Американская революция

American Revolution
American Revolution
1765–1783
Colonial Period	Confederation period

Американская революция
Часть атлантических революций
	Флаг континентальных цветов (1775–1777 гг.)
	Комитет пяти представляет свой проект Декларации независимости Второму Континентальному конгрессу в Филадельфии 28 июня 1776 года, изображенный на портрете Джона Трамбалла 1818 года « Декларация независимости».
Date	1765 to 1783
Location	Thirteen Colonies; (1765–1775); United Colonies; (1775–1781); United States; (1781–1783)
Outcome	Independence of the United States of America from Great Britain; Dissolution of British America, formation of British North America and Spanish Florida; End of the First British Empire; Began the Age of Revolution; World's first federal republic founded on the consent of the governed; First permanently successful overthrow of monarchical colonial rule;

Американская революция была восстанием и политическим движением в Тринадцати колониях , достигшего своего пика, когда колонисты начали в конечном итоге успешную войну за независимость против Королевства Великобритании . Лидерами Американской революции были лидеры колониальных сепаратистов , которые первоначально стремились к большей автономии как британские подданные, но позже собрались, чтобы поддержать Войну за независимость, которая положила конец британскому колониальному правлению над колониями, установив их независимость как Соединенные Штаты Америки в июле 1776 года.

Discontent with colonial rule began shortly after the defeat of France in the French and Indian War in 1763. Although the colonies had fought and supported the war, Parliament imposed new taxes to compensate for wartime costs and turned control of the colonies' western lands over to the British officials in Montreal. Representatives from several colonies convened the Stamp Act Congress; its "Declaration of Rights and Grievances" argued that taxation without representation violated their rights as Englishmen. In 1767, tensions flared again following the British Parliament's passage of the Townshend Acts. In an effort to quell the mounting rebellion, King George III deployed troops to Boston. A local confrontation resulted in the troops killing protesters in the Boston Massacre on March 5, 1770. In 1772, anti-tax demonstrators in Rhode Island destroyed the Royal Navy customs schooner Gaspee. On December 16, 1773, activists disguised as Indians created the Boston Tea Party and dumped chests of tea owned by the British Ост-Индская компания в Бостонскую гавань . Лондон закрыл Бостонскую гавань и принял ряд карательных законов , которые фактически положили конец самоуправлению в Массачусетсе.

In late 1774, 12 of the Thirteen Colonies (Georgia joined in 1775) sent delegates to the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia. It began coordinating Patriot resistance through underground networks of committees. In April 1775 British forces attempted to disarm local militias around Boston and engaged them. On June 14, 1775, the Second Continental Congress responded by authorizing formation of the Continental Army and appointing George Washington as its commander-in-chief. In August the king proclaimed Massachusetts to be in a state of open defiance and rebellion. The Continental Army surrounded Boston, and the British withdrew by sea in March 1776, leaving the Patriots in control in every colony. In July 1776, the Second Continental Congress began to take on the role of governing a new nation. It passed the Lee Resolution for national independence on July 2, and on July 4, 1776, adopted the Declaration of Independence, which embodied the political philosophies of liberalism and republicanism, rejected monarchy and aristocracy, and famously proclaimed that "all men are created equal".

The fighting continued for five years, now known as the Revolutionary War. During that time, the kingdoms of France and Spain entered as allies of the United States. The decisive victory came in the fall of 1781, when the combined American and French armies captured an entire British army in the Siege of Yorktown. The defeat led to the collapse of King George's control of Parliament, with a majority now in favor of ending the war on American terms. On September 3, 1783, the British signed the Treaty of Paris giving the United States nearly all the territory east of the Mississippi River and south of the Great Lakes. About 60,000 Loyalists migrated to other British territories in Canada and elsewhere, but the great majority remained in the United States. With its victory in the American Revolution, the United States became the first constitutional republic in world history founded on the consent of the governed and the rule of law.

Origins

1651–1763: Early seeds

From the start of English colonization of the Americas, the English government pursued a policy of mercantilism to grow England's economic and political power by restricting imports, promoting exports, regulating commerce, gaining access to new natural resources, and accumulating new precious metals as monetary reserves. Mercantilist policies were a defining feature of several English American colonies from their inception. The original 1606 charter of the Virginia Company regulated trade in what would become the Colony of Virginia. In general, the export of raw materials to foreign lands was banned, imports of foreign goods were discouraged, and cabotage was restricted to English vessels. These regulations were enforced by the Royal Navy.

Following the Parliamentarian victory in the English Civil War, the first mercantilist legislation was passed. In 1651, the Rump Parliament passed the first of the Navigation Acts, intended to both improve England's trade ties with its colonies and to address Dutch domination of the trans-Atlantic trade at the time. This led to the outbreak of war with the Netherlands the following year.^[1]^[2] After the Restoration, the 1651 Act was repealed, but the Cavalier Parliament passed a series of even more restrictive Navigation Acts. Colonial reactions to these policies were mixed. The Acts prohibited exports of tobacco and other raw materials to non-English territories, which prevented many planters from receiving higher prices for their goods. Additionally, merchants were restricted from importing certain goods and materials from other nations, harming profits. These factors led to smuggling among colonial merchants, especially following passage of the Molasses Act. On the other hand, certain merchants and local industries benefitted from the restrictions on foreign competition. The restrictions on foreign-built ships also greatly benefitted the colonial shipbuilding industry, particularly of the New England colonies. Some argue that the economic impact was minimal on the colonists,^[3]^[4] but the political friction which the acts triggered was more serious, as the merchants most directly affected were also the most politically active.^[5]

The 1660 Restoration of King Charles II to the English throne influenced the development of a unique American character. New England had strong Puritan heritage and had supported the parliamentarian Commonwealth government that was responsible for the execution of his father, Charles I. Massachusetts did not recognize the legitimacy of Charles II's reign for more than a year after its onset. King Philip's War was fought from 1675 to 1678 between the New England colonies and a handful of indigenous tribes. It was fought without military assistance from England, thereby contributing to the development of a unique American identity separate from that of the British people.^[6] Charles then became determined to bring the New England colonies under a more centralized administration and direct English control in the 1680s.^[7] The New England colonists fiercely opposed his efforts, and the Crown nullified their colonial charters in response.^[8] Charles' successor James II finalized these efforts in 1686, establishing the consolidated Dominion of New England, which also included the formerly separate colonies of New York and New Jersey. Edmund Andros was appointed royal governor, and tasked with governing the new Dominion under his direct rule. Colonial assemblies and town meetings were restricted, new taxes were levied, and rights were abridged. Dominion rule triggered bitter resentment throughout New England.^[9]

New Englanders were encouraged, however, by a change of government in England which saw King James II effectively abdicate, and a populist uprising in Boston overthrew Dominion rule on April 18, 1689.^[10]^[11] Colonial governments reasserted their control after the revolt. The new monarchs, William and Mary, granted new charters to the individual New England colonies, and local democratic self-government was restored.^[12]^[13]

Subsequent British governments continued in their efforts to tax certain goods however, passing acts regulating the trade of wool,^[14] hats,^[15] and molasses.^[16] The Molasses Act of 1733 was particularly egregious to the colonists, as a significant part of colonial trade relied on molasses. The taxes severely damaged the New England economy and resulted in a surge of smuggling, bribery, and intimidation of customs officials.^[17] Colonial wars fought in America were also a source of considerable tension. For example, New England colonial forces captured the fortress of Louisbourg in Acadia during King George's War in 1745, but the British government then ceded it back to France in 1748 in exchange for Chennai in far-off India. New England colonists resented their losses of lives, as well as the effort and expenditure involved in subduing the fortress, only to have it returned to their erstwhile enemy, who would remain a threat to them after the war.^[18]

Some writers begin their histories of the American Revolution with the British coalition victory in the Seven Years' War in 1763, viewing the French and Indian War as though it were the American theater of the Seven Years' War. Lawrence Henry Gipson writes:

It may be said as truly that the American Revolution was an aftermath of the Anglo-French conflict in the New World carried on between 1754 and 1763.^[19]

New borders drawn by the Royal Proclamation of 1763

The Royal Proclamation of 1763 redrew boundaries of the lands west of newly-British Quebec and west of a line running along the crest of the Allegheny Mountains, making them Indigenous territory barred to colonial settlement for two years. The colonists protested, and the boundary line was adjusted in a series of treaties with indigenous tribes. In 1768, the Iroquois agreed to the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, and the Cherokee agreed to the Treaty of Hard Labour followed in 1770 by the Treaty of Lochaber. The treaties opened most of what is present-day Kentucky and West Virginia to colonial settlement. The new map was drawn up at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, which moved the line much farther to the west.^[20]

1764–1766: Taxes imposed and withdrawn

In 1764 Parliament passed the Sugar Act, decreasing the existing customs duties on sugar and molasses but providing stricter measures of enforcement and collection. That same year, Prime Minister George Grenville proposed direct taxes on the colonies to raise revenue, but he delayed action to see whether the colonies would propose some way to raise the revenue themselves.^[21]

Grenville asserted in 1762 that the whole revenue of the custom houses in America amounted to one or two thousand pounds sterling a year, and that the English exchequer was paying between seven and eight thousand pounds a year to collect.^[22] Adam Smith wrote in The Wealth of Nations that Parliament "has never hitherto demanded of [the American colonies] anything which even approached to a just proportion to what was paid by their fellow subjects at home."^[22] Benjamin Franklin would later testify in Parliament in 1766 to the contrary, reporting that Americans already contributed heavily to the defense of the Empire. He argued that local colonial governments had raised, outfitted, and paid 25,000 soldiers to fight France in just the French and Indian War alone—as many as Britain itself sent—and spent many millions from American treasuries doing so.^[23]^[24]

The British were, however, reacting to an entirely different issue: at the conclusion of the recent war, The Crown had to deal with approximately 1,500 politically well-connected British Army officers. The decision was made to keep them on active duty with full pay, and they had to be stationed somewhere. Stationing a standing army in Great Britain during peacetime was politically unacceptable, so they determined to station them in British America, and have Americans pay them through the new tax. The soldiers had no military mission; they were not there to defend the colonies because there was no current threat to the colonies.^[25]

Parliament passed the Stamp Act in March 1765, which imposed direct taxes on the colonies for the first time. All official documents, newspapers, almanacs, and pamphlets were required to have the stamps—even decks of playing cards. The colonists did not object that the taxes were high; they were actually low.^[a]^[26] They objected to their lack of representation in the Parliament, which gave them no voice concerning legislation that affected them, such as the tax, violating the unwritten English constitution. This grievance was summarized in the slogan "No taxation without representation". Shortly following adoption of the Stamp Act, the Sons of Liberty formed, and began using public demonstrations, boycotts, and threats of violence to ensure that the British tax laws became unenforceable. In Boston, the Sons of Liberty burned the records of the vice admiralty court and looted the home of chief justice Thomas Hutchinson. Several legislatures called for united action, and nine colonies sent delegates to the Stamp Act Congress in New York City in October. Moderates led by John Dickinson drew up a Declaration of Rights and Grievances stating that the colonists were equal to all other British citizens and that taxes passed without representation violated their rights as Englishmen, and Congress emphasized their determination by organizing a boycott on imports of all British merchandise.^[27] American spokesmen such as Samuel Adams, James Otis, John Hancock, John Dickinson, Thomas Paine, and many others, rejected aristocracy and propounded "republicanism" as the political philosophy that was best suited to American conditions.^[28]^[29]

The Parliament at Westminster saw itself as the supreme lawmaking authority throughout the Empire and thus entitled to levy any tax without colonial approval or even consultation.^[30] They argued that the colonies were legally British corporations subordinate to the British Parliament.^[31] Parliament insisted that the colonists effectively enjoyed a "virtual representation", as most British people did, since only a small minority of the British population were eligible to elect representatives to Parliament.^[32] However, Americans such as James Otis maintained that there was no one in Parliament responsible specifically to any colonial constituency, so they were not "virtually represented" by anyone in Parliament.^[33]

The Rockingham government came to power in July 1765, and Parliament debated whether to repeal the stamp tax or to send an army to enforce it. Benjamin Franklin appeared before them to make the case for repeal, explaining that the colonies had spent heavily in manpower, money, and blood defending the empire, and that further taxes to pay for those wars were unjust and might bring about a rebellion. Parliament agreed and repealed the tax on February 21, 1766, but they insisted in the Declaratory Act of March 1766 that they retained full power to make laws for the colonies "in all cases whatsoever".^[34]^[35] The repeal nonetheless caused widespread celebrations in the colonies.

1767–1773: Townshend Acts and the Tea Act

In 1767, the British Parliament passed the Townshend Acts, which placed duties on several staple goods, including paper, glass, and tea, and established a Board of Customs in Boston to more rigorously execute trade regulations. Parliament's goal was not so much to collect revenue but to assert its authority over the colonies. The new taxes were enacted on the belief that Americans only objected to internal taxes and not to external taxes such as custom duties. However, in his widely read pamphlet, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, John Dickinson argued against the constitutionality of the acts because their purpose was to raise revenue and not to regulate trade.^[36] Colonists responded to the taxes by organizing new boycotts of British goods. These boycotts were less effective, however, as the goods taxed by the Townshend Acts were widely used.

In February 1768, the Assembly of Massachusetts Bay Colony issued a circular letter to the other colonies urging them to coordinate resistance. The governor dissolved the assembly when it refused to rescind the letter. Meanwhile, a riot broke out in Boston in June 1768 over the seizure of the sloop Liberty, owned by John Hancock, for alleged smuggling. Customs officials were forced to flee, prompting the British to deploy troops to Boston. A Boston town meeting declared that no obedience was due to parliamentary laws and called for the convening of a convention. A convention assembled but only issued a mild protest before dissolving itself. In January 1769, Parliament responded to the unrest by reactivating the Treason Act 1543 which called for subjects outside the realm to face trials for treason in England. The governor of Massachusetts was instructed to collect evidence of said treason, and the threat caused widespread outrage, though it was not carried out.

On March 5, 1770, a large crowd gathered around a group of British soldiers on a Boston street. The crowd grew threatening, throwing snowballs, rocks, and debris at them. One soldier was clubbed and fell.^[37] There was no order to fire, but the soldiers panicked and fired into the crowd. They hit 11 people; three civilians died of wounds at the scene of the shooting, and two died shortly after. The event quickly came to be called the Boston Massacre. The soldiers were tried and acquitted (defended by John Adams), but the widespread descriptions soon began to turn colonial sentiment against the British. This accelerated the downward spiral in the relationship between Britain and the province of Massachusetts.^[37]

A new ministry under Lord North came to power in 1770, and Parliament repealed most of the Townshend duties, except the tax on tea. This temporarily resolved the crisis, and the boycott of British goods largely ceased, with only the more radical patriots such as Samuel Adams continuing to agitate.^{[citation needed]}

In June 1772, American patriots, including John Brown, burned a British warship that had been vigorously enforcing unpopular trade regulations, in what became known as the Gaspee Affair. The affair was investigated for possible treason, but no action was taken.

In 1773, private letters were published in which Massachusetts Governor Thomas Hutchinson claimed that the colonists could not enjoy all English liberties, and in which Lieutenant Governor Andrew Oliver called for the direct payment of colonial officials, which had been paid by local authorities. This would have reduced the influence of colonial representatives over their government. The letters' contents were used as evidence of a systematic plot against American rights, and discredited Hutchinson in the eyes of the people; the colonial Assembly petitioned for his recall. Benjamin Franklin, postmaster general for the colonies, acknowledged that he leaked the letters, which led to him being removed from his position.

In Boston, Samuel Adams set about creating new Committees of Correspondence, which linked Patriots in all 13 colonies and eventually provided the framework for a rebel government. Virginia, the largest colony, set up its Committee of Correspondence in early 1773, on which Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson served.^[38] A total of about 7,000 to 8,000 Patriots served on these Committees; Loyalists were excluded. The committees became the leaders of the American resistance to British actions, and later largely determined the war effort at the state and local level. When the First Continental Congress decided to boycott British products, the colonial and local Committees took charge, examining merchant records and publishing the names of merchants who attempted to defy the boycott by importing British goods.^[39]

Meanwhile, Parliament passed the Tea Act lowering the price of taxed tea exported to the colonies, to help the British East India Company undersell smuggled untaxed Dutch tea. Special consignees were appointed to sell the tea to bypass colonial merchants. The act was opposed by those who resisted the taxes and also by smugglers who stood to lose business.^{[citation needed]} In every colony demonstrators warned merchants not to bring in tea that included the hated new tax. In most instances, the consignees were forced by the Americans to resign and the tea was turned back, but Massachusetts governor Hutchinson refused to allow Boston merchants to give in to pressure. A town meeting in Boston determined that the tea would not be landed, and ignored a demand from the governor to disperse. On December 16, 1773, a group of men, led by Samuel Adams and dressed to evoke the appearance of Indigenous people, boarded the ships of the East India Company and dumped £10,000 worth of tea from their holds (approximately £636,000 in 2008) into Boston Harbor. Decades later, this event became known as the Boston Tea Party and remains a significant part of American patriotic lore.^[40]^{[page needed]}

1774–1775: Intolerable Acts

The British government responded by passing four laws that came to be known as the Intolerable Acts, further darkening colonial opinion towards England.^[41] The first was the Massachusetts Government Act which altered the Massachusetts charter and restricted town meetings. The second was the Administration of Justice Act which ordered that all British soldiers to be tried were to be arraigned in Britain, not in the colonies. The third was the Boston Port Act, which closed the port of Boston until the British had been compensated for the tea lost in the Boston Tea Party. The fourth was the Quartering Act of 1774, which allowed royal governors to house British troops in the homes of citizens without permission of the owner.^[42]

In response, Massachusetts patriots issued the Suffolk Resolves and formed an alternative shadow government known as the Provincial Congress, which began training militia outside British-occupied Boston.^[43] In September 1774, the First Continental Congress convened, consisting of representatives from each colony, to serve as a vehicle for deliberation and collective action. During secret debates, conservative Joseph Galloway proposed the creation of a colonial Parliament that would be able to approve or disapprove acts of the British Parliament, but his idea was tabled in a vote of 6 to 5 and was subsequently removed from the record.^{[citation needed]} Congress called for a boycott beginning on December 1, 1774, of all British goods; it was enforced by new local committees authorized by the Congress.^[44] It also began coordinating Patriot resistance by militias which existed in every colony and which had gained military experience in the French and Indian War. For the first time, the Patriots were armed and unified against Parliament.

