inquisitor admitted that most of the fifty women he arrested were rich. In 1676, the Suprema claimed it had confiscated over 700,000 ducats for the royal treasury (which was paid money only after the Inquisition's own budget, amounting in one known case to only 5%). The property on Mallorca alone in 1678 was worth "well over 2,500,000 ducats".[194]
Contemporary illustration of the auto de fé of Valladolid, in which fourteen Protestants were burned at the stake for their faith, on 21 May 1559
García Cárcel estimates that the total number prosecuted by the Inquisition throughout its history was approximately 150,000; applying the percentages of executions that appeared in the trials of 1560–1700—about 2%—the approximate total would be about 3,000 put to death. Nevertheless, some authors consider that the toll may have been higher, keeping in mind the data provided by Dedieu and García Cárcel for the tribunals of Toledo and Valencia, respectively, and estimate between 3,000 and 5,000 were executed.[1] Other authors disagree and estimate a max death toll between 1% and 5%, (depending on the time span used) combining all the processes the inquisition carried, both religious and non-religious ones.[146][195] In either case, this is significantly lower than the number of people executed exclusively for witchcraft in other parts of Europe during about the same time span as the Spanish Inquisition (estimated at c. 40,000–60,000).[1]
Modern historians have begun to study the documentary records of the Inquisition. The archives of the Suprema, today held by the National Historical Archive of Spain (Archivo Histórico Nacional), conserves the annual relations of all processes between 1540 and 1700. This material provides information for approximately 44,674 judgments. These 44,674 cases include 826 executions in persona and 778 in effigie (i.e. an effigy was burned). This material is far from being complete—for example, the tribunal of Cuenca is entirely omitted, because no relaciones de causas from this tribunal have been found, and significant gaps concern some other tribunals (e.g., Valladolid). Many more cases not reported to the Suprema are known from the other sources (i.e., no relaciones de causas from Cuenca have been found, but its original records have been preserved), but were not included in Contreras-Henningsen's statistics for the methodological reasons.[196] William Monter estimates 1000 executions between 1530 and 1630 and 250 between 1630 and 1730.[197]
The archives of the Suprema only provide information about processes prior to 1560. To study the processes themselves, it is necessary to examine the archives of the local tribunals, the majority of which have been lost to the devastation of war, the ravages of time or other events. Some archives have survived including those of Toledo, where 12,000 were judged for offences related to heresy, mainly minor "blasphemy", and those of Valencia.[198][199] These indicate that the Inquisition was most active in the period between 1480 and 1530 and that during this period the percentage condemned to death was much more significant than in the years that followed. Modern estimates show approximately 2,000 executions in persona in the whole of Spain up to 1530.[200]
The statistics of Henningsen and Contreras are based entirely on relaciones de causas. The number of years for which cases are documented varies for different tribunals. Data for the Aragonese Secretariat are probably complete, some small lacunae may concern only Valencia and possibly Sardinia and Cartagena, but the numbers for Castilian Secretariat—except Canaries and Galicia—should be considered as minimal due to gaps in the documentation. In some cases it is remarked that the number does not concern the whole period 1540–1700.
Table of sentences pronounced in the public autos de fé in Spain (excluding tribunals in Sicily, Sardinia and Latin America) between 1701 and 1746:[217]
According to Toby Green, the great unchecked power given to inquisitors meant that they were "widely seen as above the law",[218] and they sometimes had motives for imprisoning or executing alleged offenders that had nothing to do with punishing religious nonconformity.[218][219][220] Green quotes a complaint by historian Manuel Barrios[221] about one Inquisitor, Diego Rodriguez Lucero, who in Cordoba in 1506 burned to death the husbands of two women; he then kept the women as mistresses. According to Barrios
the daughter of Diego Celemin was exceptionally beautiful, her parents and her husband did not want to give her to [Lucero], and so Lucero had the three of them burnt and now has a child by her, and he has kept for a long time in the alcazar as a mistress.[222]
Some writers disagree with Green.[35][page needed][223] These authors do not necessarily deny the abuses of power, but classify them as politically instigated and comparable to those of any other law enforcement body of the period. Criticisms, usually indirect, have gone from the suspiciously sexual overtones or similarities of these accounts with unrelated older antisemitic accounts of kidnap and torture,[35][page needed] to the clear proofs of control that the king had over the institution, to the sources used by Green,[224] or just by reaching completely different conclusions.[225][226]
According to a 2021 study, "municipalities of Spain with a history of a stronger inquisitorial presence show lower economic performance, educational attainment, and trust today."[227]
How historians and commentators have viewed the Spanish Inquisition has changed over time and continues to be a source of controversy. Before and during the 19th-century historical interest focused on who was being persecuted. In the early and mid 20th century, historians examined the specifics of what happened and how it influenced Spanish history. In the later 20th and 21st century, some historians have re-examined how severe the Inquisition really was, calling into question some of the assumptions made in earlier periods.