Military hostilities begin

King George declared Massachusetts to be in a state of rebellion in February 1775^[45] and the British garrison received orders to seize the rebels' weapons and arrest their leaders, leading to the Battles of Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775. The Patriots assembled a militia 15,000 strong and laid siege to Boston, occupied by 6500 British soldiers. The Second Continental Congress convened in Philadelphia on June 14, 1775. The congress was divided on the best course of action. They authorized formation of the Continental Army and appointed George Washington as its commander-in-chief, and produced the Olive Branch Petition in which they attempted to come to an accord with King George. The king, however, issued a Proclamation of Rebellion which declared that the states were "in rebellion" and the members of Congress were traitors. The Battle of Bunker Hill followed on June 17, 1775. It was a British victory—but at a great cost: about 1,000 British casualties from a garrison of about 6,000, as compared to 500 American casualties from a much larger force.^[46]^[47]

As Benjamin Franklin wrote to Joseph Priestley in October 1775:

Britain, at the expense of three millions, has killed 150 Yankees this campaign, which is £20,000 a head ... During the same time, 60,000 children have been born in America. From these data his mathematical head will easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us all.^[48]

In the winter of 1775, the Americans invaded northeastern Quebec under generals Benedict Arnold and Richard Montgomery, expecting to rally sympathetic colonists there. The attack was a failure; many Americans were killed, captured, or died of smallpox.

In March 1776, aided by the fortification of Dorchester Heights with cannons recently captured at Fort Ticonderoga, the Continental Army led by George Washington forced the British to evacuate Boston. The revolutionaries now fully controlled all thirteen colonies and were ready to declare independence. There still were many Loyalists, but they were no longer in control anywhere by July 1776, and all of the Royal officials had fled.^[49]

Creating new state constitutions

Following the Battle of Bunker Hill in June 1775, the Patriots had control of Massachusetts outside Boston's city limits, and the Loyalists suddenly found themselves on the defensive with no protection from the British army. In each of the Thirteen Colonies, American patriots overthrew their existing governments, closed courts, and drove out British colonial officials. They held elected conventions and established their own legislatures, which existed outside any legal parameters established by the British. New constitutions were drawn up in each state to supersede royal charters. They proclaimed that they were now states, no longer colonies.^[50]

On January 5, 1776, New Hampshire ratified the first state constitution. In May 1776, Congress voted to suppress all forms of crown authority, to be replaced by locally created authority. New Jersey, South Carolina, and Virginia created their constitutions before July 4. Rhode Island and Connecticut simply took their existing royal charters and deleted all references to the crown.^[51] The new states were all committed to republicanism, with no inherited offices. On May 26, 1776, John Adams wrote James Sullivan from Philadelphia warning against extending the franchise too far:

Depend upon it, sir, it is dangerous to open so fruitful a source of controversy and altercation, as would be opened by attempting to alter the qualifications of voters. There will be no end of it. New claims will arise. Women will demand a vote. Lads from twelve to twenty one will think their rights not enough attended to, and every man, who has not a farthing, will demand an equal voice with any other in all acts of state. It tends to confound and destroy all distinctions, and prostrate all ranks, to one common level[.]^[52]^[53]

The resulting constitutions in states, including those of Delaware, Maryland, Massachusetts, New York, and Virginia ^[b] featured:

Property qualifications for voting and even more substantial requirements for elected positions (though New York and Maryland lowered property qualifications)^[50]
Bicameral legislatures, with the upper house as a check on the lower
Strong governors with veto power over the legislature and substantial appointment authority
Few or no restraints on individuals holding multiple positions in government
The continuation of state-established religion

In Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New Hampshire, the resulting constitutions embodied:

universal manhood suffrage, or minimal property requirements for voting or holding office (New Jersey enfranchised some property-owning widows, a step that it retracted 25 years later)
strong, unicameral legislatures
relatively weak governors without veto powers, and with little appointing authority
prohibition against individuals holding multiple government posts

The radical provisions of Pennsylvania's constitution lasted 14 years. In 1790, conservatives gained power in the state legislature, called a new constitutional convention, and rewrote the constitution. The new constitution substantially reduced universal male suffrage, gave the governor veto power and patronage appointment authority, and added an upper house with substantial wealth qualifications to the unicameral legislature. Thomas Paine called it a constitution unworthy of America.^[54]

Independence and union

In April 1776, the North Carolina Provincial Congress issued the Halifax Resolves explicitly authorizing its delegates to vote for independence.^[55] By June, nine Provincial Congresses were ready for independence; Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and New York followed. Richard Henry Lee was instructed by the Virginia legislature to propose independence, and he did so on June 7, 1776. On June 11, a committee was created by the Second Continental Congress to draft a document explaining the justifications for separation from Britain. After securing enough votes for passage, independence was voted for on July 2.

Gathered at Pennsylvania State House in Philadelphia, 56 of the nation's Founding Fathers, representing America's Thirteen Colonies, unanimously adopted and issued to King George III the Declaration of Independence, which was drafted largely by Thomas Jefferson and presented by the Committee of Five, which had been charged with its development. The Congress struck several provisions of Jefferson's draft, and then adopted it unanimously on July 4.^[56] The Declaration embodied the political philosophies of liberalism and republicanism, rejected monarchy and aristocracy, and famously proclaimed that "all men are created equal". With the issuance of the Declaration of Independence, each colony began operating as independent and sovereign states. The next step was to form a union to facilitate international relations and alliances.^[57]^[58]

On November 5, 1777, the Congress approved the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union and sent it to each state for ratification. The Congress immediately began operating under the Articles' terms, providing a structure of shared sovereignty during prosecution of the Revolutionary War and facilitating international relations and alliances. The Articles were fully ratified on March 1, 1781. At that point, the Continental Congress was dissolved and a new government of the United States in Congress Assembled took its place the following day, on March 2, 1782, with Samuel Huntington leading the Congress as presiding officer.^[59]^[60]

Defending the revolution

British return: 1776–1777

According to British historian Jeremy Black, the British had significant advantages, including a highly trained army, the world's largest navy, and an efficient system of public finance that could easily fund the war. However, they seriously misunderstood the depth of support for the American Patriot position, misinterpreting the situation as merely a large-scale riot. The British government believed that they could overawe the Americans by sending a large military and naval force:

Convinced that the Revolution was the work of a full few miscreants who had rallied an armed rabble to their cause, they expected that the revolutionaries would be intimidated .... Then the vast majority of Americans, who were loyal but cowed by the terroristic tactics ... would rise up, kick out the rebels, and restore loyal government in each colony.^[61]

Washington forced the British out of Boston in the spring of 1776, and neither the British nor the Loyalists controlled any significant areas. The British, however, were amassing forces at their naval base at Halifax, Nova Scotia. They returned in force in July 1776, landing in New York and defeating Washington's Continental Army in August at the Battle of Brooklyn. This gave the British control of New York City and its strategic harbor. Following that victory, they requested a meeting with representatives from Congress to negotiate an end to hostilities.^[62]^[63]

A delegation including John Adams and Benjamin Franklin met British admiral Richard Howe on Staten Island in New York Harbor on September 11 in what became known as the Staten Island Peace Conference. Howe demanded that the Americans retract the Declaration of Independence, which they refused to do, and negotiations ended. The British then seized New York City and nearly captured Washington's army. They made the city their main political and military base of operations, holding it until November 1783. The city became the destination for Loyalist refugees and a focal point of Washington's intelligence network.^[62]^[63]

The British also took New Jersey, pushing the Continental Army into Pennsylvania. Washington crossed the Delaware River back into New Jersey in a surprise attack in late December 1776 and defeated the Hessian and British armies at Trenton and Princeton, thereby regaining control of most of New Jersey. The victories gave an important boost to Patriots at a time when morale was flagging, and they have become iconic events of the war.

In September 1777, in anticipation of a coordinated attack by the British Army on the revolutionary capital of Philadelphia, the Continental Congress was forced to depart Philadelphia temporarily for Baltimore, where they continued deliberations.

In 1777, the British sent Burgoyne's invasion force from Canada south to New York to seal off New England. Their aim was to isolate New England, which the British perceived as the primary source of agitation. Rather than move north to support Burgoyne, the British army in New York City went to Philadelphia in a major case of mis-coordination, capturing it from Washington. The invasion army under Burgoyne was much too slow and became trapped in northern New York state. It surrendered after the Battles of Saratoga in October 1777. From early October 1777 until November 15, a siege distracted British troops at Fort Mifflin, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and allowed Washington time to preserve the Continental Army by safely leading his troops to harsh winter quarters at Valley Forge.

Prisoners

On August 23, 1775, George III declared Americans to be traitors to the Crown if they took up arms against royal authority. There were thousands of British and Hessian soldiers in American hands following their surrender at the Battles of Saratoga. Lord Germain took a hard line, but the British generals on American soil never held treason trials, and instead treated captured American soldiers as prisoners of war.^[64] The dilemma was that tens of thousands of Loyalists were under American control and American retaliation would have been easy. The British built much of their strategy around using these Loyalists.^[65] The British maltreated the prisoners whom they held, resulting in more deaths to American prisoners of war than from combat operations.^[65] At the end of the war, both sides released their surviving prisoners.^[66]

American alliances after 1778

The capture of a British army at Saratoga encouraged the French to formally enter the war in support of Congress, and Benjamin Franklin negotiated a permanent military alliance in early 1778; France thus became the first foreign nation to officially recognize the Declaration of Independence. On February 6, 1778, the United States and France signed the Treaty of Amity and Commerce and the Treaty of Alliance.^[67] William Pitt spoke out in Parliament urging Britain to make peace in America and to unite with America against France, while British politicians who had sympathized with colonial grievances now turned against the Americans for allying with Britain's rival and enemy.^[68]

The Spanish and the Dutch became allies of the French in 1779 and 1780 respectively, forcing the British to fight a global war without major allies, and requiring it to slip through a combined blockade of the Atlantic. Britain began to view the American war for independence as merely one front in a wider war,^[69] and the British chose to withdraw troops from America to reinforce the British colonies in the Caribbean, which were under threat of Spanish or French invasion. British commander Sir Henry Clinton evacuated Philadelphia and returned to New York City. General Washington intercepted him in the Battle of Monmouth Court House, the last major battle fought in the north. After an inconclusive engagement, the British retreated to New York City. The northern war subsequently became a stalemate, as the focus of attention shifted to the smaller southern theater.^[70]

1778–1783: the British move south

The British Royal Navy blockaded ports and held New York City for the duration of the war, and other cities for brief periods, but failed in their effort to destroy Washington's forces. The British strategy now concentrated on a campaign in the southern states. With fewer regular troops at their disposal, the British commanders saw the "southern strategy" as a more viable plan, as they perceived the south as strongly Loyalist with a large population of recent immigrants and large numbers of slaves who might be tempted to run away from their masters to join the British and gain their freedom.^[71]

Beginning in late December 1778, the British captured Savannah and controlled the Georgia coastline. In 1780, they launched a fresh invasion and took Charleston. A significant victory at the Battle of Camden meant that royal forces soon controlled most of Georgia and South Carolina. The British set up a network of forts inland, hoping that the Loyalists would rally to the flag.^[72] Not enough Loyalists turned out, however, and the British had to fight their way north into North Carolina and Virginia with a severely weakened army. Behind them, much of the territory that they had already captured dissolved into a chaotic guerrilla war, fought predominantly between bands of Loyalists and American militia, which negated many of the gains that the British had previously made.^[72]

Surrender at Yorktown (1781)

The British army under Cornwallis marched to Yorktown, Virginia, where they expected to be rescued by a British fleet.^[73] The fleet did arrive, but so did a larger French fleet. The French were victorious in the Battle of the Chesapeake, and the British fleet returned to New York for reinforcements, leaving Cornwallis trapped. In October 1781, the British surrendered their second invading army of the war under a siege by the combined French and Continental armies commanded by Washington.^[74]

End of the war

Washington did not know if or when the British might reopen hostilities after Yorktown. They still had 26,000 troops occupying New York City, Charleston, and Savannah, together with a powerful fleet. The French army and navy departed, so the Americans were on their own in 1782–83.^[75] The American treasury was empty, and the unpaid soldiers were growing restive, almost to the point of mutiny or possible coup d'etat. Washington dispelled the unrest among officers of the Newburgh Conspiracy in 1783, and Congress subsequently created the promise of a five years bonus for all officers.^[76]

Historians continue to debate whether the odds were long or short for American victory. John E. Ferling says that the odds were so long that the American victory was "almost a miracle".^[77] On the other hand, Joseph Ellis says that the odds favored the Americans, and asks whether there ever was any realistic chance for the British to win. He argues that this opportunity came only once, in the summer of 1776, and Admiral Howe and his brother General Howe "missed several opportunities to destroy the Continental Army .... Chance, luck, and even the vagaries of the weather played crucial roles." Ellis's point is that the strategic and tactical decisions of the Howes were fatally flawed because they underestimated the challenges posed by the Patriots. Ellis concludes that, once the Howe brothers failed, the opportunity "would never come again" for a British victory.^[78]

Support for the conflict had never been strong in Britain, where many sympathized with the Americans, but now it reached a new low.^[79] King George wanted to fight on, but his supporters lost control of Parliament and they launched no further offensives in America on the eastern seaboard.^[70]^[c]

Paris peace treaty

During negotiations in Paris, the American delegation discovered that France supported American independence but no territorial gains, hoping to confine the new nation to the area east of the Appalachian Mountains. The Americans opened direct secret negotiations with London, cutting out the French. British Prime Minister Lord Shelburne was in charge of the British negotiations, and he saw a chance to make the United States a valuable economic partner, facilitating trade and investment opportunities.^[81] The US obtained all the land east of the Mississippi River, including southern Canada, but Spain took control of Florida from the British. It gained fishing rights off Canadian coasts, and agreed to allow British merchants and Loyalists to recover their property. Prime Minister Shelburne foresaw highly profitable two-way trade between Britain and the rapidly growing United States, which did come to pass. The blockade was lifted and American merchants were free to trade with any nation anywhere in the world.^[82]

The British largely abandoned their Indigenous allies, who were not a party to this treaty and did not recognize it until they were defeated militarily by the United States. However, the British did sell them munitions and maintain forts in American territory until the Jay Treaty of 1795.^[83]

Losing the war and the Thirteen Colonies was a shock to Britain. The war revealed the limitations of Britain's fiscal-military state when they discovered that they suddenly faced powerful enemies with no allies, and they were dependent on extended and vulnerable transatlantic lines of communication. The defeat heightened dissension and escalated political antagonism to the King's ministers. The King went so far as to draft letters of abdication, although they were never delivered.^[84] Inside Parliament, the primary concern changed from fears of an over-mighty monarch to the issues of representation, parliamentary reform, and government retrenchment. Reformers sought to destroy what they saw as widespread institutional corruption, and the result was a crisis from 1776 to 1783. The crisis ended after 1784 confidence in the British constitution was restored during the administration of Prime Minister William Pitt.^[85]^[86]^[d]

Finance

Britain's war against the Americans, the French, and the Spanish cost about £100 million. The Treasury borrowed 40 percent of the money that it needed.^[88] Britain had a sophisticated financial system based on the wealth of thousands of landowners who supported the government, together with banks and financiers in London. In London the British had relatively little difficulty financing their war, keeping their suppliers and soldiers paid, and hiring tens of thousands of German soldiers.^[89]

In sharp contrast, Congress and the American states had no end of difficulty financing the war.^[90] In 1775, there was at most 12 million dollars in gold in the colonies, not nearly enough to cover current transactions, let alone finance a major war. The British made the situation much worse by imposing a tight blockade on every American port, which cut off almost all trade. One partial solution was to rely on volunteer support from militiamen and donations from patriotic citizens.^[91]^[92] Another was to delay actual payments, pay soldiers and suppliers in depreciated currency, and promise that it would be made good after the war. Indeed, the soldiers and officers were given land grants in 1783 to cover the wages that they had earned but had not been paid during the war. The national government did not have a strong leader in financial matters until 1781, when Robert Morris was named Superintendent of Finance of the United States.^[91] Morris used a French loan in 1782 to set up the private Bank of North America to finance the war. He reduced the civil list, saved money by using competitive bidding for contracts, tightened accounting procedures, and demanded the national government's full share of money and supplies from the individual states.^[91]

Congress used four main methods to cover the cost of the war, which cost about 66 million dollars in specie (gold and silver).^[93] Congress made issues of paper money, known colloquially as "Continental Dollars", in 1775–1780 and in 1780–1781. The first issue amounted to 242 million dollars. This paper money would supposedly be redeemed for state taxes, but the holders were eventually paid off in 1791 at the rate of one cent on the dollar. By 1780, the paper money was so devalued that the phrase "not worth a Continental" became synonymous with worthlessness.^[94] The skyrocketing inflation was a hardship on the few people who had fixed incomes, but 90 percent of the people were farmers and were not directly affected by it. Debtors benefited by paying off their debts with depreciated paper. The greatest burden was borne by the soldiers of the Continental Army whose wages were usually paid late and declined in value every month, weakening their morale and adding to the hardships of their families.^[95]

Beginning in 1777, Congress repeatedly asked the states to provide money, but the states had no system of taxation and were of little help. By 1780, Congress was making requisitions for specific supplies of corn, beef, pork, and other necessities, an inefficient system which barely kept the army alive.^[96]^[97] Starting in 1776, the Congress sought to raise money by loans from wealthy individuals, promising to redeem the bonds after the war. The bonds were redeemed in 1791 at face value, but the scheme raised little money because Americans had little specie, and many of the rich merchants were supporters of the Crown. The French secretly supplied the Americans with money, gunpowder, and munitions to weaken Great Britain; the subsidies continued when France entered the war in 1778, and the French government and Paris bankers lent large sums^[quantify] to the American war effort. The Americans struggled to pay off the loans; they ceased making interest payments to France in 1785 and defaulted on installments due in 1787. In 1790, however, they resumed regular payments on their debts to the French,^[98] and settled their accounts with the French government in 1795 when James Swan, an American banker, assumed responsibility for the balance of the debt in exchange for the right to refinance it at a profit.^[99]

Concluding the revolution

The war ended in 1783 and was followed by a period of prosperity. The national government was still operating under the Articles of Confederation and settled the issue of the western territories, which the states ceded to Congress. American settlers moved rapidly into those areas, with Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee becoming states in the 1790s.^[100]

However, the national government had no money either to pay the war debts owed to European nations and the private banks, or to pay Americans who had been given millions of dollars of promissory notes for supplies during the war. Nationalists led by Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and other veterans feared that the new nation was too fragile to withstand an international war, or even the repetition of internal revolts such as the Shays' Rebellion of 1786 in Massachusetts. They convinced Congress to call the Philadelphia Convention in 1787.^[101] The Convention adopted a new Constitution which provided for a republic with a much stronger national government in a federal framework, including an effective executive in a check-and-balance system with the judiciary and legislature.^[102] The Constitution was ratified in 1788, after a fierce debate in the states over the proposed new government. The new administration under President George Washington took office in New York in March 1789.^[103] James Madison spearheaded Congressional legislation proposing amendments to the Constitution as assurances to those cautious about federal power, guaranteeing many of the inalienable rights that formed a foundation for the revolution. Rhode Island was the final state to ratify the Constitution in 1790, the first ten amendments were ratified in 1791 and became known as the United States Bill of Rights.

National debt

The national debt fell into three categories after the American Revolution. The first was the $12 million owed to foreigners, mostly money borrowed from France. There was general agreement to pay the foreign debts at full value. The national government owed $40 million and state governments owed $25 million to Americans who had sold food, horses, and supplies to the Patriot forces. There were also other debts which consisted of promissory notes issued during the war to soldiers, merchants, and farmers who accepted these payments on the premise that the new Constitution would create a government that would pay these debts eventually.

The war expenses of the individual states added up to $114 million, compared to $37 million by the central government.^[104] In 1790, Congress combined the remaining state debts with the foreign and domestic debts into one national debt totaling $80 million at the recommendation of first Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton. Everyone received face value for wartime certificates, so that the national honor would be sustained and the national credit established.^[105]

Ideology and factions

The population of the Thirteen States was not homogeneous in political views and attitudes. Loyalties and allegiances varied widely within regions and communities and even within families, and sometimes shifted during the Revolution.

Ideology behind the revolution

The American Enlightenment was a critical precursor of the American Revolution. Chief among the ideas of the American Enlightenment were the concepts of natural law, natural rights, consent of the governed, individualism, property rights, self-ownership, self-determination, liberalism, republicanism, and defense against corruption. A growing number of American colonists embraced these views and fostered an intellectual environment which led to a new sense of political and social identity.^[106]

Liberalism

John Locke is often referred to as "the philosopher of the American Revolution" due to his work in the Social Contract and Natural Rights theories that underpinned the Revolution's political ideology.^[108] Locke's Two Treatises of Government published in 1689 was especially influential. He argued that all humans were created equally free, and governments therefore needed the "consent of the governed".^[109] In late eighteenth-century America, belief was still widespread in "equality by creation" and "rights by creation".^[110] Locke's ideas on liberty influenced the political thinking of English writers such as John Trenchard, Thomas Gordon, and Benjamin Hoadly, whose political ideas in turn also had a strong influence on the American Patriots.^[111] His work also inspired symbols used in the American Revolution such as the "Appeal to Heaven" found on the Pine Tree Flag, which alludes to Locke's concept of the right of revolution.^[112]

The theory of the social contract influenced the belief among many of the Founders that the right of the people to overthrow their leaders, should those leaders betray the historic rights of Englishmen, was one of the "natural rights" of man.^[113]^[114] The Americans heavily relied on Montesquieu's analysis of the wisdom of the "balanced" British Constitution (mixed government) in writing the state and national constitutions.

Republicanism

The American interpretation of republicanism was inspired by the Whig party in Great Britain which openly criticized the corruption within the British government.^[115] Americans were increasingly embracing republican values, seeing Britain as corrupt and hostile to American interests.^[116] The colonists associated political corruption with ostentatious luxury and inherited aristocracy.^[117]

The Founding Fathers were strong advocates of republican values, particularly Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Paine, George Washington, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton,^[118] which required men to put civic duty ahead of their personal desires. Men were honor bound by civic obligation to be prepared and willing to fight for the rights and liberties of their countrymen. John Adams wrote to Mercy Otis Warren in 1776, agreeing with some classical Greek and Roman thinkers: "Public Virtue cannot exist without private, and public Virtue is the only Foundation of Republics." He continued:

There must be a positive Passion for the public good, the public Interest, Honour, Power, and Glory, established in the Minds of the People, or there can be no Republican Government, nor any real Liberty. And this public Passion must be Superior to all private Passions. Men must be ready, they must pride themselves, and be happy to sacrifice their private Pleasures, Passions, and Interests, nay their private Friendships and dearest connections, when they Stand in Competition with the Rights of society.^[119]

Protestant dissenters and the Great Awakening

Protestant churches that had separated from the Church of England, called "dissenters", were the "school of democracy", in the words of historian Patricia Bonomi.^[120] Before the Revolution, the Southern Colonies and three of the New England Colonies had official established churches: Congregational in Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, and the Church of England in Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. The New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations had no officially established churches.^[121] Church membership statistics from the period are unreliable and scarce,^[122] but what little data exists indicates that the Church of England was not in the majority, not even in the colonies where it was the established church, and they probably did not comprise even 30 percent of the population in most localities (with the possible exception of Virginia).^[121]

John Witherspoon, who was considered a "new light" Presbyterian, wrote widely circulated sermons linking the American Revolution to the teachings of the Bible. Throughout the colonies, dissenting Protestant ministers from the Congregational, Baptist, and Presbyterian churches preached Revolutionary themes in their sermons while most Church of England clergymen preached loyalty to the king, the titular head of the English state church.^[123] Religious motivation for fighting tyranny transcended socioeconomic lines.^[120] The Declaration of Independence also referred to the "Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" as justification for the Americans' separation from the British monarchy: the signers of the Declaration professed their "firm reliance on the Protection of divine Providence", and they appealed to "the Supreme Judge for the rectitude of our intentions".^[124]

Historian Bernard Bailyn argues that the evangelicalism of the era challenged traditional notions of natural hierarchy by preaching that the Bible teaches that all men are equal, so that the true value of a man lies in his moral behavior, not in his class.^[125] Kidd argues that religious disestablishment, belief in God as the source of human rights, and shared convictions about sin, virtue, and divine providence worked together to unite rationalists and evangelicals and thus encouraged a large proportion of Americans to fight for independence from the Empire. Bailyn, on the other hand, denies that religion played such a critical role.^[126] Alan Heimert argues that New Light anti-authoritarianism was essential to furthering democracy in colonial American society, and set the stage for a confrontation with British monarchical and aristocratic rule.^[127]

Class and psychology of the factions

John Adams concluded in 1818:

The Revolution was effected before the war commenced. The Revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people .... This radical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments, and affections of the people was the real American Revolution.^[128]

In the mid-20th century, historian Leonard Woods Labaree identified eight characteristics of the Loyalists that made them essentially conservative, opposite to the characteristics of the Patriots.^[129] Loyalists tended to feel that resistance to the Crown was morally wrong, while the Patriots thought that morality was on their side.^[130]^[131] Loyalists were alienated when the Patriots resorted to violence, such as burning houses and tarring and feathering. Loyalists wanted to take a centrist position and resisted the Patriots' demand to declare their opposition to the Crown. Many Loyalists had maintained strong and long-standing relations with Britain, especially merchants in port cities such as New York and Boston.^[130]^[131] Many Loyalists felt that independence was bound to come eventually, but they were fearful that revolution might lead to anarchy, tyranny, or mob rule. In contrast, the prevailing attitude among Patriots was a desire to seize the initiative.^[130]^[131] Labaree also wrote that Loyalists were pessimists who lacked the confidence in the future displayed by the Patriots.^[129]

Historians in the early 20th century such as J. Franklin Jameson examined the class composition of the Patriot cause, looking for evidence of a class war inside the revolution.^[132] More recent historians have largely abandoned that interpretation, emphasizing instead the high level of ideological unity.^[133] Both Loyalists and Patriots were a "mixed lot",^[134]^[135] but ideological demands always came first. The Patriots viewed independence as a means to gain freedom from British oppression and to reassert their basic rights. Most yeomen farmers, craftsmen, and small merchants joined the Patriot cause to demand more political equality. They were especially successful in Pennsylvania but less so in New England, where John Adams attacked Thomas Paine's Common Sense for the "absurd democratical notions" that it proposed.^[134]^[135]

King George III

The revolution became a personal issue for the king, fueled by his growing belief that British leniency would be taken as weakness by the Americans. He also sincerely believed that he was defending Britain's constitution against usurpers, rather than opposing patriots fighting for their natural rights.^[136] King George III is often accused of obstinately trying to keep Great Britain at war with the revolutionaries in America, despite the opinions of his own ministers.^[137] In the words of the British historian George Otto Trevelyan, the King was determined "never to acknowledge the independence of the Americans, and to punish their contumacy by the indefinite prolongation of a war which promised to be eternal."^[138] The king wanted to "keep the rebels harassed, anxious, and poor, until the day when, by a natural and inevitable process, discontent and disappointment were converted into penitence and remorse".^[139] Later historians defend George by saying in the context of the times no king would willingly surrender such a large territory,^[140]^[141] and his conduct was far less ruthless than contemporary monarchs in Europe.^[142] After the surrender of a British army at Saratoga, both Parliament and the British people were largely in favor of the war; recruitment ran at high levels and although political opponents were vocal, they remained a small minority.^[140]^[143]

With the setbacks in America, Lord North asked to transfer power to Lord Chatham, whom he thought more capable, but George refused to do so; he suggested instead that Chatham serve as a subordinate minister in North's administration, but Chatham refused. He died later in the same year.^[144] Lord North was allied to the "King's Friends" in Parliament and believed George III had the right to exercise powers.^[145] In early 1778, Britain's chief rival France signed a treaty of alliance with the United States, and the confrontation soon escalated from a "rebellion" to something that has been characterized as "world war".^[146] The French fleet was able to outrun the British naval blockade of the Mediterranean and sailed to North America.^[146] The conflict now affected North America, Europe and India.^[146] The United States and France were joined by Spain in 1779 and the Dutch Republic, while Britain had no major allies of its own, except for the Loyalist minority in America and German auxiliaries (i.e. Hessians). Lord Gower and Lord Weymouth both resigned from the government. Lord North again requested that he also be allowed to resign, but he stayed in office at George III's insistence.^[147] Opposition to the costly war was increasing, and in June 1780 contributed to disturbances in London known as the Gordon riots.^[148]

As late as the Siege of Charleston in 1780, Loyalists could still believe in their eventual victory, as British troops inflicted defeats on the Continental forces at the Battle of Camden and the Battle of Guilford Court House.^[149] In late 1781, the news of Cornwallis's surrender at the siege of Yorktown reached London; Lord North's parliamentary support ebbed away and he resigned the following year. The king drafted an abdication notice, which was never delivered,^[141]^[150] finally accepted the defeat in North America, and authorized peace negotiations. The Treaties of Paris, by which Britain recognized the independence of the United States and returned Florida to Spain, were signed in 1782 and 1783 respectively.^[151] In early 1783, George III privately conceded "America is lost!" He reflected that the Northern colonies had developed into Britain's "successful rivals" in commercial trade and fishing.^[152]

When John Adams was appointed American Minister to London in 1785, George had become resigned to the new relationship between his country and the former colonies. He told Adams, "I was the last to consent to the separation; but the separation having been made and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States as an independent power."^[153]

Patriots

Those who fought for independence were called "Revolutionaries", "Continentals", "Rebels", "Patriots", "Whigs", "Congress-men", or "Americans" during and after the war. They included a full range of social and economic classes but were unanimous regarding the need to defend the rights of Americans and uphold the principles of republicanism in rejecting monarchy and aristocracy, while emphasizing civic virtue by citizens. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were mostly—with definite exceptions—well-educated, of British stock, and of the Protestant faith.^[154]^[155] Newspapers were strongholds of patriotism (although there were a few Loyalist papers) and printed many pamphlets, announcements, patriotic letters, and pronouncements.^[156]

According to historian Robert Calhoon, 40 to 45 percent of the white population in the Thirteen Colonies supported the Patriots' cause, 15 to 20 percent supported the Loyalists, and the remainder were neutral or kept a low profile.^[157] Mark Lender concludes that ordinary people became insurgents against the British because they held a sense of rights which the British were violating, rights that stressed local autonomy, fair dealing, and government by consent. They were highly sensitive to the issue of tyranny, which they saw manifested in the British response to the Boston Tea Party. The arrival in Boston of the British Army heightened their sense of violated rights, leading to rage and demands for revenge. They had faith that God was on their side.^[158]

Thomas Paine published his pamphlet Common Sense in January 1776, after the Revolution had started. It was widely distributed and often read aloud in taverns, contributing significantly to concurrently spreading the ideas of republicanism and liberalism, bolstering enthusiasm for separation from Great Britain and encouraging recruitment for the Continental Army.^[159] Paine presented the Revolution as the solution for Americans alarmed by the threat of tyranny.^[159]

Loyalists

The consensus of scholars is that about 15 to 20 percent of the white population remained loyal to the British Crown.^[160] Those who actively supported the king were known at the time as "Loyalists", "Tories", or "King's men". The Loyalists never controlled territory unless the British Army occupied it. They were typically older, less willing to break with old loyalties, and often connected to the Church of England; they included many established merchants with strong business connections throughout the Empire, as well as royal officials such as Thomas Hutchinson of Boston.^[161]

There were 500 to 1,000 Black Loyalists, enslaved African Americans who escaped to British lines and supported Britain's cause via several means. Many of them died from disease, but the survivors were evacuated by the British to their remaining colonies in North America.^[162]

The revolution could divide families, such as William Franklin, son of Benjamin Franklin and royal governor of the Province of New Jersey who remained loyal to the Crown throughout the war. He and his father never spoke again.^[163] Recent immigrants who had not been fully Americanized were also inclined to support the King.^[164]

After the war, the great majority of the half-million Loyalists remained in America and resumed normal lives. Some became prominent American leaders, such as Samuel Seabury. Approximately 46,000 Loyalists relocated to Canada; others moved to Britain (7,000), Florida, or the West Indies (9,000). The exiles represented approximately two percent of the total population of the colonies.^[165] Nearly all Black Loyalists left for Nova Scotia, Florida, or England, where they could remain free.^[166] Loyalists who left the South in 1783 took thousands of their slaves with them as they fled to the British West Indies.^[165]

Neutrals

A minority of uncertain size tried to stay neutral in the war. Most kept a low profile, but the Quakers were the most important group to speak out for neutrality, especially in Pennsylvania. The Quakers continued to do business with the British even after the war began, and they were accused of supporting British rule, "contrivers and authors of seditious publications" critical of the revolutionary cause.^[167] Most Quakers remained neutral, although a sizeable number nevertheless participated to some degree.

Role of women

Women contributed to the American Revolution in many ways and were involved on both sides. Formal politics did not include women, but ordinary domestic behaviors became charged with political significance as Patriot women confronted a war which permeated all aspects of political, civil, and domestic life. They participated by boycotting British goods, spying on the British, following armies as they marched, washing, cooking, and mending for soldiers, delivering secret messages, and even fighting disguised as men in a few cases, such as Deborah Samson. Mercy Otis Warren held meetings in her house and cleverly attacked Loyalists with her creative plays and histories.^[168] Many women also acted as nurses and helpers, tending to the soldiers' wounds and buying and selling goods for them. Some of these camp followers even participated in combat, such as Madam John Turchin who led her husband's regiment into battle.^[169] Above all, women continued the agricultural work at home to feed their families and the armies. They maintained their families during their husbands' absences and sometimes after their deaths.^[170]

American women were integral to the success of the boycott of British goods,^[171] as the boycotted items were largely household articles such as tea and cloth. Women had to return to knitting goods and to spinning and weaving their own cloth—skills that had fallen into disuse. In 1769, the women of Boston produced 40,000 skeins of yarn, and 180 women in Middletown, Massachusetts wove 20,522 yards (18,765 m) of cloth.^[170] Many women gathered food, money, clothes, and other supplies during the war to help the soldiers.^[172] A woman's loyalty to her husband could become an open political act, especially for women in America committed to men who remained loyal to the King. Legal divorce, usually rare, was granted to Patriot women whose husbands supported the King.^[173]^[174]

Other participants

France and Spain

In early 1776, France set up a major program of aid to the Americans, and the Spanish secretly added funds. Each country spent one million "livres tournaises" to buy munitions. A dummy corporation run by Pierre Beaumarchais concealed their activities. American Patriots obtained some munitions from the Dutch Republic as well, through the French and Spanish ports in the West Indies.^[175] Heavy expenditures and a weak taxation system pushed France toward bankruptcy.^[176]

In 1777, Charles François Adrien le Paulmier, Chevalier d'Annemours, acting as a secret agent for France, made sure General George Washington was privy to his mission. He followed Congress around for the next two years, reporting what he observed back to France.^[177] The Treaty of Alliance between the French and the Americans followed in 1778, which led to more French money, matériel and troops being sent to the United States.

Spain did not officially recognize the United States, but it was a French ally and it separately declared war on Britain on June 21, 1779. Bernardo de Gálvez, general of the Spanish forces in New Spain, also served as governor of Louisiana. He led an expedition of colonial troops to capture Florida from the British and to keep open a vital conduit for supplies going to the Americans.^[178]

Germans

Ethnic Germans served on both sides of the American Revolutionary War. As George III was also the Elector of Hanover, many supported the Loyalist cause and served as allies of the Kingdom of Great Britain; most notably rented auxiliary troops^[179] from German states such as the Landgraviate of Hessen-Kassel.