Before the rise of professional historians in the 19th century, the Spanish Inquisition had been portrayed primarily by Protestant scholars who saw it as the archetypal symbol of Catholic intolerance and ecclesiastical power.[228] The Spanish Inquisition for them was largely associated with the persecution of Protestants.[228]William H. Prescott described the Inquisition as an "eye that never slumbered". Despite the existence of extensive documentation regarding the trials and procedures, and to the Inquisition's deep bureaucratization, none of these sources was studied outside of Spain, and Spanish scholars arguing against the predominant view were automatically dismissed. The 19th-century professional historians, including the Spanish scholar Amador de los Ríos, were the first to successfully challenge this perception in the international sphere and get foreign scholars to take note of their discoveries. Said scholars would obtain international recognition and start a period of revision on the Black Legend of the Spanish Inquisition.[228]
At the start of the 20th century Henry Charles Lea published the groundbreaking History of the Inquisition in Spain. This influential work describes the Spanish Inquisition as "an engine of immense power, constantly applied for the furtherance of obscurantism, the repression of thought, the exclusion of foreign ideas and the obstruction of progress."[228] Lea documented the Inquisition's methods and modes of operation in no uncertain terms, calling it "theocratic absolutism" at its worst.[228] In the context of the polarization between Protestants and Catholics during the second half of the 19th century,[229] some of Lea's contemporaries, as well as most modern scholars thought Lea's work had an anti-Catholic bias.[229][230]
Starting in the 1920s, Jewish scholars picked up where Lea's work left off.[228] They published Yitzhak Baer's History of the Jews in Christian Spain, Cecil Roth's History of the Marranos and, after World War II, the work of Haim Beinart, who for the first time published trial transcripts of cases involving conversos.
Тоби Грин , признавая, что существовала определенная демонизация испанской инквизиции по сравнению с другими современными преследованиями, утверждает, что нельзя отрицать привычное применение пыток и что исправление «черной легенды» не должно означать замену ее «черной легендой». белая легенда». [ 231 ] Ричард Л. Каган говорит, что Генри Кэмену не удалось «войти во чрево зверя и оценить, что оно на самом деле значило для людей, которые с ним жили». Кеймен, по словам Кагана, «не проводит читателя через настоящий судебный процесс. Если бы он сделал это, читатель мог бы заключить, что учреждение, которое он изображает как относительно безобидное, задним числом, также способно внушать страх и отчаянные попытки побега, и, таким образом, более заслуживающий своей прежней репутации». По мнению Кагана, чтобы реконструировать мир тех, кто попал в сети Инквизиции, необходимы исследования, тщательно изучающие дотошные архивы Инквизиции. [ 228 ]
Работы Худериаса (1913 г.) и других испанских ученых до него по большей части игнорировались международной наукой до 1960 г.
Одной из первых книг, которые основывались на них и бросали вызов классической точке зрения на международном уровне, была «Испанская инквизиция» (1965) Генри Кэмена . Кеймен утверждал, что инквизиция далеко не так жестока и могущественна, как принято считать. Книга оказала большое влияние и во многом повлияла на последующие исследования 1970-х годов, направленные на попытку количественной оценки (на основе архивных записей) деятельности инквизиции с 1480 по 1834 год. [ 232 ] Эти исследования показали, что первоначально произошел всплеск активности против конверсос, подозреваемых в рецидиве иудаизма, а также преследование протестантов в середине XVI века, но, согласно этим исследованиям, инквизиция служила главным образом форумом, который испанцы иногда использовали для унижения и наказания людей. не любили: богохульников, двоеженцев, иностранцев, а в Арагоне - гомосексуалистов и контрабандистов лошадей. [ 228 ] Кеймен опубликовал еще две книги в 1985 и 2006 годах, в которых были включены новые открытия, что еще раз подтвердило мнение о том, что инквизиция была не так плоха, как когда-то описывала Леа и другие. В том же духе находится Эдварда Питерса » « Инквизиция (1988).