American Patriots tended to represent such troops as mercenaries in propaganda against the British Crown. Even American historians followed suit, in spite of Colonial-era jurists drawing a distinction between auxiliaries and mercenaries, with auxiliaries serving their prince when sent to the aid of another prince, and mercenaries serving a foreign prince as individuals.^[179] By this distinction the troops which served in the American Revolution were auxiliaries.

Other German individuals came to assist the American revolutionaries, most notably Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, who served as a general in the Continental Army and is credited with professionalizing that force, but most Germans who served were already colonists. Von Steuben's native Prussia joined the League of Armed Neutrality,^[180] and King Frederick II of Prussia was well appreciated in the United States for his support early in the war. He expressed interest in opening trade with the United States and bypassing English ports, and allowed an American agent to buy arms in Prussia.^[181] Frederick predicted American success,^[182] and promised to recognize the United States and American diplomats once France did the same.^[183] Prussia also interfered in the recruiting efforts of Russia and neighboring German states when they raised armies to send to the Americas, and Frederick II forbade enlistment for the American war within Prussia.^[184] All Prussian roads were denied to troops from Anhalt-Zerbst,^[185] which delayed reinforcements that Howe had hoped to receive during the winter of 1777–1778.^[186]

However, when the War of the Bavarian Succession (1778–1779) erupted, Frederick II became much more cautious with Prussian/British relations. U.S. ships were denied access to Prussian ports, and Frederick refused to officially recognize the United States until they had signed the Treaty of Paris. Even after the war, Frederick II predicted that the United States was too large to operate as a republic, and that it would soon rejoin the British Empire with representatives in Parliament.^[187]

Native Americans

Most Indigenous people rejected pleas that they remain neutral and instead supported the British Crown. The great majority of the 200,000 Indigenous people east of the Mississippi distrusted the Americans and supported the British cause, hoping to forestall continued expansion of settlement into their territories.^[189]^[190] Those tribes closely involved in trade tended to side with the Patriots, although political factors were important as well. Some tried to remain neutral, seeing little value in joining what they perceived to be a "white man's war", and fearing reprisals from whichever side they opposed.

The great majority of Indigenous people did not participate directly in the war, with the notable exceptions of warriors and bands associated with four of the Iroquois tribes in New York and Pennsylvania which allied with the British,^[190] and the Oneida and Tuscarora tribes among the Iroquois of central and western New York who supported the American cause.^[191] The British did have other allies, particularly in the regions of southwest Quebec on the Patriot's frontier. The British provided arms to Indigenous people who were led by Loyalists in war parties to raid frontier settlements from the Carolinas to New York. These war parties managed to kill many settlers on the frontier, especially in Pennsylvania and New York's Mohawk Valley.^[192]

In 1776, Cherokee war parties attacked American Colonists all along the southern Quebec frontier of the uplands throughout the Washington District, North Carolina (now Tennessee) and the Kentucky wilderness area.^[193] The Chickamauga Cherokee under Dragging Canoe allied themselves closely with the British, and fought on for an additional decade after the Treaty of Paris was signed. They launched raids with roughly 200 warriors, as seen in the Cherokee–American wars; they could not mobilize enough forces to invade settler areas without the help of allies, most often the Creek.

Joseph Brant (also Thayendanegea) of the powerful Mohawk tribe in New York was the most prominent Indigenous leader against the Patriot forces.^[188] In 1778 and 1780, he led 300 Iroquois warriors and 100 white Loyalists in multiple attacks on small frontier settlements in New York and Pennsylvania, killing many settlers and destroying villages, crops, and stores.^[194]

In 1779, the Continental Army forced the hostile Indigenous people out of upstate New York when Washington sent an army under John Sullivan which destroyed 40 evacuated Iroquois villages in central and western New York. The Battle of Newtown proved decisive, as the Patriots had an advantage of three-to-one, and it ended significant resistance; there was little combat otherwise. Facing starvation and homeless for the winter, the Iroquois fled to Canada.^[195]

At the peace conference following the war, the British ceded lands which they did not really control, without consultation with their Indigenous allies. They transferred control to the United States of all the land south of the Great Lakes east of the Mississippi and north of Florida. Calloway concludes:

Burned villages and crops, murdered chiefs, divided councils and civil wars, migrations, towns and forts choked with refugees, economic disruption, breaking of ancient traditions, losses in battle and to disease and hunger, betrayal to their enemies, all made the American Revolution one of the darkest periods in American Indian history.^[196]

Black Americans

Free Blacks in the New England Colonies and Middle Colonies in the North as well as Southern Colonies fought on both sides of the War, but the majority fought for the Patriots. Gary Nash reports that there were about 9,000 Black veteran Patriots, counting the Continental Army and Navy, state militia units, privateers, wagoneers in the Army, servants to officers, and spies.^[198] Ray Raphael notes that thousands did join the Loyalist cause, but "a far larger number, free as well as slave, tried to further their interests by siding with the patriots."^[199] Crispus Attucks was one of the five people killed in the Boston Massacre in 1770 and is considered the first American casualty for the cause of independence.

The effects of the war were more dramatic in the South. Tens of thousands of slaves escaped to British lines throughout the South, causing dramatic losses to slaveholders and disrupting cultivation and harvesting of crops. For instance, South Carolina was estimated to have lost about 25,000 slaves to flight, migration, or death which amounted to a third of its slave population.^[200]

During the war, the British commanders attempted to weaken the Patriots by issuing proclamations of freedom to their slaves.^[201] In the November 1775 document known as Dunmore's Proclamation Virginia royal governor, Lord Dunmore recruited Black men into the British forces with the promise of freedom, protection for their families, and land grants. Some men responded and briefly formed the British Ethiopian Regiment. Historian David Brion Davis explains the difficulties with a policy of wholesale arming of the slaves:

But England greatly feared the effects of any such move on its own West Indies, where Americans had already aroused alarm over a possible threat to incite slave insurrections. The British elites also understood that an all-out attack on one form of property could easily lead to an assault on all boundaries of privilege and social order, as envisioned by radical religious sects in Britain's seventeenth-century civil wars.^[202]

Davis underscores the British dilemma: "Britain, when confronted by the rebellious American colonists, hoped to exploit their fear of slave revolts while also reassuring the large number of slave-holding Loyalists and wealthy Caribbean planters and merchants that their slave property would be secure".^[203] The Americans, however, accused the British of encouraging slave revolts, with the issue becoming one of the 27 colonial grievances.^[204]

The existence of slavery in the American colonies had attracted criticism from both sides of the Atlantic as many could not reconcile the existence of the institution with the egalitarian ideals espoused by leaders of the Revolution. British writer Samuel Johnson wrote "how is it we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of the Negroes?" in a text opposing the grievances of the colonists.^[205] Referring to this contradiction, English abolitionist Thomas Day wrote in a 1776 letter that

if there be an object truly ridiculous in nature, it is an American patriot, signing resolutions of independency with the one hand, and with the other brandishing a whip over his affrighted slaves.^[206]

Thomas Jefferson unsuccessfully attempted to include a section in the Declaration of Independence which asserted that King George III had "forced" the slave trade onto the colonies.^[207] Despite the turmoil of the period, African-Americans contributed to the foundation of an American national identity during the Revolution. Phyllis Wheatley, an African-American poet, popularized the image of Columbia to represent America.^[208]

The 1779 Philipsburg Proclamation expanded the promise of freedom for Black men who enlisted in the British military to all the colonies in rebellion. British forces gave transportation to 10,000 slaves when they evacuated Savannah and Charleston, carrying through on their promise.^[209] They evacuated and resettled more than 3,000 Black Loyalists from New York to Nova Scotia, Upper Canada, and Lower Canada. Others sailed with the British to England or were resettled as freedmen in the West Indies of the Caribbean. But slaves carried to the Caribbean under control of Loyalist masters generally remained slaves until British abolition of slavery in its colonies in 1833–1838. More than 1,200 of the Black Loyalists of Nova Scotia later resettled in the British colony of Sierra Leone, where they became leaders of the Krio ethnic group of Freetown and the later national government. Many of their descendants still live in Sierra Leone, as well as other African countries.^[210]

Effects of the revolution

After the Revolution, genuinely democratic politics became possible in the former American colonies.^[211] The rights of the people were incorporated into state constitutions. Concepts of liberty, individual rights, equality among men and hostility toward corruption became incorporated as core values of liberal republicanism. The greatest challenge to the old order in Europe was the challenge to inherited political power and the democratic idea that government rests on the consent of the governed. The example of the first successful revolution against a European empire, and the first successful establishment of a republican form of democratically elected government, provided a model for many other colonial peoples who realized that they too could break away and become self-governing nations with directly elected representative government.^[212]^{[page needed]}

The U.S. motto *Novus ordo seclorum*, meaning "A New Age Now Begins", is paraphrased from Thomas Paine's *Common Sense*, published January 10, 1776. "We have it in our power to begin the world over again," Paine wrote. The American Revolution ended an age—an age of monarchy. And, it began a new age—an age of freedom. As a result of the growing wave started by the Revolution, there are now more people around the world living in freedom than ever before, both in absolute numbers and as a percentage of the world's population.^[213]^[214]^[215]^[216]

Interpretations

Interpretations vary concerning the effect of the Revolution. Historians such as Bernard Bailyn, Gordon Wood, and Edmund Morgan view it as a unique and radical event which produced deep changes and had a profound effect on world affairs, such as an increasing belief in the principles of the Enlightenment. These were demonstrated by a leadership and government that espoused protection of natural rights, and a system of laws chosen by the people.^[217] John Murrin, by contrast, argues that the definition of "the people" at that time was mostly restricted to free men who passed a property qualification.^[218]^[219]

Gordon Wood states:

The American Revolution was integral to the changes occurring in American society, politics and culture .... These changes were radical, and they were extensive .... The Revolution not only radically changed the personal and social relationships of people, including the position of women, but also destroyed aristocracy as it'd been understood in the Western world for at least two millennia.^[220]

Edmund Morgan has argued that, in terms of long-term impact on American society and values:

The Revolution did revolutionize social relations. It did displace the deference, the patronage, the social divisions that had determined the way people viewed one another for centuries and still view one another in much of the world. It did give to ordinary people a pride and power, not to say an arrogance, that have continued to shock visitors from less favored lands. It may have left standing a host of inequalities that have troubled us ever since. But it generated the egalitarian view of human society that makes them troubling and makes our world so different from the one in which the revolutionists had grown up.^[221]

Inspiring other independence movements and revolutions

The first shot of the American Revolution at the Battle of Lexington and Concord is referred to as the "shot heard 'round the world" due to its historical and global significance.^[222] The Revolutionary War victory not only established the United States as the first modern constitutional republic, but marked the transition from an age of monarchy to a new age of freedom by inspiring similar movements worldwide.^[223] The American Revolution was the first of the "Atlantic Revolutions": followed most notably by the French Revolution, the Haitian Revolution, and the Latin American wars of independence. Aftershocks contributed to rebellions in Ireland, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, and the Netherlands.^[224]^[225]^[223]

The U.S. Constitution, drafted shortly after independence, remains the world's oldest written constitution, and has been emulated by other countries, in some cases verbatim.^[226] Some historians and scholars argue that the subsequent wave of independence and revolutionary movements has contributed to the continued expansion of democratic government; 144 countries, representing two-third of the world's population, are full or partially democracies of same form.^[227]^[215]^[228]^[229]^[216]^[213]

The Dutch Republic, also at war with Britain, was the next country after France to sign a treaty with the United States, on October 8, 1782.^[67] On April 3, 1783, Ambassador Extraordinary Gustaf Philip Creutz, representing King Gustav III of Sweden, and Benjamin Franklin, signed a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the U.S.^[67]

The Revolution had a strong, immediate influence in Great Britain, Ireland, the Netherlands, and France. Many British and Irish Whigs in Parliament spoke glowingly in favor of the American cause. In Ireland, the Protestant minority who controlled Ireland demanded self-rule. Under the leadership of Henry Grattan, the Irish Patriot Party forced the reversal of mercantilist prohibitions against trade with other British colonies. The King and his cabinet in London could not risk another rebellion, and so made a series of concessions to the Patriot faction in Dublin. Armed volunteer units of the Protestant Ascendancy were set up ostensibly to protect against an invasion from France. As had been in colonial America, so too in Ireland now the King no longer had a monopoly of lethal force.^[230]^[223]^[231]

For many Europeans, such as the Marquis de Lafayette, who later were active during the era of the French Revolution, the American case along with the Dutch Revolt (end of the 16th century) and the 17th century English Civil War, was among the examples of overthrowing an old regime. The American Declaration of Independence influenced the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789.^[232]^[233] The spirit of the Declaration of Independence led to laws ending slavery in all the Northern states and the Northwest Territory, with New Jersey the last in 1804. States such as New Jersey and New York adopted gradual emancipation, which kept some people as slaves for more than two decades longer.^[234]^[223]^[235]

Status of African Americans

A postage stamp, created at the time of the bicentennial, honors Salem Poor, who was an enslaved African American man who purchased his freedom, became a soldier, and rose to fame as a war hero during the Battle of Bunker Hill.^[236]

During the revolution, the contradiction between the Patriots' professed ideals of liberty and the institution of slavery generated increased scrutiny of the latter.^[237]^: 235^[238]^{: 105–106}^[239]^: 186 As early as 1764, the Boston Patriot leader James Otis, Jr. declared that all men, "white or black", were "by the law of nature" born free.^[237]^: 237 Anti-slavery calls became more common in the early 1770s. In 1773, Benjamin Rush, the future signer of the Declaration of Independence, called on "advocates for American liberty" to oppose slavery.^[237]^: 239 Slavery became an issue that had to be addressed. As historian Christopher L. Brown put it, slavery "had never been on the agenda in a serious way before," but the Revolution "forced it to be a public question from there forward."^[240]^[241]

In the late 1760s and early 1770s, several colonies, including Massachusetts and Virginia, attempted to restrict the slave trade, but were prevented from doing so by royally appointed governors.^[237]^: 245 In 1774, as part of a broader non-importation movement aimed at Britain, the Continental Congress called on all the colonies to ban the importation of slaves, and the colonies passed acts doing so.^[237]^: 245

In the first two decades after the American Revolution, state legislatures and individuals took actions to free slaves, in part based on revolutionary ideals. Northern states passed new constitutions that contained language about equal rights or specifically abolished slavery; some states, such as New York and New Jersey, where slavery was more widespread, passed laws by the end of the 18th century to abolish slavery by a gradual method. By 1804, all the northern states had passed laws outlawing slavery, either immediately or over time. Indentured servitude (temporary slavery), which had been widespread in the colonies (half the population of Philadelphia had once been bonded servants) dropped dramatically, and disappeared by 1800.

No southern state abolished slavery, but for a period individual owners could free their slaves by personal decision. Numerous slaveholders who freed their slaves cited revolutionary ideals in their documents; others freed slaves as a reward for service. Records also suggest that some slaveholders were freeing their own mixed-race children, born into slavery to slave mothers. The number of free Blacks as a proportion of the Black population in the upper South increased from less than 1 percent to nearly 10 percent between 1790 and 1810 as a result of these actions.^[242]^[243]^[244]^[245]^[246]^[247]^[248]^[249]^[250]^[251]^{[excessive citations]} Nevertheless, slavery continued in the South, where it became a "peculiar institution", setting the stage for future sectional conflict between North and South over the issue.^[239]^{: 186–187}

Thousands of free Blacks in the northern states fought in the state militias and Continental Army. In the south, both sides offered freedom to slaves who would perform military service. Roughly 20,000 slaves fought in the American Revolution.^[252]

Status of American women

The democratic ideals of the Revolution inspired changes in the roles of women.^[253]

The concept of republican motherhood was inspired by this period and reflects the importance of revolutionary republicanism as the dominant American ideology.^{[citation needed]} It assumed that a successful republic rested upon the virtue of its citizens. Women were considered to have the essential role of instilling their children with values conducive to a healthy republic. During this period, the wife's relationship with her husband also became more liberal, as love and affection instead of obedience and subservience began to characterize the ideal marital relationship.^{[original research?]}

The traditional constraints gave way to more liberal conditions for women. Young people had more freedom to choose their spouses and more often used birth control to regulate the size of their families.^{[original research?]} Society emphasized the role of mothers in child rearing, especially the patriotic goal of raising republican children rather than those locked into aristocratic value systems.^{[original research?]} There was more permissiveness in child-rearing.^{[clarification needed]} Patriot women married to Loyalists who left the state could get a divorce and obtain control of the ex-husband's property.^[254]

Whatever gains they had made, however, women still found themselves subordinated, legally and socially, to their husbands, disfranchised and usually with only the role of mother open to them. But, some women earned livelihoods as midwives and in other roles in the community not originally recognized as significant by men.