Одной из наиболее важных работ об отношении инквизиции к еврейским conversos или новым христианам является «Истоки инквизиции в Испании пятнадцатого века» (1995/2002) Бенциона Нетаньяху . Это бросает вызов мнению о том, что большинство конверсос на самом деле тайно исповедовали иудаизм и подвергались преследованиям за свой крипто-иудаизм. Скорее, по мнению Нетаньяху, преследование носило по своей сути расовый характер и вызывало зависть к их успеху в испанском обществе. [ 233 ] Эта точка зрения неоднократно подвергалась сомнению, и с некоторыми разумными расхождениями большинство историков либо придерживаются религиозных причин, либо просто культурных, без существенного расового элемента. [ 234 ]
Лекарства не было , из «Лос Капричос» , 1797–1798, Франсиско де Гойя.
Литература XVIII века подходит к теме инквизиции с критической точки зрения. В «Кандиде инквизиция » Вольтера предстает олицетворением нетерпимости и произвола правосудия в Европе.
Литература XIX века, как правило, сосредотачивается на элементе пыток, применявшихся инквизицией. Во Франции в начале 19 века эпистолярный роман «Корнелия Бороркиа, или Жертва инквизиции» , приписываемый испанцу Луису Гутьерресу и основанный на деле Марии де Бооркес , яростно критикует инквизицию и ее представителей.
Инквизиция также появляется в Федора Достоевского романе «Братья Карамазовы » (1880) в главе « Великий инквизитор ». История в истории (несколько раз публиковалась отдельной книгой) «Великий инквизитор» — это легенда, сочиненная и рассказанная персонажем Ивана Карамазова, которая представляет собой встречу Иисуса с Генеральным инквизитором. Иисус неожиданно появляется в Севилье в разгар инквизиции и арестован Великим инквизитором, старым кардиналом, который приговаривает его умереть на костре «как худшего из еретиков». В ходе длинной обличительной речи Инквизитор говорит Иисусу: «Ты не имеешь права ничего добавлять к тому, что было сказано Тобой в прежние времена. Почему Ты пришел, чтобы встать на нашем пути? Ибо Ты пришел, чтобы встать на нашем пути, и Ты сам это знаешь». Иисус хранит молчание на протяжении всей речи, но когда Инквизитор наконец завершает словами: «Завтра я сожгу тебя», Иисус подходит к нему и, не говоря ни слова, целует его в губы. Инквизитор отпускает его со словами: ««Иди и не возвращайся... вообще не возвращайся... никогда... никогда!» [ 235 ]
Инквизиция также появляется в литературе 20-го века. «Жеста дель Маррано » аргентинского писателя Маркоса Агуиниса изображает длину руки инквизиции, которая могла добраться до людей в Аргентине в 16 и 17 веках. Действие первой книги Леса Дэниелса «Вампирские хроники Дон Себастьяна», «Черный замок » (1978), происходит в Испании 15-го века и включает в себя как описания инквизиторских допросов, так и auto de fé , а также описание Томаса де Торквемады , который представлены в одной главе. Серия комиксов Marvel показывает , «Marvel 1602» как инквизиция нападает на мутантов за «богохульство». Персонаж Магнето также появляется как Великий Инквизитор . о капитане Алатристе Действие романов испанского писателя Артуро Переса-Реверте происходит в начале 17 века. Во втором романе, «Чистота крови» , рассказчик подвергается пыткам со стороны инквизиции, и описывается auto de fé . Карме Риеры Действие повести , опубликованной в 1994 году, «Dins el Darrer Blau» ( «В последней синеве ») происходит во время репрессий против чуэта ( conversos). с Майорки ) в конце 17 века. В 1998 году испанский писатель Мигель Делибес опубликовал исторический роман «Еретик » о протестантах Вальядолида и их репрессиях со стороны инквизиции. Сэмюэля Шеллабаргера в Капитан из Кастилии первой части романа напрямую связан с испанской инквизицией.
В романе Catedral del Mar» La Ильдефонсо Фальконеса « , опубликованном в 2006 году и действие которого происходит в XIV веке, есть сцены расследований инквизиции в маленьких городках и великолепная сцена в Барселоне.
В эпическом фильме 1947 года «Капитан из Кастилии» Дэррила Ф. Занука в главной роли с Тайроном Пауэром инквизиция используется в качестве основного сюжета фильма. В нем рассказывается, как влиятельные семьи использовали свое зло, чтобы разрушить своих соперников. Первая часть фильма показывает это, и влияние Инквизиции повторяется на протяжении всего фильма после Педро Де Варгаса (которого играет Пауэр) даже в «Новом Свете».
В фильме «Фонтан » (2006) Даррена Аронофски испанская инквизиция показана как часть сюжета 1500 года, когда Великий инквизитор угрожает жизни королевы Изабеллы.
Действие фильма «Кредо убийцы» (2016) Джастина Курзеля в главной роли с Майклом Фассбендером происходит как в наше время, так и в Испании во времена инквизиции. В фильме рассказывается о Каллуме Линче (которого играет Фассбендер), который вынужден заново пережить воспоминания о своем предке, Агиларе де Нерхе (которого также играет Фассбендер), убийце времен испанской инквизиции.
В мюзикле 1965 года « Человек из Ламанчи» изображен художественный рассказ о стычке автора Мигеля де Сервантеса с испанскими властями. Персонаж Сервантеса разыгрывает пьесу в пьесе своей незаконченной рукописи « Дон Кихот» , ожидая приговора инквизиции.
Участники Monty Python Терри Гиллиам, Майкл Пэйлин и Терри Джонс исполняют скетч « Испанская инквизиция » во время воссоединения Python в 2014 году. В «Монти Пайтон» скетчах комедийной команды «Испанская инквизиция » неумелая группа инквизиторов неоднократно врывается в сцены после того, как кто-то произносит слова «Я не ожидал своего рода испанской инквизиции», крича «Никто не ожидает испанской инквизиции!» Затем инквизиция применяет безрезультатные формы пыток для посуды , в том числе сушилку , мягкие подушки и удобное кресло.
Видеоигра Blasphemous изображает кошмарную версию испанской инквизиции, где главный герой по имени «Кающийся» носит капироте (конусообразную шляпу). Кающийся борется с извращенной религиозной иконографией и встречает на своем пути множество персонажей, пытающихся искупить свои грехи.
↑ Термины converso и криптоеврей несколько спорны, и иногда историкам неясно, как именно их следует понимать. Для ясности в этой статье под конверсо будет пониматься тот, кто искренне отказался от иудаизма или ислама и принял католицизм. Криптоевреем будет считаться тот, кто принимает христианское крещение, но продолжает практиковать иудаизм.
^ Сплендиани, Ана Мария (1997). Пятьдесят лет инквизиции при дворе Индийского Карфагена . п. 86. Американская инквизиция никогда не участвовала в обращении и евангелизации индейцев, поскольку они находились за пределами ее юрисдикции с самого момента издания указов, учреждающих американские суды.
^ Момильяно, Арнальдо (1977). Очерки древней и современной историографии . Издательство Уэслианского университета. п. 113.
^ Джедин, Хьюберт и Долан, Джон (1993). «41: Присциллианское движение». Ранняя церковь: краткое изложение истории церкви (тома с 1 по 3) . Издательство Уэслианского университета. стр. 226–228. {{cite book}}: CS1 maint: несколько имен: список авторов ( ссылка )
^ Брайан Катлос «Secundum suam zunam»: Мусульмане в законах арагонской «Реконкисты», Средиземноморские исследования, том. 7 (1998), с. 13–26 Опубликовано: Издательство Пенсильванского государственного университета.
^ Jump up to: а б Письмо Хасдая Крескаса, Шват Иегуда , написанное Соломоном ибн Вергой (под редакцией доктора М. Винера), Ганновер, 1855 г., стр. 128–130 (стр. 138–140 в PDF ); Фриц Коблер, «Письма евреев на протяжении веков» , Лондон, 1952, стр. 272–275; Митр Фернандес, Эмилио (1994). Секретариат публикаций и редакционного обмена (ред.). Кастильские евреи во времена Генриха III: погром 1391 года [ Кастильские евреи во времена Генриха III: погром 1391 года ] (на испанском языке). Вальядолидский университет. ISBN 978-84-7762-449-3 . ; Соломон ибн Верга , Шват Иегуда (Скипетр Иуды) , Львов 1846, с. 76 в формате PDF.
^ Абу Аль Фадл, К. (1994). Исламское право и мусульманские меньшинства: юридический дискурс о мусульманских меньшинствах со второго/восьмого по одиннадцатый/семнадцатый века. Исламское право и общество, 1.
^ Гусенс, А. (1997). Современные инквизиции в Южных Нидерландах. 1520–1633. 2 рейса. Брюссель
^ Боронат, П. (1901). Испанские мавры и их изгнание. 2 тома. Валенсия.
^ Стюарт, Нэнси Рубин. Изабелла Кастильская: первая королева эпохи Возрождения . Нью-Йорк: ASJA Press, 2004.