Abigail Adams expressed to her husband, the president, the desire of women to have a place in the new republic:

I desire you would remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands.^[255]

The Revolution sparked a discussion on the rights of woman and an environment favorable to women's participation in politics. Briefly the possibilities for women's rights were highly favorable, but a backlash led to a greater rigidity that excluded women from politics.^[256]

For more than thirty years, however, the 1776 New Jersey State Constitution gave the vote to "all inhabitants" who had a certain level of wealth, including unmarried women and blacks (not married women because they could not own property separately from their husbands), until in 1807, when that state legislature passed a bill interpreting the constitution to mean universal white male suffrage, excluding paupers.^[257]

Loyalist expatriation

Tens of thousands of Loyalists left the United States following the war; Philip Ranlet estimates 20,000, while Maya Jasanoff estimates as many as 70,000.^[258] Some migrated to Britain, but the great majority received land and subsidies for resettlement in British colonies in North America, especially Quebec (concentrating in the Eastern Townships), Prince Edward Island, and Nova Scotia.^[259] Britain created the colonies of Upper Canada (Ontario) and New Brunswick expressly for their benefit, and the Crown awarded land to Loyalists as compensation for losses in the United States. Nevertheless, approximately eighty-five percent of the Loyalists stayed in the United States as American citizens, and some of the exiles later returned to the U.S.^[260] Patrick Henry spoke of the issue of allowing Loyalists to return as such: "Shall we, who have laid the proud British lion at our feet, be frightened of its whelps?" His actions helped secure return of the Loyalists to American soil.^[261]

Commemorations

The American Revolution has a central place in the American memory^[262] as the story of the nation's founding. It is covered in the schools, memorialized by two national holidays, Washington's Birthday in February and Independence Day in July, and commemorated in innumerable monuments. George Washington's estate at Mount Vernon was one of the first national pilgrimages for tourists and attracted 10,000 visitors a year by the 1850s.^[263]

The Revolution became a matter of contention in the 1850s in the debates leading to the American Civil War (1861–1865), as spokesmen of both the Northern United States and the Southern United States claimed that their region was the true custodian of the legacy of 1776.^[264] The United States Bicentennial in 1976 came a year after the American withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and speakers stressed the themes of renewal and rebirth based on a restoration of traditional values.^[265]

Today, more than 100 battlefields and historic sites of the American Revolution are protected and maintained by the government. The National Park Service alone manages and maintains more than 50 battlefield parks and many other sites such as Independence Hall that are related to the Revolution, as well as the residences, workplaces and meeting places of many Founders and other important figures.^[266] The private American Battlefield Trust uses government grants and other funds to preserve almost 700 acres of battlefield land in six states, and the ambitious private recreation/restoration/preservation/interpretation of over 300 acres of pre-1790 Colonial Williamsburg was created in the first half of the 20th century for public visitation.^[267]

Notes

^ Lord North claimed that Englishmen paid an average 25 shillings annually in taxes, whereas Americans paid only sixpence.^[26]
^ Massachusetts' constitution is still in force in the 21st century, continuously since its ratification on June 15, 1780
^ A final naval battle was fought on March 10, 1783, by Captain John Barry and the crew of the USS Alliance, who defeated three British warships led by HMS Sybille.^[80]
^ Some historians suggest that loss of the American colonies enabled Britain to deal with the French Revolution with more unity and better organization than would otherwise have been the case.^[85] Britain turned towards Asia, the Pacific, and later Africa with subsequent exploration leading to the rise of the Second British Empire.^[87]

References

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^ Миллер, Джон К. (1943). Истоки американской революции . Бостон: Литтл, Браун и компания. ОЛ 6453380М . , стр. 95–99.
^ Гизо, М. Популярная история Франции с древнейших времен . Том IV, Мичиганский университет, 2005 г., ISBN 978-1425557249 , с. 166.
^ Лоуренс Генри Гипсон, «Американская революция как последствия Великой войны за Империю, 1754–1763». Ежеквартальный журнал политологии (1950): 86–104. JSTOR 2144276 .
^ Уильям Дж. Кэмпбелл (2015). Спекулянты в Империи: Ирокея и договор 1768 года в Форт-Стэнвиксе . Университет Оклахомы Пресс. стр. 118–120. ISBN 978-0806147109 .
^ «Закон о гербовых марках – 22 марта 1765 г.» . Революционная война и не только . Архивировано из оригинала 29 мая 2019 года . Проверено 29 мая 2019 г. ^{[ ненадежный источник? ]}
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Лоялисты Массачусетса, Джеймс Ф. Старк с. 34
^ Хенретта, Джеймс А., изд. (2011). Документы по истории Америки, Том 1: До 1877 года . Бедфорд/Сент. Мартина. п. 110. ИСБН 978-0312648626 .
^ Уолтер Айзексон (2004). Бенджамин Франклин: Американская жизнь . Саймон и Шустер. стр. 229–230. ISBN 978-0743258074 .
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^ Т.Х. Брин, Американские повстанцы, американские патриоты: Народная революция (2010), стр. 81–82.
^ Роберт Э. Шалхоуп, «Республиканизм и ранняя американская историография». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1982) 39 № 2 334–356. онлайн
^ Гомер Л. Калкин, «Брошюры и общественное мнение во время американской революции». Пенсильванский журнал истории и биографии 64.1 (1940): 22–42. онлайн
^ Миддлкауф с. 62
^ Леки, Уильям Эдвард Хартпол, История Англии в восемнадцатом веке (1882), стр. 297–298.
^ Леки, Уильям Эдвард Хартпол, История Англии в восемнадцатом веке (1882), с. 173
^ Брайан-Пол Фрост и Джеффри Сиккенга (2003). История американской политической мысли . Лексингтонские книги. стр. 55–56. ISBN 978-0739106242 .
^ Миллер (1943). Истоки американской революции . Издательство Стэнфордского университета. стр. 181–. ISBN 978-0804705936 .
^ Томас П. Слотер, «Налоговый инспектор приходит: идеологическая оппозиция внутренним налогам, 1760–1790». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1984). 41 (4): 566–591. дои : 10.2307/1919154
^ Мелвин И. Урофски и Пол Финкельман, Марш Свободы: Конституционная история Соединенных Штатов (Оксфорд, UP, 2002), т. 1 стр. 52.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Хиллер Б. Зобель, Бостонская резня (1996)
^ Грин и Поул (1994), главы 22–24.
^ Мэри Бет Нортон и др., Народ и нация (6-е изд. 2001 г.), том 1, стр. 144–145.
^ Карп, Б.Л. (2010). Вызов патриотов: Бостонское чаепитие и создание Америки . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0300168457 . Проверено 29 мая 2023 г.
^ Миллер (1943), стр. 353–376.
^ Карп, Вызов патриотов: Бостонское чаепитие и создание Америки (2010), глава 9
^ Джон К. Александр (2011). Сэмюэл Адамс: Жизнь американского революционера . Роуман и Литтлфилд. стр. 187–194. ISBN 978-0742570351 .
^ Мэри Бет Нортон; и др. (2010). Народ и нация: история Соединенных Штатов . Cengage Обучение. п. 143. ИСБН 978-0495915256 .
^ Коглиано, Фрэнсис Д. Революционная Америка, 1763–1815: Политическая история. Рутледж, 1999, с. 47.
^ Харви. «Несколько окровавленных носов» (2002), стр. 208–210.
^ Городской с. 74
^ Исааксон, Уолтер (2003). Бенджамин Франклин: Американская жизнь . Саймон и Шустер. п. 303 . ISBN 978-0684807614 .
^ Миллер (1948) с. 87
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Невинс (1927); Грин и Поул (1994), глава 29
^ Невинс (1927)
^ Основание республики: Документальная история , под редакцией Джона Дж. Патрика.
^ Разум, религия и демократия , Деннис К. Мюэль. п. 206
^ Вуд, Радикализм американской революции (1992).
^ Дженсен, Основание нации (1968), стр. 678–679.
^ Майер, Американские Священные Писания (1997), стр. 41–46.
^ Армитидж, Дэвид. Декларация независимости: глобальная история . Издательство Гарвардского университета, Лондон. 2007. «Статьи Конфедерации гарантировали его для каждого из тринадцати штатов в статье II («Каждый штат сохраняет свой суверенитет, свободу и независимость»), но ограничивали его международное выражение только Конгрессом».
^ Тесис, Александр. Самоуправление и Декларация независимости . Cornell Law Review, Volume 97 Issue 4. May 2012. (применяя Декларацию в контексте государственного суверенитета при рассмотрении законов о личной свободе, отмечая, что «после провозглашения независимости в 1776 году каждый штат, по крайней мере до конфедерации, был суверенный, независимый орган») .
^ Грин и Поул (1994), глава 30
^ Клос, Президент Кто? Забытые основатели (2004)
^ Джереми Блэк, Кризис империи: Британия и Америка в восемнадцатом веке (2008), с. 140
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Шектер, Барнет. Битва за Нью-Йорк: город в сердце американской революции . (2002)
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Маккалоу, 1776 (2005)
^ Алан Валентайн, лорд Джордж Жермен (1962), стр. 309–310.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Ларри Г. Боуман, Пленные американцы: Узники во время американской революции (1976)
^ Джон К. Миллер, Триумф свободы, 1775–1783 (1948), с. 166.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Гамильтон, Документы Александра Гамильтона (1974), с. 28
^ Стэнли Вайнтрауб, Железные слезы: Битва Америки за свободу, Британская трясина, 1775–1783 (2005) стр. 151
^ Маккеси, Война за Америку (1993), с. 568
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Хиггинботэм, Война за американскую независимость (1983), с. 83
^ Кроу и Тайс, Южный опыт американской революции (1978), стр. 157–159.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Генри Лампкин, От Саванны до Йорктауна: Американская революция на Юге (2000)
^ Брендан Моррисси, Йорктаун 1781: Мир перевернулся (1997)
^ Харви, стр. 493–515.
^ Джонатан Р. Далл, Французский флот и независимость Америки (1975), с. 248
^ Ричард Х. Кон, Орел и меч: федералисты и создание военного ведомства в Америке, 1783–1802 (1975), стр. 17–39.
^ Джон Ферлинг, Почти чудо: американская победа в войне за независимость (2009)
^ Джозеф Дж. Эллис (2013). Революционное лето: рождение американской независимости . Случайный дом. п. 11. ISBN 978-0307701220 .
^ Харви с. 528
^ Мартин И. Дж. Гриффин, История коммодора Джона Барри (2010), стр. 218–223.
^ Чарльз Р. Ритчесон, «Граф Шелбурн и мир с Америкой, 1782–1783: видение и реальность». International History Review 5 № 3 (1983): 322–345.
^ Джонатан Р. Далл (1987). Дипломатическая история американской революции . Йель вверх. стр. 144–151. ISBN 0300038860 .
^ Уильям Деверелл, изд. (2008). Спутник американского Запада . Джон Уайли и сыновья. п. 17. ISBN 978-1405138482 .
^ Руперт, Боб (9 августа 2022 г.). «Отречение короля Георга III» . Журнал американской революции . Проверено 9 августа 2022 г.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Уильям Хейг, Уильям Питт Младший (2004)
^ Джереми Блэк, Георг III: Последний король Америки (2006)
^ Кэнни, с. 92.
^ Пол Кеннеди, Взлет и падение великих держав (1987), стр. 81, 119.
^ Джон Брюэр, Сухожилия власти: война, деньги и английское государство, 1688–1783 (1990), с. 91
^ Кертис П. Неттелс, Возникновение национальной экономики, 1775–1815 (1962), стр. 23–44.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Чарльз Рэппли, Роберт Моррис: финансист американской революции (2010), стр. 225–252.
^ Эдвин Дж. Перкинс, Государственные финансы и финансовые услуги Америки, 1700–1815 (1994), стр. 85–106. Полная текстовая строка бесплатно
^ Оливер Гарри Читвуд, История колониальной Америки (1961), стр. 586–589.
^ Терри М. Мэйс (2005). Исторический словарь революционной Америки . Пугало Пресс. стр. 73–75. ISBN 978-0810853898 .
^ Харлоу, Ральф Волни (1929). «Аспекты революционных финансов, 1775–1783». Американский исторический обзор . 35 (1): 46–68. дои : 10.2307/1838471 . JSTOR 1838471 .
^ Эрна Риш, Снабжение армии Вашингтона (1982)
^ Э. Уэйн Карп, Морить армию голодом в удовольствие: администрация континентальной армии и американская политическая культура, 1775–1783 (1990)
^ Э. Джеймс Фергюсон, Сила кошелька: история американских государственных финансов, 1776–1790 (1961)
^ Кабинет историка (2020). «Вехи: 1784–1800» . History.state.gov . Государственный департамент. Архивировано из оригинала 4 февраля 2009 года . Проверено 19 января 2020 г.
^ Грин и Поул, ред. Товарищ американской революции , стр. 557–624.
^ Ричард Б. Моррис, Создание Союза: 1781–1789 (1987), стр. 245–266.
^ Моррис, Создание Союза: 1781–1789, стр. 300–313.
^ Моррис, Создание Союза, 1781–1789, стр. 300–322.
^ Дженсен, Новая нация (1950), с. 379
^ Джозеф Дж. Эллис, Его Превосходительство: Джордж Вашингтон (2004), с. 204
^ Роберт А. Фергюсон, Американское Просвещение, 1750–1820 (1997).
^ Александр, революционный политик , 103, 136; Майер, Старые революционеры , 41–42.
^ Джеффри Д. Шульц; и др. (1999). Энциклопедия религии в американской политике . Гринвуд. п. 148. ИСБН 978-1573561303 .
^ Уолдрон (2002), с. 136
^ Томас С. Кидд (2010): Бог свободы: религиозная история американской революции , Нью-Йорк, стр. 6–7.
^ Миддлкауф (2005), стр. 136–138.
^ «Право на революцию: Джон Локк, Второй трактат, §§ 149, 155, 168, 207–10, 220–31, 240–43» . press-pubs.uchicago.edu . Проверено 7 июня 2024 г.
^ Чарльз В. Тот, Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite: Американская революция и европейский ответ . (1989) с. 26.
^ Философские рассказы Мартина Коэна (Блэквелл 2008), стр. 101
^ Стэнли Вайнтрауб, Железные слезы: Битва Америки за свободу, Британская трясина, 1775–1783 (2005), глава 1
^ Бэйлин, Идеологические истоки американской революции (1992), стр. 125–137.
^ Вуд, Радикализм американской революции (1992), стр. 35, 174–175.
^ Шалхоуп, На пути к республиканскому синтезу (1972), стр. 49–80.
^ Адамс цитируется в книге Пола А. Рэйэ, «Древние и современные республики: классический республиканизм и американская революция». Том: 2 (1994) с. 23.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Бономи, с. 186, глава 7 «Религия и американская революция».
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Барк, Оскар Т.; Лефлер, Хью Т. (1958). Колониальная Америка . Нью-Йорк: Макмиллан. п. 404.
^ Фарагер, Джон Мак (1996). Энциклопедия колониальной и революционной Америки . Да Капо Пресс. п. 359 . ISBN 978-0306806872 .
^ Уильям Х. Нельсон, Американские тори (1961), с. 186
^ Кидд (2010), с. 141
^ Бэйлин , Идеологические истоки американской революции (1992), с. 303
^ Томас С. Кидд, Бог свободы: религиозная история американской революции (2010)
^ Алан Хеймерт, Религия и американский разум: от Великого пробуждения до революции . Кембридж: Издательство Гарвардского университета, 1967.
^ Джон Ферлинг, Поджигая мир: Вашингтон, Адамс, Джефферсон и американская революция (2002), с. 281
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Лабари, Консерватизм в ранней американской истории (1948), стр. 164–165.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Халл и др., Выбор сторон (1978), стр. 344–366.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Берроуз и Уоллес, Американская революция (1972), стр. 167–305.
^ Дж. Франклин Джеймсон, Американская революция, рассматриваемая как социальное движение (1926); Среди других историков, придерживавшихся того же направления мысли, были Чарльз А. Бирд , Карл Беккер и Артур Шлезингер-старший.
^ Вуд, Риторика и реальность в американской революции (1966), стр. 3–32.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Nash (2005)
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Реш (2006)
^ Эндрю Джексон О'Шонесси, «Если другие не будут активны, я должен водить машину»: Георг III и американская революция». Ранние американские исследования 2004 2 (1): стр. 1–46. ПДГ Томас, «Георг III и американская революция». История 1985 70(228)
^ О'Шонесси, глава 1.
^ Тревельян, том. 1 р. 4.
^ Тревельян, том. 1 р. 5.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Кэннон, Джон (сентябрь 2004 г.). «Георгий III (1738–1820)» . Оксфордский национальный биографический словарь (онлайн-изд.). Издательство Оксфордского университета. doi : 10.1093/ref:odnb/10540 . Проверено 29 октября 2008 г. (Требуется подписка или членство в публичной библиотеке Великобритании .)
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Кэннон и Гриффитс, стр. 510–511.
^ Брук, с. 183.
^ Брук, стр. 180–182, 192, 223.
^ Хибберт, стр. 156–157.
^ Уиллкокс и Арнштейн, с. 157.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Уиллкокс и Арнштейн, стр. 161, 165.
^ Эйлинг, стр. 275–276.
^ Эйлинг, с. 284.
^ Оксфордская иллюстрированная история британской армии (1994), с. 129.
^ Брук, с. 221.
^ Государственный департамент США, Парижский договор, 1783 г. . Проверено 5 июля 2013 г.
^ Слиток, Георг III об Империи, 1783 , с. 306.
^ Адамс, К.Ф., изд. (1850–1856), Работы Джона Адамса, второго президента США , т. 1, с. VIII, стр. 255–257 , цитируется по Ayling, p. 323 и Хибберт, с. 165.
^ Кэролайн Роббинс , «Решение 76 года: размышления о 56 подписавших сторонах». Труды Исторического общества Массачусетса . Том. 89 стр. 72–87, цитата на стр. 89. 86.
^ См. также Ричард Д. Браун, «Отцы-основатели 1776 и 1787 годов: коллективный взгляд». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1976) 33 № 3: 465–480. онлайн
^ Кэрол Сью Хамфри, Американская революция и пресса: обещание независимости (Northwestern University Press; 2013)
^ Роберт М. Калхун, «Лоялизм и нейтралитет» в Джек П. Грин; Дж. Р. Полюс (2008). Спутник американской революции . Джон Уайли и сыновья. п. 235. ИСБН 978-0470756447 .
^ Марк Эдвард Лендер, обзор книги «Американские повстанцы, американские патриоты: народная революция» (2010), автор Т.Х. Брин, в «Журнале военной истории» (2012) 76 № 1, стр. 233–234.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Фергюсон, Общие черты здравого смысла (2000), стр. 465–504.
^ Калхун, «Лоялизм и нейтралитет» в книге Грина и Поула, ред. Товарищ американской революции (1980), стр. 235
^ Калхун, «Лоялизм и нейтралитет» в книге Грина и Поула, ред. Товарищ американской революции (1980), стр. 235–247,
^ Мэри БетНортон, «Судьба некоторых черных лоялистов американской революции». Журнал истории негров 58.4 (1973): 402–426 онлайн .
^ Шейла Л. Скемп , Бенджамин и Уильям Франклин: Отец и сын, патриот и лоялист (1994)
^ Джоан Маги (1984). Лоялистская мозаика: многоэтническое наследие . Дандурн. стр. 100-1 137 и далее. ISBN 978-1459711426 .
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Грин и Поул (1994), главы 20–22.
^ «Хаос в Нью-Йорке» . Черные лоялисты: наши люди, наша история . Цифровые коллекции Канады. Архивировано из оригинала 17 ноября 2007 года . Проверено 18 октября 2007 г.
^ Готлиб (2005)
^ Эйлин К. Ченг (2008). Простая и благородная одежда истины: национализм и беспристрастность в американских исторических произведениях, 1784–1860 гг . Издательство Университета Джорджии. п. 210. ИСБН 978-0820330730 .
^ Пау, Линда Грант Де (1994). «Роль женщин в американской революции и гражданской войне». Социальное образование . 58 (2): 77.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Беркин, Революционные матери (2006), стр. 59–60.
^ Грин и Поул (1994), глава 41
^ Кометти, Элизабет (1947). «Женщины в американской революции». Ежеквартальный журнал Новой Англии . 20 (3): 329–346. дои : 10.2307/361443 . JSTOR 361443 .
^ Кербер, Женщины Республики (1997), главы 4 и 6.
^ Мэри Бет Нортон, Дочери Свободы: революционный опыт американских женщин (1980)
^ Джонатан Далл, Дипломатическая история американской революции (1985), стр. 57–65.
^ Дэвид Патрик Геггус, «Влияние американской революции на Францию и ее империю». в «Спутнике американской революции» под ред. Джек П. Грин и Дж. Р. Поул (Блэквелл, 2000), стр: 523–530. ISBN 9780631210580
^ «Основатели онлайн: Джорджу Вашингтону из д'Аннемура, 15 февраля 1789 г.» . Founders.archives.gov . Проверено 26 мая 2021 г.
^ Томпсон, Бьюкенен Паркер, Испания: забытый союзник американской революции Северный Куинси, Массачусетс: Издательство Christopher, 1976.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Этвуд, Родни (1980). Гессенцы: наемники из Гессен-Касселя в американской революции . Кембридж, Англия: Издательство Кембриджского университета.
^ Коммагер (1958) , с. 994.
^ Розарий (1906) , с. 5.
^ Розарий (1906) , с. 13.
^ Розарий (1906) , с. 14.
^ Розарий (1886) , с. 22.
^ Лоуэлл (1884) , с. 50.
^ Розарий (1906) , с. 17.
^ Розарий (1906) , с. 19.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Корнелисон, Пэм (2004). Великий исследователь фактов американской истории: кто, что, где, когда и почему в американской истории . Тед Янак (2-е изд.). Бостон: Хоутон Миффлин. ISBN 1417594411 . OCLC 60414840 . ^{[ нужна страница ]}
^ Грин и Поул (2004), главы 19, 46 и 51.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Кэллоуэй (1995) .
^ Джозеф Т. Глаттаар и Джеймс Кирби Мартин, Забытые союзники: индейцы онейда и американская революция (2007)
^ Карим М. Тиро, «Гражданская война? Переосмысление участия ирокезов в американской революции». Исследования ранней американской культуры 4 (2000): 148–165.
^ Том Хэтли, Разделительные пути: чероки и жители Южной Каролины в эпоху революции (1993); Джеймс Х. О'Доннелл, III, Южные индейцы в американской революции (1973)
^ Греймонт, Барбара (1983). «Тайенданигея (Джозеф Брант)» . В Халпенни, Фрэнсис Дж. (ред.). Словарь канадской биографии . Том. V (1801–1820) (онлайн-изд.). Университет Торонто Пресс .
^ Джозеф Р. Фишер, Хорошо выполненный провал: кампания Салливана против ирокезов, июль – сентябрь 1779 г. (1997).
^ Кэллоуэй (1995) , с. 290.
^ Эванс, Фаррелл (3 февраля 2021 г.). «Первый черный полк Америки обрел свободу, сражаясь против британцев» . History.com . Проверено 5 апреля 2021 г.
^ Гэри Б. Нэш, «Афроамериканская революция», в Оксфордском справочнике американской революции (2012) под редакцией Эдварда Дж. Грея и Джейн Каменски, стр. 250–270, стр. 254
^ Рэй Рафаэль, Народная история американской революции (2001), с. 281
^ Питер Колчин, Американское рабство: 1619–1877 , Нью-Йорк: Хилл и Ван, 1993, стр. 73
^ Война за независимость: Тыл , Библиотека Конгресса.
^ Дэвис с. 148
^ Дэвис с. 149
^ Шама, стр. 28–30, 78–90.
^ Стэнли Вайнтрауб, Железные слезы: Битва Америки за свободу, Британская трясина, 1775–1783 (2005) стр. 7
^ (1) Армитидж, Глобальная история , 77. Архивировано 10 мая 2016 г., в Wayback Machine.
(2) День, Томас. Фрагмент оригинального письма о рабстве негров, написанного в 1776 году . п. 10. Архивировано из оригинала 16 марта 2016 года . Проверено 26 февраля 2014 г. Если и существует предмет по-настоящему смешной по своей природе, так это американский патриот, одной рукой подписывающий резолюции о независимости, а другой размахивающий кнутом над своими напуганными рабами. {{cite book}}: |work= игнорируется ( помощь ) В: Интернет-архив, архивировано 4 марта 2014 г., в Wayback Machine : Библиотеки Шеридана Университета Джона Хопкинса. Архивировано 23 апреля 2014 г., в Wayback Machine : Коллекция брошюр против рабства Джеймса Бирни. Архивировано 6 августа 2014 г., в Машина обратного пути .
^ Майер, Американское Писание , 146–150.
^ Хохшильд, стр. 50–51.
^ Колчин, Американское рабство , с. 73
^ Хилл (2007), см. также blackloyalist.com
^ Гордон Вуд. Радикализм американской революции (1992), стр. 278–279.
^ Палмер, (1959)
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Макдональд, Форрест. Novus Ordo Seclorum: Интеллектуальное происхождение конституции , стр. 6–7, Лоуренс: Университетское издательство Канзаса, 1985. ISBN 0700602844 .
^ Смит, Дуэйн Э., главный редактор. Мы, люди: гражданин и конституция , стр. 204–207, Центр гражданского образования, Калабасас, Калифорния, 1995. ISBN 0-89818-177-1 .
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Ван Лун, Хендрик. История человечества , с. 333, Garden City Publishing Company, Inc., Гарден-Сити, Нью-Йорк, 1921 год.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б «Страны и территории» . Дом Свободы . Проверено 13 октября 2020 г.
^ Вуд, Американская революция: история (2003)
^ Муррин, Джон М.; Джонсон, Пол Э.; Макферсон, Джеймс М.; Фас, Алиса; Герстл, Гэри (2012). Свобода, равенство, власть: история американского народа (6-е изд.). Уодсворт, Cengage Learning. п. 296. ИСБН 978-0495904991 .
^ «Избирательное право США» . Проверено 2 июля 2013 г.
^ Гордон Вуд, Радикализм американской революции (1993), стр. 7–8. ISBN 0679736883
^ Эдмунд С. Морган (2005). Подлинная статья: Историк смотрит на раннюю Америку . WW Нортон. п. 246. ИСБН 978-0393347845 .
^ Никс, Элизабет (30 августа 2018 г.). «Что это был за «выстрел, услышанный во всем мире»?» . History.com . Проверено 20 декабря 2021 г.
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с ^д Бейлин, Бернард. Начать мир заново: гений и двусмысленность американских основателей , стр. 35, 134–149, Альфред А. Кнопф, Нью-Йорк, 2003. ISBN 0375413774 .
^ Грин и Поул (1994), гл. 53–55
^ Вим Клоостер, Революции в атлантическом мире: сравнительная история (2009)
^ «Тейлор, Стивен Л. «Об использовании Конституции США в качестве модели», За пределами кольцевой дороги, 3 февраля 2012 г., дата обращения 13 октября 2020 г.» . 4 февраля 2012 г.
^ Смит, Дуэйн Э., главный редактор. Мы, люди: гражданин и конституция , стр. 204–207, Центр гражданского образования, Калабасас, Калифорния, 1995. ISBN 0898181771 .
^ Уэллс, Х.Г. Очерк истории , стр. 840–842, Garden City Publishing Co., Inc., Гарден-Сити, Нью-Йорк, 1920.
^ «Петронцио, Мэтт. «Только 40% населения мира живет в свободных странах», Mashable.com, 14 февраля 2015 г., дата обращения 13 октября 2020 г.» . Машаемый . 15 февраля 2015 г.
^ Р.Б. Макдауэлл, Ирландия в эпоху империализма и революции, 1760–1801 (1979)
^ Бейлин, Бернард. Начать мир заново: гений и двусмысленность американских основателей , стр. 134–137, Альфред А. Кнопф, Нью-Йорк, 2003. ISBN 0375413774 .
^ Палмер, (1959); Грин и Поул (1994), главы 49–52.
^ Центр истории и новых медиа, Свобода, равенство, братство (2010)
^ Грин и Поул, стр. 409, 453–454.
^ Бейлин, Бернард. Начать мир заново: гений и двусмысленность американских основателей , стр. 134–137, 141–142, Альфред А. Кнопф, Нью-Йорк, 2003 г. ISBN 0375413774 .
^ Хаббард, Роберт Эрнест. Генерал-майор Исраэль Патнэм: герой американской революции , с. 98, McFarland & Company, Inc., Джефферсон, Северная Каролина, 2017 г. ISBN 978-1476664538 .
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с ^д ^и Бейлин, Бернард (2017) [1967]. Идеологические истоки американской революции (3-е изд.). Кембридж, Массачусетс: Belknap Press издательства Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0674975651 .
^ Браун, Кристофер Лесли (2006). Моральный капитал: основы британского аболиционизма . Чапел-Хилл: Издательство Университета Северной Каролины. ISBN 978-0807830345 .
^ Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Вуд, Гордон С. (1992). Радикализм американской революции . Нью-Йорк: Альфред А. Кнопф. ISBN 0679404937 .
^ Браун, Кристофер. Видео PBS «Свобода! Американская революция», эпизод 6, «Мы должны быть нацией?», Twin Cities Television, Inc., 1997.
^ Браун, Кристофер Лесли. Моральный капитал: основы британского аболиционизма , стр. 105–106. Университет Северной Каролины Press, Чапел-Хилл, 2006. 978-0-8078-3034-5 .
^ Кетчем, Ральф. Джеймс Мэдисон: Биография , стр. 625–626, American Political Biography Press, Ньютаун, Коннектикут, 1971. ISBN 0945707339 .
^ «Конгресс петиций Бенджамина Франклина» . Национальное управление архивов и документации. 15 августа 2016 г.
^ Франклин, Бенджамин (3 февраля 1790 г.). «Петиция Пенсильванского общества за отмену рабства» . Архивировано из оригинала 21 мая 2006 года . Проверено 21 мая 2006 г.
^ Джон Пол Камински (1995). Необходимое зло?: Рабство и дебаты по поводу конституции . Роуман и Литтлфилд. п. 256. ИСБН 978-0945612339 .
^ Художник Нелл Ирвин (2007). Создание чернокожих американцев: афроамериканская история и ее значение с 1619 года по настоящее время . п. 72.
^ Вуд, Гордон С. Разделенные друзья: Джон Адамс и Томас Джефферсон , стр. 19, 132, 348, 416, Penguin Press, Нью-Йорк, 2017. ISBN 978-0735224711 .
^ «Макеман, Том. «Интервью с историком Гордоном Вудом о проекте New York Times 1619 » . wsws.org . 28 ноября 2019 года . Проверено 10 октября 2020 г.
^ «Макаман, Том. «Интервью с Гордоном Вудом об американской революции: Часть первая», Мировой социалистический веб-сайт, wsws.org, 3 марта 2015 г. Проверено 10 октября 2020 г.» . 3 марта 2015 г.
^ Вуд, Гордон С. Радикализм американской революции , стр. 3–8, 186–187, Альфред А. Кнопф, Нью-Йорк, 1992. ISBN 0679404937 .
^ Бейлин, Бернард. Лица революции: личности и темы борьбы за американскую независимость , стр. 221–224, Vintage Books, Нью-Йорк, 1992. ISBN 0679736239 .
^ Хаббард, Роберт Эрнест. Генерал-майор Исраэль Патнэм: герой американской революции , с. 98, McFarland & Company, Inc., Джефферсон, Северная Каролина, 2017 г. ISBN 978-1476664538 ; Хук, Хольгер. Шрамы независимости: насильственное рождение Америки , стр. 95, 300–303, 305, 308–310, Crown Publishing Group, Нью-Йорк, 2017 г. ISBN 978-0804137287 ; О'Рейли, Билл и Дугард, Мартин. Убивая Англию: жестокая борьба за независимость Америки , стр. 96, 308, Генри Холт и компания, Нью-Йорк, 2017. ISBN 978-1627790642 ; «Эйрс, Эдвард. «Афроамериканцы и американская революция», веб-сайт поселения Джеймстаун и Музея американской революции в Йорктауне, дата обращения 21 октября 2020 г.» . ; « Рабство, американская революция и конституция», веб-сайт цифровой истории Хьюстонского университета, дата обращения 21 октября 2020 г.» .
^ Кербер, Линда К.; Котт, Нэнси Ф.; Гросс, Роберт; Хант, Линн; Смит-Розенберг, Кэрролл; Стэнселл, Кристин М. (1989). «За пределами ролей, за пределами сфер: размышления о гендере в ранней республике». Ежеквартальный журнал Уильяма и Мэри . 46 (3): 565–585. дои : 10.2307/1922356 . JSTOR 1922356 .
^ Мэри Бет Нортон, Дочери Свободы: революционный опыт американских женщин, 1750–1800 (3-е изд. 1996 г.)
^ Вуди Холтон (2010). Эбигейл Адамс . Саймон и Шустер. п. 172. ИСБН 978-1451607369 .
^ Розмари Загарри , Революционная реакция: женщины и политика в ранней американской республике (2007), стр. 8
^ Клингхоффер и Элкис («Избиратели в юбке: избирательное право женщин в Нью-Джерси, 1776–1807», Journal of the Early Republic 12, № 2 (1992): 159–193.)
^ Майя Джасанофф, Изгнанники Свободы: американские лоялисты в революционном мире (2011). Филип Ранлет, однако, подсчитал, что только 20 000 взрослых белых лоялистов отправились в Канаду. «Сколько американских лоялистов покинуло Соединенные Штаты?». Историк 76.2 (2014): 278–307.
↑ У. Стюарт Уоллес, Лоялисты Объединенной Империи: Хроники великой миграции (Торонто, 1914 г.), онлайн-издание. Архивировано 29 марта 2012 г., в Wayback Machine.
^ Ван Тайн, Американские лоялисты (1902), с. 307
^ Кукла , стр. 265–268.
^ Майкл Каммен, Сезон молодости: американская революция и историческое воображение (1978); Каммен, Мистические аккорды памяти: трансформация традиций в американской культуре (1991)
^ Ли, Джин Б. (2001). «Историческая память, межотраслевая борьба и американская Мекка: Маунт-Вернон, 1783–1853». Журнал истории и биографии Вирджинии . 109 (3): 255–300. JSTOR 4249931 .
^ Джонатан Б. Крайдер, «Революция Де Боу: память об американской революции в политике секторального кризиса, 1850–1861», История Америки девятнадцатого века (2009) 10 № 3, стр. 317–332
^ Дэвид Райан, «Восстановление независимости через ностальгию - двухсотлетие США 1976 года после войны во Вьетнаме», Форум межамериканских исследований (2012) 5 № 3, стр. 26–48.
^ Места войны за независимость Службы национальных парков. По состоянию на 4 января 2018 г.
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Общие источники