^ Архиепископ Арнольд Х. Мэтью , Жизнь и времена Родриго Борджиа , стр. 52–53. Цитата: «Исповедник Изабеллы Торквемада внушил ей, что подавление всей ереси в ее владениях является священным долгом. Поэтому в ноябре 1478 года она получила буллу от Папы Сикста IV для учреждение инквизиции в Кастилии Многие современные писатели стремились уменьшить ее долю во введении этого ужасного учреждения, но следует помнить, что сама Изабелла, вероятно, считала достойным поступком наказать бесчеловечным варварством тех, кого она считала преступниками. В 1480 году она назначила двух доминиканцев инквизиторами для создания своего трибунала в Севилье. До конца 1481 года в одной только Андалусии было сожжено заживо 2000 человек. Сам Папа встревожился и начал угрожать. отозвать буллу, но Фердинанд дал понять, что он сделает инквизицию полностью независимым трибуналом. Так и произошло позже для всех практических целей, и ее несправедливые действия продолжались беспрепятственно».
↑ В отсутствие записей инквизиция постановила, что все мавры должны считаться крещеными, и, таким образом, мориски подчиняются инквизиции. Затем светские власти постановили (в 1526 году), что любому судебному преследованию должно предшествовать 40 лет религиозного обучения. Пятьдесят мориско были сожжены на костре до того, как Корона разъяснила свою позицию. Ни Церковь, ни Мориски не использовали эти годы должным образом. Мориско можно стереотипно представить как бедных сельских необразованных сельскохозяйственных рабочих, говорящих по-арабски. У Церкви было ограниченное желание или способность обучать эту теперь уже враждебную группу. Грин (2007) , стр. 124–127.
^ Тревор Дж. Дадсон, Ассимиляция испанских мориско: вымысел или реальность? Журнал левантийских исследований, Vol. 1, № 2, зима 2011 г., стр. 11–30.
^ Боас, Роджер (4 апреля 2002 г.). «Изгнание мусульман из Испании». История сегодня . 52 (4). Большинство из тех, кто был навсегда изгнан, поселились на Магрибе или Берберийском побережье , особенно в Оране, Тунисе, Тлемсене, Тетуане, Рабате и Сале. Многие отправились во Францию по суше, но после убийства Генриха Наваррского Равальяком в мае 1610 года они были вынуждены эмигрировать в Италию, Сицилию или Константинополь.
^ Камен (1998) , с. 99 дает цифру около 100 казней за ересь любого рода между 1559 и 1566 годами. Он сравнивает эти цифры с количеством приговоренных к смертной казни в других европейских странах за тот же период, делая вывод, что в аналогичные периоды в Англии при Марии Тюдор казнили примерно дважды. столько же за ересь: во Франции втрое больше, а в Нидерландах в десять раз больше .
↑ Эти испытания являются темой фильма «Акеларре » испанского режиссёра Педро Олеа.
^ Генри Кэмен. Испанская инквизиция: исторический обзор . 1999 год
^ Цитируется в Henningsen, Gustav, изд. «Документы Салазара: инквизитор Алонсо де Саласар Фриас и другие о преследовании баскских ведьм». Культуры, верования и традиции: средневековые и ранние современные народы , Том 21. Бостон: Koninklijke Brill, 2004. «Второй отчет Салазара генеральному инквизитору (Логроньо, 24 марта 1612 г.): отчет обо всем посещении и публикации Указ с особым акцентом на секту ведьм». п. 352.
^ Статистика по испанским гребцам недоступна, но общее состояние средиземноморских весельных галер около 1570 года было мрачным; ср. Кроули, Роджер (2009). Морские империи: осада Мальты, битва при Лепанто и борьба за центр мира . Нью-Йорк: Книги случайной торговли в мягкой обложке. стр. 77–78. ISBN 978-0-8129-77646 . : «...рабы на галерах вели жизнь горькую и короткую. ...Так или иначе, весельная галера потребляла людей, как топливо. Каждого умирающего несчастного, сброшенного за борт, нужно было заменить — а их всегда не хватало».
^ Лоренцо Аррасола, Enciclopedia Espanola De Derecho Y Administracion: Ciu-Col (Энциклопедия испанского уголовного и административного права). Мадрид: Saraswati Press, 2012, стр. 572
^ Черес, Фернандо (2007). военной культуры и политики в Королевстве Кастилия Исследования . Редакция Csic Высший совет научных исследований. 14-17 вв.
^ Калер, Эми (1998). Рождаемость, гендер и война: культура контрацепции . Университет Миннесоты Пресс.
↑ На Сицилии инквизиция действовала до 30 марта 1782 года, когда она была упразднена королём Неаполя Фердинандом IV . По оценкам, за этот период было казнено 200 человек.
^ «В трибунале Вальядолида в 1699 году различные подозреваемые (в том числе девочка 9 лет и мальчик 14 лет) были заключены в тюрьму на срок до двух лет, получив наименьшую оценку предъявленных им обвинений» ( Камен (1998) , с. 183).
^ Питерс, Эдвард, Инквизиция , инакомыслие, инакомыслие и средневековая инквизиция, стр. 92–93, University of California Press (1989), ISBN 0-520-06630-8 .
^ Азеведо, Жоау Лусио де (1922). Маркиз Помбал и его время (на португальском языке). Ежегодник Бразилии. п. 285.
^ Фрейтас, Жордау де (1916). Маркес де Помбал и Священная канцелярия инквизиции (Память, обогащенная неопубликованными документами и факсимиле подписей достойного восстановителя города Лиссабона) (на португальском языке). Соц. Издатель Хосе Бастос. стр. 10, 106, 122.
^ Цитируется в Элорзе, Инквизиция и просвещенная мысль. История 16. Специальный 10-летний юбилей Инквизиции ; п. 81.
^ Члены правительства и Совета Кастилии, а также другие члены, близкие к двору, получили специальное разрешение для книг, купленных во Франции, Нидерландах или Германии, пересекать границу без проверки членами Священной канцелярии. Эта практика распространилась начиная с правления Карла III.
^ Аргументы, представленные в периодических изданиях и других работах, циркулирующих в Испании, были практически точными копиями размышлений Монтескье или Руссо, переведенными на испанский язык.
^ Церковная собственность в целом и собственность Святой Канцелярии в частности занимали большие территории сегодняшних Кастилии и Леона , Эстремадуры и Андалусии . Имущество передавалось на феодальных условиях фермерам или населенным пунктам, которые использовали его как общественную собственность со многими ограничениями, при этом часть арендной платы, обычно в денежной форме, передавалась церкви.
^ Элорза, Инквизиция и просвещенная мысль . История 16. Специальный 10-летний юбилей Инквизиции ; п. 88
^ Историки имеют разные интерпретации. Один из аргументов заключается в том, что во время Зловещего десятилетия инквизиция была восстановлена - из-за заявления короля Альфонсо во время визита в Ватикан о том, что он восстановит ее, если представится такая возможность, но королевский указ, отменяющий этот орден, «Trienio Liberal» так и не был одобрен или, по крайней мере, не опубликован. Таким образом, формальная отмена при регентстве Марии Кристины была не чем иным, как ратификацией отмены 1820 года. [ нужна ссылка ]
^ Франсиско Фахардо Спинола, Процедурная деятельность Священной канцелярии. Некоторые соображения по поводу его исследования , Manuscrits 17, 1999, с. 114.
^ Один сгорел в 1567 году (Э. Шеффер, Вклады в историю испанского протестантизма, Том 2, Гютерсло, 1902, стр. 41–42), 13 в период 1570–1625 годов (В. Монтер, Границы ереси , стр. 48), 5 сожжены в 1627 году, еще 5 сожжены в 1655 году ( Камен (2005) , стр. 266) и 3 сожжены заживо в 1665 году (Мириам Бодиан, Умереть в законе Моисея: криптоеврейское мученичество в иберийском мире , Индиана Университетское издательство 2007, стр. 219).
^ Четыре сожжены между 1553 и 1558 годами (В. Монтер, Границы ереси , стр. 37–38, п. 22), один в 1561 году (В. Монтер, Границы ереси , стр. 233), еще 19 в период 1570–1570 гг. 1625 г. (В. Монтер, Границы ереси , стр. 48) и 10 сожженных в 1654 г. (Генрих Грец, История евреев, Том V, 2009, стр. 91).
^ Два человека, приговоренные к смертной казни в 1678 году, были сожжены во время ауто де фе, отмечавшегося в Мадриде в 1680 году (Х. Ч. Леа, История инквизиции Испании , Нью-Йорк, 1907, том III, стр. 300). Поэтому они включены в число казней в Толедо/Мадриде.
^ В это число входят 7 человек, сгоревших ок. 1545 г. (Х. Ч. Леа, История инквизиции Испании , Нью-Йорк 1907, т. III, стр. 189), 9 человек сожжены в 1550–52 гг. (Флора Гарсиа Иварс, Репрессии в инквизиторском суде Гранады , 1550 г.) –1819, изд. Акал, 1991, с. 194), в 1560-е гг. сгорело 14 человек. (В. Монтер, стр. 44, 233), 24 сожжены между 1570 и 1625 годами (В. Монтер, стр. 48), 12 сожжены в 1654 году (Генрих Грец, История евреев , Том V, 2009, стр. 92) ) и 6 сгорели в 1672 году (А. Дж. Сарайва, Х. П. Саломон, ISD Сассун: Фабрика Маррано: Португальская инквизиция и ее новые христиане 1536–1765 . Лейден, Бостон и Кельн: Брилл, 2001, стр. 217, п. 62).