Бейлин, Бернард (1992). Идеологические истоки американской революции . Кембридж, Массачусетс: Belknap Press издательства Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0674443013 .
Кэнни, Николас (1998). Истоки Империи, Оксфордская история Британской империи, том I. Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 0199246769 . Проверено 22 июля 2009 г.
Фергюсон, Роберт А. (2000). «Общности здравого смысла ». Ежеквартальный журнал Уильяма и Мэри . 57 (3): 465–504. дои : 10.2307/2674263 . ISSN 0043-5597 . JSTOR 2674263 .
Грин, Джек П.; Поул, младший, ред. (1992). Блэквеллская энциклопедия американской революции . Хобокен, Нью-Джерси: John Wiley and Sons, Limited. ISBN 978-1557862440 .
Грин, Джек П.; Поул, младший, ред. (2003). Спутник американской революции . Хобокен, Нью-Джерси: John Wiley and Sons, Limited. ISBN 978-1405116749 . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.
Грин, Джек П. (2000). «Американская революция» . Американский исторический обзор . 105 (1): 93–102. дои : 10.2307/2652437 . ISSN 1937-5239 . JSTOR 2652437 . Архивировано из оригинала 25 мая 2012 года . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.
Халл, штат Нью-Йорк; Хоффер, Питер С.; Аллен, Стивен Л. (1978). «Выбор стороны: количественное исследование личностных детерминантов лоялистской и революционной политической принадлежности в Нью-Йорке». Журнал американской истории . 65 (2): 344–366. дои : 10.2307/1894084 . ISSN 0021-8723 . JSTOR 1894084 .
Дженсен, Меррилл (2004). Основание нации: история американской революции, 1763–1776 гг . Индианаполис, Индиана: Издательская компания Hackett. ISBN 0872207064 . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.
Кербер, Линда К. (1997). Женщины Республики: интеллект и идеология в революционной Америке . Чапел-Хилл: Издательство Университета Северной Каролины. ISBN 978-0807846322 .
Клос, Стэнли Л. (2004). Президент Кто? Забытые основатели . Питтсбург: ISBN Evisum, Inc. 978-0975262757 . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.
Лоуэлл, Эдвард Дж (1884). Гессенцы и другие немецкие вспомогательные силы Великобритании в войне за независимость . Harper & Brothers, Франклин-сквер, Нью-Йорк. LCCN 02004604 .
Майер, Полина (1997). Американское Писание: Декларация независимости . Нью-Йорк: Альфред А. Кнопф. ISBN 978-0679454922 . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.
Майер, Полина (1991). От сопротивления к революции: колониальные радикалы и развитие американской оппозиции Британии, 1765–1776 гг . Нью-Йорк: WW Norton and Company, Inc. ISBN 978-0393308259 . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.
Застенчивый, Джон (2008). На пути к Лексингтону: роль британской армии в наступлении американской революции . Принстон, Нью-Джерси: Издательство Принстонского университета. ISBN 978-1597404143 . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.
Уоррен, Чарльз (1945). «Мифы четвертого июля». Ежеквартальный журнал Уильяма и Мэри . 2 (3): 237–272. дои : 10.2307/1921451 . ISSN 0043-5597 . JSTOR 1921451 .
Вуд, Гордон С. (1966). «Риторика и реальность американской революции». Ежеквартальный журнал Уильяма и Мэри . 23 (1): 3–32. дои : 10.2307/2936154 . ISSN 0043-5597 . JSTOR 2936154 .
Вуд, Гордон С. (1993). Радикализм американской революции . Нью-Йорк: Винтажные книги. ISBN 978-0679736882 .
Вуд, Гордон С. (2003). Американская революция: история . Нью-Йорк: Современная библиотека. ISBN 978-0812970418 . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.