^ 154 сожжены между 1557 и 1568 годами ( JL Morales y Marin: El Alcazar de la Inquisicion en Murcia , s. 40), 11 казнены в период 1570–1625 годов (W. Monter, стр. 48) и 25 между 1686 и 1699 годами ( Консуэло Македа Абреу, Автомобиль веры , Мадрит, 1992, с.
^ В это число входят 2 казни на аутодафе в 1545 году (В.Монтер, Границы ереси , стр. 38), 114 казней на аутодафе между 1559 и 1660 годами (Виктория Гонсалес де Кальдас, Джудиос о cristianos?, Universidad de Sevilla, 2000, стр. 528) и 12 казней на аутос да фе между 1666 и 1695 годами (Консуэло Македа Абреу, El auto de fe , Мадрид, 1992, стр. 99–100).
^ 13 сожжены в autos da fe между 1555 и 1569 годами (Э. Шеффер, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Spanischen Protestantismus, Bd. 2, Gütersloh 1902, стр. 79–91.), 25 сожжены между 1570 и 1625 годами (W. Monter, стр. 48), 2 сожжены между 1648 и 1699 годами (H. Ch. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain, vol. IV, New York 1907, p. 524; ср. Хоакин Перес Вильянуэва и Бартоломе Эскандел Бонет (изд. ), инквизиции в Испании и Америке , том 1, Мадрид, 1984, стр. Испания, том III, Нью-Йорк, 1907, с. История
↑ В это число входят 6 казней, совершенных Хеннингсеном и Контрерасом за период 1620–1670 гг. (Хеннингсен, База данных испанской инквизиции , стр. 58 и 65), 26 сожженных в двух знаменитых аутодафе в 1559 г. (В.Монтер , «Границы ереси» , стр. 41, 44),2 сожжены в 1561 году (W. Monter, стр. 41, 44, 233),15 сожжены между 1562 и 1567 годами (Э. Шеффер, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Spanischen Protestantismus , Bd. 3, Gütersloh 1902, стр. 131) и 5 сожженных в 1691 году (H. Ch. Lea, History of the Inquisition of Spain , New York 1907, vol. III, p. 197).
^ Источник: Теофанес Эгидо, Модификации типологии: новая преступная структура , в: Хоакин Перес Вильянуэва и Бартоломе Эскандель Бонет, История инквизиции в Испании и Америке , том. 1, Мадрид, 1984 г., с. 1395.
^ Контрерас, Хайме и Густав Хеннингсен (1986). «Сорок четыре тысячи дел испанской инквизиции (1540–1700): анализ банка исторических данных», Хеннингсен Г., Дж. А. Тедески и др. (сост.), Инквизиция в Европе раннего Нового времени: исследования источников и методов. Декалб: Издательство Университета Северного Иллинойса.
^ Перес, Джозеф (2006). Испанская инквизиция: история. Нью-Хейвен, Коннектикут: Издательство Йельского университета; п. 173
^ Хуан Антонио Льоренте: Критическая история инквизиции в Испании (том IV, стр. 183). Мадрид: Иперион, 1980.
^ См., например, Жан-Пьер Дедье, The Four Times, в Бартоломе Бенассар, Испанская инквизиция: политическая власть и социальный контроль, стр. 15–39 и Гарсиа Карсель (1976)
^ Висенте Анхель Альварес Паленсуэла. Евреи и новообращенные в средневековой Испании. Суть дела (Евреи и новообращенные в средневековой Испании. Суть дела). Universidad Autónoma de Madrid) eHumanista/Converso 4 (2015): 156–191 Это можно бесплатно проверить здесь.
^ Достоевский, Федор (2009). Великий Инквизитор . Книги о пингвинах.
Льоренте, Хуан Антонио (1817). Критическая история испанской инквизиции (4 тома) (на французском языке). Типография Плассан.
Пастор Людвиг фон, «История пап с конца средневековья»; Взято из Секретных архивов Ватикана и других первоисточников, 40 томов. Сент-Луис, Б. Гердер 1898 г.
Перес, Джозеф (2005). Испанская инквизиция: история . Издательство Йельского университета.
Перес, Джозеф (2009). Краткая история инквизиции в Испании (на испанском языке). Критика.
Грайзборд, Дэвид Л. Души в споре: идентичности конверсо в Иберии и еврейской диаспоре, 1580–1700 гг . Филадельфия: Издательство Пенсильванского университета, 2004.
Хомза, Лу Энн (2006). Испанская инквизиция, 1478–1614 гг., Антология источников . Издательство Хакетт.
Камен, Генри (2014). Испанская инквизиция: исторический обзор . Нью-Хейвен: Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0-300-18051-0 . Кеймен опубликовал 4 издания под 3 названиями: «Первое издание опубликовано в 1965 году... под названием «Испанская инквизиция» . Второе издание опубликовано в 1985 году... под названием «Инквизиция и общество в Испании» . Третье издание опубликовано в 1998 году... под названием «Испанская инквизиция: историческая история». Редакция четвертая, 2014 г.».
Монтер, Э. Уильям (1990). Границы ереси: испанская инквизиция от Стран Басков до Сицилии . Издательство Кембриджского университета. ISBN 978-0-521-52259-5 .
Ниренберг, Дэвид. (2013). Антииудаизм: западная традиция . Нью-Йорк: WW Norton & Co. ISBN 978-0-393-34791-3 . гл. 5 «Месть Спасителя: евреи и власть в средневековой Европе», гл. 6 «Вымирание евреев Испании и рождение инквизиции»
Байан, Антониу – Инквизиция в Португалии и Бразилии (1921)
Бейкер, Дж. – История инквизиции (1736 г.)
Баллестер, Висенте Виньяу – Каталог дел против веры, рассмотренных в суде Святой Канцелярии инквизиции Толедо (,,,) (1903)
Белл, Обри Ф.Г. – Луис де Леон: исследование испанского Возрождения (1925)
Каппа, Рикардо - Испанская инквизиция (1888)
Кардью, Александр – Краткая история инквизиции (1933)
Кастеллано-и-де-ла-Пенья, Гаспар Террористический заговор в 15 веке; Начало арагонской инквизиции (1927)
Коултон, Джордж Гордон – Инквизиция (1929)
Гарау, Франциско - Триумфальная плата в четырех автомобилях, удерживаемая на Майорке Священной канцелярией инквизиции, в ходе которой были освобождены восемьдесят восемь заключенных (...) - (1691 г. - перепечатано в 1931 г.)
Гарсиа, Хенаро, Инквизиция Мексики (1906).
Гарсиа, Хенаро, Autos de fe инквизиции Мексики (1910)
Эркулано, Александр, История возникновения и основания инквизиции в Португалии (английский перевод, 1926 г.)
Жув, Маргарита – Торквемада (1935)
Местр, Жозеф де – Письма об испанской инквизиции (1838)
Мэйкок, Алан Лоусон – Инквизиция (1926)
Марчант, Джон – Обзор Кровавого Трибунала; или ужасные жестокости инквизиции (...) 1770)
Уолш, Уильям Томас, Изабелла Испанская (1930) и Персонажи инквизиции (1940). Оба переизданы TAN Books (1987).
Уилкенс, Корнелиус Август: испанские протестанты в шестнадцатом веке (1897), 218 стр. читать онлайн на archive.org «Каталог титулов» . Библиотека иберийских ресурсов . Проверено 17 мая 2006 г.
Бергеманн, Патрик (2019). Суди ближнего своего: доносы на испанскую инквизицию, романовскую Россию и нацистскую Германию . Издательство Колумбийского университета.
Arc.Ask3.Ru Номер скриншота №: be2f69b2e87bf6c924b2d210e23c0383__1723366620 URL1:https://arc.ask3.ru/arc/aa/be/83/be2f69b2e87bf6c924b2d210e23c0383.html Заголовок, (Title) документа по адресу, URL1: Spanish Inquisition - Wikipedia
Данный printscreen веб страницы (снимок веб страницы, скриншот веб страницы), визуально-программная копия документа расположенного по адресу URL1 и сохраненная в файл, имеет: квалифицированную, усовершенствованную (подтверждены: метки времени, валидность сертификата), открепленную ЭЦП (приложена к данному файлу), что может быть использовано для подтверждения содержания и факта существования документа в этот момент времени. Права на данный скриншот принадлежат администрации Ask3.ru, использование в качестве доказательства только с письменного разрешения правообладателя скриншота. Администрация Ask3.ru не несет ответственности за информацию размещенную на данном скриншоте. Права на прочие зарегистрированные элементы любого права, изображенные на снимках принадлежат их владельцам. Качество перевода предоставляется как есть. Любые претензии, иски не могут быть предъявлены. Если вы не согласны с любым пунктом перечисленным выше, вы не можете использовать данный сайт и информация размещенную на нем (сайте/странице), немедленно покиньте данный сайт. В случае нарушения любого пункта перечисленного выше, штраф 55! (Пятьдесят пять факториал, Денежную единицу (имеющую самостоятельную стоимость) можете выбрать самостоятельно, выплаичвается товарами в течение 7 дней с момента нарушения.)
Портал католической церкви 