Библиография

Справочные работы

Барнс, Ян и Чарльз Ройстер . Исторический атлас американской революции (2000 г.), карты, отрывки из комментариев и текстовый поиск.
Бланко, Ричард Л.; Сэнборн, Пол Дж. (1993). Американская революция, 1775–1783: Энциклопедия . Garland Publishing Inc. Нью-Йорк: ISBN 978-0824056230 .
Боатнер, Марк Мэйо III (1974). Энциклопедия американской революции (2-е изд.). Нью-Йорк: Сыновья Чарльза Скрибнера . ISBN 978-0684315133 .
Каппон, Лестер (1976). Атлас ранней американской истории . Издательство Принстонского университета. ISBN 0-911028-00-5 .
Фремонт-Барнс, Грегори; Райерсон, Ричард Алан; Арнольд, Джеймс Р.; Винер, Роберта (2006). Энциклопедия американской войны за независимость . Abc-клио. ISBN 978-1851094080 .
Грей, Эдвард Г.; Каменски, Джейн (2013). Оксфордский справочник американской революции . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0199746705 .
Грин, Джек П.; Поул, младший (2003). Спутник американской революции . Уайли-Блэквелл. ISBN 978-1405116749 .
Эррера, Рикардо А. «Американская война за независимость» Oxford Bibliographies (2017) аннотированный путеводитель по основным научным книгам и статьям в Интернете.
Кеннеди, Фрэнсис Х. Американская революция: исторический путеводитель (2014). Путеводитель по 150 известным историческим местам.
Кукла, Джон (2017). Патрик Генри: Чемпион свободы . Нью-Йорк: Саймон и Шустер. ISBN 978-1439190814 .
Перселл, Л. Эдвард. Кто был кем в американской революции (1993); 1500 кратких биографий
Реш, Джон Филлипс (2005). Американцы на войне . Справочная библиотека Макмиллана. ISBN 978-0028658063 .
Селески, Гарольд Э.; III, Марк М. Боатнер; Шектер, Барнет (2006). Энциклопедия американской революции . Сыновья Чарльза Скрибнера. ISBN 0684314703 .
Саймондс, Крейг Л. (1986). Атлас боевых действий американской революции . Американская издательская компания по морскому и авиационному оборудованию. ISBN 0933852533 .

Обзоры эпохи

Олден, Джон Р. История американской революции (1966), 644 стр. Интернет , общий научный обзор
Эллисон, Роберт. Американская революция: краткая история (2011), отрывок, 128 стр., текстовый поиск
Аткинсон, Рик. Британцы идут: война за Америку, от Лексингтона до Принстона, 1775–1777 (2019) (том 1 его «Революционной трилогии»); назван «одной из лучших книг, написанных об американской войне за независимость» [ Журнал военной истории, январь 2020 г., стр. 268]; карты онлайн здесь
Блэк, Джереми (2001). Война за Америку . Издательство Саттон. ISBN 0750928085 . , британский взгляд
Браун, Ричард Д. и Томас Патерсон, ред. Основные проблемы эпохи американской революции, 1760–1791: документы и очерки (2-е изд. 1999 г.)
Кристи, Ян Ральф (1976). Империя или независимость . Файдон Пресс. ISBN 0714816140 . , британский взгляд
Коглиано, Фрэнсис Д. Революционная Америка, 1763–1815; Политическая история (2-е изд. 2008 г.), британский учебник.
Эллис, Джозеф Дж. Созидание Америки: триумфы и трагедии основания республики (2008) отрывок и текстовый поиск
Хиггинботэм, Дон . Война за американскую независимость: военные взгляды, политика и практика, 1763–1789 (1983) Онлайн в проекте электронной книги ACLS по гуманитарным наукам ; всестороннее освещение военных и внутренних аспектов войны.
Дженсен, Меррилл (2004). Основание нации . Издательство Хакетт. ISBN 0872207056 .
Нолленберг, Бернхард (2003). Рост американской революции, 1766–1775 гг . Фонд Свободы. ISBN 0865974152 .
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Миллер, Джон К. Триумф свободы, 1775–1783 (1948)
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Специализированные исследования

Баер, Фридерика. Гессенцы: немецкие солдаты в американской войне за независимость (Oxford University Press, 2022). Сайт издательства .
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Хорн, Джеральд . Контрреволюция 1776 года: сопротивление рабов и истоки Соединенных Штатов Америки . ( Издательство Нью-Йоркского университета , 2014). ISBN 1479893404
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Лэнгли, Лестер Д. «Долгая американская революция и ее наследие» (U of Georgia Press, 2019), онлайн-обзор, акцент на долгосрочном глобальном воздействии.
Локвуд, Мэтью (2019). Чтобы начать мир заново . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0300232257 .
Маккалоу, Дэвид . 1776 (2005). ISBN 0743226712 ; популярный рассказ 1776 года
Майер, Полина . Американские Священные Писания: Создание Декларации независимости (1998) отрывок и текстовый поиск
Нэш, Гэри Б. Неизвестная американская революция: неуправляемое рождение демократии и борьба за создание Америки . (2005). ISBN 0670034207
Невинс, Аллан ; Американские Штаты во время и после революции, 1775–1789, 1927. Интернет-издание.
Нортон, Мэри Бет (1980). Дочери Свободы . Скотт Форесман и компания. ISBN 0673393488 .
Нортон, Мэри Бет. «Долгий год революции» (2020) 1774: Онлайн-обзор Гордона С. Вуда
О'Шонесси, Эндрю Джексон (2013). Люди, которые потеряли Америку . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0300195248 .
Палмер, Роберт Р. Эпоха демократической революции: политическая история Европы и Америки, 1760–1800 гг . том 1 (1959)
Реш, Джон Филлипс; Сарджент, Уолтер Л. (2006). Война и общество в американской революции . Издательство Университета Северного Иллинойса. ISBN 0875803660 .
Розенгартен, Джозеф Джордж (1886). Немецкий солдат в войнах Соединенных Штатов . Компания JB Lippencott, Филадельфия. ISBN 1428654321 .
Розенгартен, Джозеф Джордж (1906). Фридрих Великий и США . Гарвардский университет.
Ротбард, Мюррей , Зачатые в свободе (2011), Том III: Продвижение к революции, 1760–1775 и Том IV: Война за независимость, 1775–1784 . ISBN 978-1933550985 , OCLC 810280385 либертарианская перспектива
Ван Тайн, Клод Холстед. Американские лоялисты: лоялисты в американской революции (1902 г.) онлайн-издание
Воло, Джеймс М. и Дороти Деннин Воло. Повседневная жизнь во время американской революции (2003)
Уолке, Джон С. изд. Причины американской революции (1967) первичные и вторичные чтения онлайн
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Вуд, Гордон С. (1992). Радикализм американской революции . Кнопф. ISBN 0679404937 .

Историография

Эллисон, Дэвид и Ларри Д. Феррейро, ред. Американская революция: Мировая война (Смитсоновский институт, 2018), отрывок из ASIN B07FLJX556
Брин, Тимоти Х. «Идеология и национализм накануне американской революции: изменения, снова нуждающиеся в пересмотре». Журнал американской истории (1997): 13–39. в JSTOR
Земляки, Эдвард. «Историография» в книге Гарольда Э. Селески, изд., Энциклопедия американской революции (Гейл, 2006), стр. 501–508. ISBN 978-0684314983
Гибсон, Алан. Интерпретация основания: Путеводитель по непрекращающимся дебатам о происхождении и основах Американской республики (2006). ISBN 978-0700614547
«Историография американской революции» журнал (2013) Хаттем, Майкл Д. Интернет- описывает десять различных научных подходов.
Морган, Гвенда. Дебаты об американской революции (2007). Издательство Манчестерского университета. ISBN 978-0719052415
Шокет, Эндрю М. Борьба за основателей: как мы помним американскую революцию (2014). ISBN 9780814708163 , 9781479884100 , 9780814771174 . Как политики, сценаристы, активисты, биографы, музейные работники и реконструкторы изображают американскую революцию. отрывок
Шалхоуп, Роберт Э. «На пути к республиканскому синтезу: появление понимания республиканизма в американской историографии». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1972): 49–80. в JSTOR
Вальдштрайхер, Дэвид. «Революции историографии революции: контраст холодной войны, неоимперский вальс или джазовый стандарт?» Обзоры американской истории 42.1 (2014): 23–35. онлайн
Вуд, Гордон С. «Риторика и реальность американской революции». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1966): 4–32. в JSTOR
Янг, Альфред Ф. и Грегори Х. Ноблс. Чья это была американская революция? Историки интерпретируют основание (2011). Нью-Йорк Пресс. ISBN 978-0814797105

Первоисточники

Американская революция: сочинения о войне за независимость (2001), Американская библиотека ASIN B009OEAT8Q
Коммагер, Генри Стил ; Ричард Б. Моррис (1958). Дух семидесяти шести. История Американской революции, рассказанная ее участниками . Замковые книги; Издательство ХарперКоллинз. ISBN 0785814639 . LCCN 67011325 .
Данн, Джон К., изд. Вспомнилась революция: рассказы очевидцев войны за независимость (1999). ISBN 978-0226136240 . отрывок и поиск по тексту , воспоминания простых солдат
Хамфри, Кэрол Сью, изд. Революционная эпоха: основные документы о событиях с 1776 по 1800 год (2003), Greenwood Press. ISBN 9780313320835 , отрывки из газетных статей и текстовый поиск
Дженсен, Мерилл, изд. Трактаты американской революции, 1763–1776 (1967). Американские брошюры ISBN 978-0872206939
Дженсен, Мерилл, изд. Английские исторические документы: американские колониальные документы до 1776 года: том 9 (1955), 890 стр; большая коллекция важных документов ISBN 978-0195195064
Морисон, Сэмюэл Э. изд. Источники и документы, иллюстрирующие американскую революцию 1764–1788 годов и формирование федеральной конституции (1923 года). ISBN 978-0195002621 .
Мердок, Дэвид Х. изд. Восстание в Америке: современная британская точка зрения, 1769–1783 (1979), более 900 страниц аннотированных выдержек из Ежегодного реестра онлайн.
Мартин Каллич и Эндрю Маклиш, ред. Американская революция глазами британцев (1962) первичные документы
Пятая Вирджинская конвенция (1776 г.). «Преамбула и резолюция Вирджинской конвенции от 15 мая 1776 года» . Нью-Хейвен, Коннектикут: Юридическая библиотека Лилиан Голдман. Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2010 года . Проверено 2 октября 2010 г.

Внешние ссылки

Американская революция , портал веб-сайта Службы национальных парков США
В рамках преподавания независимости Америки с использованием исторических мест исторические места в национальных парках и Национальный реестр исторических мест Службы национальных парков используются для оживления истории, социальных наук, географии, граждановедения и других предметов.
Путеводитель Библиотеки Конгресса по американской революции
«Гессенцы:» Немецкие солдаты в американской войне за независимость . Академический блог с оригинальными немецкими источниками, английскими переводами и комментариями.
Музей американской революции
Революция! «Возрождение Атлантического мира» исследует трансформации мировой политики с 1763 по 1815 год, уделяя особое внимание трем революциям в Америке, Франции и Гаити. Связывая наступление на монархизм и аристократию с борьбой против рабства, он показывает, как свобода, равенство и суверенитет народа стали универсальными целями. Нью-Йоркское историческое общество
132 исторических фотографии, посвященные личностям, памятникам, оружию и местам Американской революции; они созданы до 1923 года и не защищены авторскими правами.
Фотографии войны за независимость: избранные аудиовизуальные записи , изображения Национального архива и управления документации, включая невоенные события и портреты.
Демократическая революция Просвещения . Наследие борьбы за независимость и демократию.
Телесериал PBS «Свобода» , заархивированный 11 мая 2021 года в Wayback Machine.
Чикасо, конфликтующие из-за американской революции – Chickasaw.TV
Смитсоновский институт исследований революционных денег
Американская революция , веб-сайт History Channel (кабельное телевидение США)
Полные 40 серий Liberty's Kids на Youtube
Общество наследия черных лоялистов
Вклад Испании и Латинской Америки в американскую революцию
Американские архивы: документы американской революции в библиотеках Университета Северного Иллинойса
«Контрреволюция 1776 года»: была ли война за независимость США консервативным восстанием в пользу рабства? Демократия сейчас! 27 июня 2014 г.
Викиверситет:Великий американский парадокс

[27] Lord North claimed that Englishmen paid an average 25 shillings annually in taxes, whereas Americans paid only sixpence.^[26]

[55] Massachusetts' constitution is still in force in the 21st century, continuously since its ratification on June 15, 1780

[83] A final naval battle was fought on March 10, 1783, by Captain John Barry and the crew of the USS Alliance, who defeated three British warships led by HMS Sybille.^[80]

[91] Some historians suggest that loss of the American colonies enabled Britain to deal with the French Revolution with more unity and better organization than would otherwise have been the case.^[85] Britain turned towards Asia, the Pacific, and later Africa with subsequent exploration leading to the rise of the Second British Empire.^[87]

[1] Pestana, Carla Gardina (2004). The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution: 1640–1661. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: Harvard University Press. p. 120.

[Purvis1997-2] Purvis, Thomas L. (1997). A dictionary of American history. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 278. ISBN 978-1577180999. Retrieved May 24, 2017.

[3] Whaples, Robert (March 1995). "Where Is There Consensus Among American Economic Historians? The Results of a Survey on Forty Propositions". The Journal of Economic History. 55 (1). Cambridge University Press: 140. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.482.4975. doi:10.1017/S0022050700040602. ISSN 0022-0507. JSTOR 2123771. S2CID 145691938.

[4] Томас, Роберт П. (1964). «Количественный подход к изучению последствий британской имперской политики колониального благосостояния: некоторые предварительные результаты». Журнал экономической истории . 25 (4): 615–638. дои : 10.1017/S0022050700058460 . JSTOR 2116133 . S2CID 153513278 .

[5] Уолтон, Гэри М. (1971). «Новая экономическая история и бремя навигационных законов». Обзор экономической истории . 24 (4): 533–542. дои : 10.1111/j.1468-0289.1971.tb00192.x .

[6] Лепор (1998), Имя войны (1999), стр. 5–7.

[7] Кертис П. Неттелс, Корни американской цивилизации: История американской колониальной жизни (1938), с. 297.

[8] Лавджой, Дэвид (1987). Славная революция в Америке . Миддлтаун, Коннектикут: Издательство Уэслианского университета. стр. 148–156, 155–157, 169–170. ISBN 978-0819561770 . OCLC 14212813 .

[9] Барнс, Виола Флоренс (1960) [1923]. Доминион Новой Англии: исследование британской колониальной политики . Нью-Йорк: Фредерик Унгар. стр. 169–170. ISBN 978-0804410656 . ОСЛК 395292 .

[10] Уэбб, Стивен Сондерс (1998). Переворот лорда Черчилля: новый взгляд на англо-американскую империю и славную революцию . Сиракьюс, Нью-Йорк: Издательство Сиракузского университета. ISBN 978-0815605584 . OCLC 39756272 . , стр. 190–191.

[11] Люстиг, Мэри Лу (2002). Императорский руководитель в Америке: сэр Эдмунд Андрос, 1637–1714 гг . Мэдисон, Висконсин: Издательство Университета Фэрли Дикинсона. п. 201. ИСБН 978-0838639368 . OCLC 470360764 .

[12] Палфри, Джон (1864). История Новой Англии во времена династии Стюартов . Бостон: Литтл, Браун. п. 596. OCLC 1658888 .

[13] Эванс, Джеймс Труслоу (1922). Основание Новой Англии . Бостон: Atlantic Monthly Press. п. 430. OCLC 1068441 .

[14] Джон А. Гаррати; Марк К. Карнс (2000). «Глава третья: Америка в Британской империи» . Краткая история американской нации (8-е изд.). Лонгман. ISBN 0321070984 . Архивировано из оригинала 17 мая 2008 года.

[15] Макс Савелл, От империй к нациям: расширение в Америке, 1713–1824 , стр. 93 (1974)

[16] Дрейпер стр. 100. Цитата, предоставленная Дрейпером, взята из книги Лео Фрэнсиса Стока «Процессы и дебаты британских парламентов относительно Северной Америки» (1937), том. 4. с. 182

[17] Миллер, Джон К. (1943). Истоки американской революции . Бостон: Литтл, Браун и компания. ОЛ 6453380М . , стр. 95–99.

[18] Гизо, М. Популярная история Франции с древнейших времен . Том IV, Мичиганский университет, 2005 г., ISBN 978-1425557249 , с. 166.

[19] Лоуренс Генри Гипсон, «Американская революция как последствия Великой войны за Империю, 1754–1763». Ежеквартальный журнал политологии (1950): 86–104. JSTOR 2144276 .

[20] Уильям Дж. Кэмпбелл (2015). Спекулянты в Империи: Ирокея и договор 1768 года в Форт-Стэнвиксе . Университет Оклахомы Пресс. стр. 118–120. ISBN 978-0806147109 .

[21] «Закон о гербовых марках – 22 марта 1765 г.» . Революционная война и не только . Архивировано из оригинала 29 мая 2019 года . Проверено 29 мая 2019 г. ^{[ ненадежный источник? ]}

[Loyalists_of_Massachusetts-22] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Лоялисты Массачусетса, Джеймс Ф. Старк с. 34

[23] Хенретта, Джеймс А., изд. (2011). Документы по истории Америки, Том 1: До 1877 года . Бедфорд/Сент. Мартина. п. 110. ИСБН 978-0312648626 .

[24] Уолтер Айзексон (2004). Бенджамин Франклин: Американская жизнь . Саймон и Шустер. стр. 229–230. ISBN 978-0743258074 .

[25] Шай, К Лексингтону, стр. 73–78.

[Miller89-26] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Миллер, Истоки американской революции (1943), с. 89

[28] Т.Х. Брин, Американские повстанцы, американские патриоты: Народная революция (2010), стр. 81–82.

[29] Роберт Э. Шалхоуп, «Республиканизм и ранняя американская историография». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1982) 39 № 2 334–356. онлайн

[30] Гомер Л. Калкин, «Брошюры и общественное мнение во время американской революции». Пенсильванский журнал истории и биографии 64.1 (1940): 22–42. онлайн

[31] Миддлкауф с. 62

[Lecky,_William_Edward_Hartpole_1882_pp._297–98-32] Леки, Уильям Эдвард Хартпол, История Англии в восемнадцатом веке (1882), стр. 297–298.

[33] Леки, Уильям Эдвард Хартпол, История Англии в восемнадцатом веке (1882), с. 173

[34] Брайан-Пол Фрост и Джеффри Сиккенга (2003). История американской политической мысли . Лексингтонские книги. стр. 55–56. ISBN 978-0739106242 .

[35] Миллер (1943). Истоки американской революции . Издательство Стэнфордского университета. стр. 181–. ISBN 978-0804705936 .

[36] Томас П. Слотер, «Налоговый инспектор приходит: идеологическая оппозиция внутренним налогам, 1760–1790». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1984). 41 (4): 566–591. дои : 10.2307/1919154

[37] Мелвин И. Урофски и Пол Финкельман, Марш Свободы: Конституционная история Соединенных Штатов (Оксфорд, UP, 2002), т. 1 стр. 52.

[Hiller_B._Zobel_1996-38] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Хиллер Б. Зобель, Бостонская резня (1996)

[39] Грин и Поул (1994), главы 22–24.

[Mary_Beth_Norton_2001_pp_144-40] Мэри Бет Нортон и др., Народ и нация (6-е изд. 2001 г.), том 1, стр. 144–145.

[Carp_2010_p.-41] Карп, Б.Л. (2010). Вызов патриотов: Бостонское чаепитие и создание Америки . Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 978-0300168457 . Проверено 29 мая 2023 г.

[42] Миллер (1943), стр. 353–376.

[43] Карп, Вызов патриотов: Бостонское чаепитие и создание Америки (2010), глава 9

[44] Джон К. Александр (2011). Сэмюэл Адамс: Жизнь американского революционера . Роуман и Литтлфилд. стр. 187–194. ISBN 978-0742570351 .

[45] Мэри Бет Нортон; и др. (2010). Народ и нация: история Соединенных Штатов . Cengage Обучение. п. 143. ИСБН 978-0495915256 .

[46] Коглиано, Фрэнсис Д. Революционная Америка, 1763–1815: Политическая история. Рутледж, 1999, с. 47.

[47] Харви. «Несколько окровавленных носов» (2002), стр. 208–210.

[48] Городской с. 74

[49] Исааксон, Уолтер (2003). Бенджамин Франклин: Американская жизнь . Саймон и Шустер. п. 303 . ISBN 978-0684807614 .

[50] Миллер (1948) с. 87

[Pole-ch29-51] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Невинс (1927); Грин и Поул (1994), глава 29

[52] Невинс (1927)

[53] Основание республики: Документальная история , под редакцией Джона Дж. Патрика.

[54] Разум, религия и демократия , Деннис К. Мюэль. п. 206

[Wood,_1992-56] Вуд, Радикализм американской революции (1992).

[57] Дженсен, Основание нации (1968), стр. 678–679.

[58] Майер, Американские Священные Писания (1997), стр. 41–46.

[59] Армитидж, Дэвид. Декларация независимости: глобальная история . Издательство Гарвардского университета, Лондон. 2007. «Статьи Конфедерации гарантировали его для каждого из тринадцати штатов в статье II («Каждый штат сохраняет свой суверенитет, свободу и независимость»), но ограничивали его международное выражение только Конгрессом».

[60] Тесис, Александр. Самоуправление и Декларация независимости . Cornell Law Review, Volume 97 Issue 4. May 2012. (применяя Декларацию в контексте государственного суверенитета при рассмотрении законов о личной свободе, отмечая, что «после провозглашения независимости в 1776 году каждый штат, по крайней мере до конфедерации, был суверенный, независимый орган») .

[61] Грин и Поул (1994), глава 30

[62] Клос, Президент Кто? Забытые основатели (2004)

[63] Джереми Блэк, Кризис империи: Британия и Америка в восемнадцатом веке (2008), с. 140

[Schecter,_Barnet_2002-64] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Шектер, Барнет. Битва за Нью-Йорк: город в сердце американской революции . (2002)

[McCullough,_1776_2005-65] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Маккалоу, 1776 (2005)

[66] Алан Валентайн, лорд Джордж Жермен (1962), стр. 309–310.

[Larry_G._Bowman_1976-67] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Ларри Г. Боуман, Пленные американцы: Узники во время американской революции (1976)

[68] Джон К. Миллер, Триумф свободы, 1775–1783 (1948), с. 166.

[Hamilton,_1974_p._28-69] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Гамильтон, Документы Александра Гамильтона (1974), с. 28

[70] Стэнли Вайнтрауб, Железные слезы: Битва Америки за свободу, Британская трясина, 1775–1783 (2005) стр. 151

[71] Маккеси, Война за Америку (1993), с. 568

[Higginbotham,_1983_p._83-72] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Хиггинботэм, Война за американскую независимость (1983), с. 83

[73] Кроу и Тайс, Южный опыт американской революции (1978), стр. 157–159.

[Henry_Lumpkin_2000-74] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Генри Лампкин, От Саванны до Йорктауна: Американская революция на Юге (2000)

[75] Брендан Моррисси, Йорктаун 1781: Мир перевернулся (1997)

[76] Харви, стр. 493–515.

[77] Джонатан Р. Далл, Французский флот и независимость Америки (1975), с. 248

[78] Ричард Х. Кон, Орел и меч: федералисты и создание военного ведомства в Америке, 1783–1802 (1975), стр. 17–39.

[79] Джон Ферлинг, Почти чудо: американская победа в войне за независимость (2009)

[80] Джозеф Дж. Эллис (2013). Революционное лето: рождение американской независимости . Случайный дом. п. 11. ISBN 978-0307701220 .

[81] Харви с. 528

[82] Мартин И. Дж. Гриффин, История коммодора Джона Барри (2010), стр. 218–223.

[84] Чарльз Р. Ритчесон, «Граф Шелбурн и мир с Америкой, 1782–1783: видение и реальность». International History Review 5 № 3 (1983): 322–345.

[85] Джонатан Р. Далл (1987). Дипломатическая история американской революции . Йель вверх. стр. 144–151. ISBN 0300038860 .

[86] Уильям Деверелл, изд. (2008). Спутник американского Запада . Джон Уайли и сыновья. п. 17. ISBN 978-1405138482 .

[87] Руперт, Боб (9 августа 2022 г.). «Отречение короля Георга III» . Журнал американской революции . Проверено 9 августа 2022 г.

[William_Hague_2004-88] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Уильям Хейг, Уильям Питт Младший (2004)

[Jeremy_Black_2006-89] Джереми Блэк, Георг III: Последний король Америки (2006)

[90] Кэнни, с. 92.

[92] Пол Кеннеди, Взлет и падение великих держав (1987), стр. 81, 119.

[John_Brewer_1990_p_91-93] Джон Брюэр, Сухожилия власти: война, деньги и английское государство, 1688–1783 (1990), с. 91

[94] Кертис П. Неттелс, Возникновение национальной экономики, 1775–1815 (1962), стр. 23–44.

[Charles_Rappleye_2010_pp_225-95] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Чарльз Рэппли, Роберт Моррис: финансист американской революции (2010), стр. 225–252.

[96] Эдвин Дж. Перкинс, Государственные финансы и финансовые услуги Америки, 1700–1815 (1994), стр. 85–106. Полная текстовая строка бесплатно

[97] Оливер Гарри Читвуд, История колониальной Америки (1961), стр. 586–589.

[98] Терри М. Мэйс (2005). Исторический словарь революционной Америки . Пугало Пресс. стр. 73–75. ISBN 978-0810853898 .

[99] Харлоу, Ральф Волни (1929). «Аспекты революционных финансов, 1775–1783». Американский исторический обзор . 35 (1): 46–68. дои : 10.2307/1838471 . JSTOR 1838471 .

[100] Эрна Риш, Снабжение армии Вашингтона (1982)

[101] Э. Уэйн Карп, Морить армию голодом в удовольствие: администрация континентальной армии и американская политическая культура, 1775–1783 (1990)

[102] Э. Джеймс Фергюсон, Сила кошелька: история американских государственных финансов, 1776–1790 (1961)

[Historian2009-103] Кабинет историка (2020). «Вехи: 1784–1800» . History.state.gov . Государственный департамент. Архивировано из оригинала 4 февраля 2009 года . Проверено 19 января 2020 г.

[104] Грин и Поул, ред. Товарищ американской революции , стр. 557–624.

[105] Ричард Б. Моррис, Создание Союза: 1781–1789 (1987), стр. 245–266.

[106] Моррис, Создание Союза: 1781–1789, стр. 300–313.

[107] Моррис, Создание Союза, 1781–1789, стр. 300–322.

[108] Дженсен, Новая нация (1950), с. 379

[109] Джозеф Дж. Эллис, Его Превосходительство: Джордж Вашингтон (2004), с. 204

[110] Роберт А. Фергюсон, Американское Просвещение, 1750–1820 (1997).

[111] Александр, революционный политик , 103, 136; Майер, Старые революционеры , 41–42.

[112] Джеффри Д. Шульц; и др. (1999). Энциклопедия религии в американской политике . Гринвуд. п. 148. ИСБН 978-1573561303 .

[113] Уолдрон (2002), с. 136

[114] Томас С. Кидд (2010): Бог свободы: религиозная история американской революции , Нью-Йорк, стр. 6–7.

[115] Миддлкауф (2005), стр. 136–138.

[116] «Право на революцию: Джон Локк, Второй трактат, §§ 149, 155, 168, 207–10, 220–31, 240–43» . press-pubs.uchicago.edu . Проверено 7 июня 2024 г.

[Toth1989-117] Чарльз В. Тот, Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite: Американская революция и европейский ответ . (1989) с. 26.

[Cohen2008-118] Философские рассказы Мартина Коэна (Блэквелл 2008), стр. 101

[Weintraub2005-119] Стэнли Вайнтрауб, Железные слезы: Битва Америки за свободу, Британская трясина, 1775–1783 (2005), глава 1

[120] Бэйлин, Идеологические истоки американской революции (1992), стр. 125–137.

[121] Вуд, Радикализм американской революции (1992), стр. 35, 174–175.

[122] Шалхоуп, На пути к республиканскому синтезу (1972), стр. 49–80.

[Rahe1994-123] Адамс цитируется в книге Пола А. Рэйэ, «Древние и современные республики: классический республиканизм и американская революция». Том: 2 (1994) с. 23.

[Bonomi-124] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Бономи, с. 186, глава 7 «Религия и американская революция».

[Colonial_America-125] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Барк, Оскар Т.; Лефлер, Хью Т. (1958). Колониальная Америка . Нью-Йорк: Макмиллан. п. 404.

[126] Фарагер, Джон Мак (1996). Энциклопедия колониальной и революционной Америки . Да Капо Пресс. п. 359 . ISBN 978-0306806872 .

[Nelson1961-127] Уильям Х. Нельсон, Американские тори (1961), с. 186

[128] Кидд (2010), с. 141

[129] Бэйлин , Идеологические истоки американской революции (1992), с. 303

[Thomas_S._Kidd_2010-130] Томас С. Кидд, Бог свободы: религиозная история американской революции (2010)

[131] Алан Хеймерт, Религия и американский разум: от Великого пробуждения до революции . Кембридж: Издательство Гарвардского университета, 1967.

[132] Джон Ферлинг, Поджигая мир: Вашингтон, Адамс, Джефферсон и американская революция (2002), с. 281

[Labaree,_1948_pp._164-65-133] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Лабари, Консерватизм в ранней американской истории (1948), стр. 164–165.

[Hull_1978_pp._344-134] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Халл и др., Выбор сторон (1978), стр. 344–366.

[Wallace,_1972_pp._167-135] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Берроуз и Уоллес, Американская революция (1972), стр. 167–305.

[136] Дж. Франклин Джеймсон, Американская революция, рассматриваемая как социальное движение (1926); Среди других историков, придерживавшихся того же направления мысли, были Чарльз А. Бирд , Карл Беккер и Артур Шлезингер-старший.

[137] Вуд, Риторика и реальность в американской революции (1966), стр. 3–32.

[Nash_2005-138] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Nash (2005)

[Resch_2006-139] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Реш (2006)

[140] Эндрю Джексон О'Шонесси, «Если другие не будут активны, я должен водить машину»: Георг III и американская революция». Ранние американские исследования 2004 2 (1): стр. 1–46. ПДГ Томас, «Георг III и американская революция». История 1985 70(228)

[141] О'Шонесси, глава 1.

[142] Тревельян, том. 1 р. 4.

[143] Тревельян, том. 1 р. 5.

[dnb-144] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Кэннон, Джон (сентябрь 2004 г.). «Георгий III (1738–1820)» . Оксфордский национальный биографический словарь (онлайн-изд.). Издательство Оксфордского университета. doi : 10.1093/ref:odnb/10540 . Проверено 29 октября 2008 г. (Требуется подписка или членство в публичной библиотеке Великобритании .)

[cg-145] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Кэннон и Гриффитс, стр. 510–511.

[146] Брук, с. 183.

[147] Брук, стр. 180–182, 192, 223.

[148] Хибберт, стр. 156–157.

[149] Уиллкокс и Арнштейн, с. 157.

[Willcox161165-150] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б ^с Уиллкокс и Арнштейн, стр. 161, 165.

[151] Эйлинг, стр. 275–276.

[152] Эйлинг, с. 284.

[153] Оксфордская иллюстрированная история британской армии (1994), с. 129.

[154] Брук, с. 221.

[155] Государственный департамент США, Парижский договор, 1783 г. . Проверено 5 июля 2013 г.

[156] Слиток, Георг III об Империи, 1783 , с. 306.

[157] Адамс, К.Ф., изд. (1850–1856), Работы Джона Адамса, второго президента США , т. 1, с. VIII, стр. 255–257 , цитируется по Ayling, p. 323 и Хибберт, с. 165.

[158] Кэролайн Роббинс , «Решение 76 года: размышления о 56 подписавших сторонах». Труды Исторического общества Массачусетса . Том. 89 стр. 72–87, цитата на стр. 89. 86.

[159] См. также Ричард Д. Браун, «Отцы-основатели 1776 и 1787 годов: коллективный взгляд». Уильям и Мэри Ежеквартально (1976) 33 № 3: 465–480. онлайн

[160] Кэрол Сью Хамфри, Американская революция и пресса: обещание независимости (Northwestern University Press; 2013)

[161] Роберт М. Калхун, «Лоялизм и нейтралитет» в Джек П. Грин; Дж. Р. Полюс (2008). Спутник американской революции . Джон Уайли и сыновья. п. 235. ИСБН 978-0470756447 .

[162] Марк Эдвард Лендер, обзор книги «Американские повстанцы, американские патриоты: народная революция» (2010), автор Т.Х. Брин, в «Журнале военной истории» (2012) 76 № 1, стр. 233–234.

[Ferguson,_2000_pp._465-163] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Фергюсон, Общие черты здравого смысла (2000), стр. 465–504.

[164] Калхун, «Лоялизм и нейтралитет» в книге Грина и Поула, ред. Товарищ американской революции (1980), стр. 235

[165] Калхун, «Лоялизм и нейтралитет» в книге Грина и Поула, ред. Товарищ американской революции (1980), стр. 235–247,

[166] Мэри БетНортон, «Судьба некоторых черных лоялистов американской революции». Журнал истории негров 58.4 (1973): 402–426 онлайн .

[167] Шейла Л. Скемп , Бенджамин и Уильям Франклин: Отец и сын, патриот и лоялист (1994)

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[Pole_1994-169] Перейти обратно: ^а ^б Грин и Поул (1994), главы 20–22.

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[Bailyn,_Bernard_pp._221-4-255] Бейлин, Бернард. Лица революции: личности и темы борьбы за американскую независимость , стр. 221–224, Vintage Books, Нью-Йорк, 1992. ISBN 0679736239 .

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v т и Британские законы, касающиеся американской революции
Royal Proclamations, Acts of Parliament, and other legal issues relating to the American Revolution
Before 1763	Navigation Acts Wool Act (1699) Hat Act (1732) Molasses Act (1733) Iron Act (1750)
Grenville ministry (1763–1765)	Royal Proclamation of 1763 Sugar Act (1764) Currency Act (1764) Quartering Act (1765) Stamp Act (1765)
Rockingham ministry (1765–1766)	Repeal Act (March 1766) Declaratory Act (March 1766) Revenue Act (June 1766)
Chatham and Grafton ministries (1766–1770)	Townshend Acts (1767)
North ministry (1770–1782)	Repeal Act (1770) Tea Act (1773) Coercive Acts (1774: Boston Port Act Massachusetts Government Act Administration of Justice Act Quartering Act Quebec Act Conciliatory Resolution (February 1775) Restraining Acts (March and April 1775) Proclamation of Rebellion (August 1775) Prohibitory Act (December 1775) Taxation of Colonies Act (1778)
Other legal issues	Rights of Englishmen Writ of assistance Admiralty courts Parson's Cause (1763) Taxation without representation
Category