сионизм
сионизм [ а ] является этнокультурным националистом [ 1 ] [ фн 1 ] движение, возникшее в Европе в конце 19 века и направленное на создание еврейского государства путем колонизации земель за пределами Европы. [ 4 ] [ 5 ] [ 6 ] [ 7 ] В конечном итоге оно сосредоточилось на создании еврейской родины в Палестине . [ 8 ] [ 9 ] [ 10 ] [ 11 ] регион, соответствующий Земле Израиля в иудаизме , [ 12 ] [ 13 ] [ 14 ] [ 15 ] и имеет центральное значение в еврейской истории . Сионисты хотели создать еврейское государство в Палестине с как можно большим количеством земли, как можно большим количеством евреев и как можно меньшим количеством палестинских арабов. [ 16 ] После создания Государства Израиль в 1948 году сионизм стал идеологией, поддерживающей защиту и развитие Израиля как еврейского государства, и был описан как национальная или государственная идеология Израиля. [ 17 ] [ 18 ] [ 1 ] [ 19 ] [ 20 ] [ 21 ]
Сионизм первоначально возник в Центральной и Восточной Европе как движение национального возрождения в конце 19 века, в ответ на новые волны антисемитизма и как следствие Хаскалы , или еврейского Просвещения. [ 1 ] [ 22 ] [ 23 ] [ 24 ] В этот период Палестина входила в состав Османской империи . [ 25 ] [ 26 ] [ 27 ] Прибытие сионистских поселенцев в Палестину в этот период широко рассматривается как начало израильско-палестинского конфликта . На протяжении первого десятилетия сионистского движения некоторые сионистские деятели, в том числе основатель движения Теодор Герцль , рассматривали альтернативы Палестине, например, в рамках « Схемы Уганды » (тогда часть Британской Восточной Африки , а сегодня в Кении ) или в Аргентине . Кипр , Месопотамия , Мозамбик или Синайский полуостров , [ 28 ] но это было отвергнуто большей частью движения. Этот процесс рассматривался зарождающимся сионистским движением как « сбор изгнанников » ( кибуц галуйот ), попытка положить конец исходам и преследованиям, которые ознаменовали еврейскую историю , путем возвращения еврейского народа на свою историческую родину . [ 29 ]
С 1897 по 1948 год основной целью сионистского движения было создание основы еврейской родины в Палестине, а затем ее консолидация. Само движение признало, что претензии сионизма на Палестину противоречат общепринятому толкованию принципа самоопределения . [ 30 ] [ нужны разъяснения ] В 1884 году протосионистские группы основали организацию « Любители Сиона» , а в 1897 году был организован первый сионистский конгресс . В конце 19-го и начале 20-го веков большое количество евреев иммигрировало сначала в Османскую империю , а затем в Подмандатную Палестину . В то же время было получено определенное международное признание и поддержка, особенно в Декларации Бальфура 1917 года , принятой Соединенным Королевством . С момента создания Государства Израиль в 1948 году сионизм продолжал в первую очередь защищать интересы Израиля и устранять угрозы его дальнейшему существованию и безопасности.
Термин «сионизм» применялся к различным подходам к решению проблем, с которыми столкнулись европейские евреи в конце 19 века. [ 31 ] Современный политический сионизм, в отличие от религиозного сионизма , представляет собой движение, состоящее из различных политических групп, стратегии и тактика которых со временем менялись. Общей идеологией основных сионистских фракций является поддержка территориальной концентрации и еврейского демографического большинства в Палестине посредством колонизации . [ 32 ] Мейнстрим сионизма исторически включал либеральный , рабочий , ревизионистский и культурный сионизм , в то время как такие группы, как «Брит Шалом» и «Ихуд», были диссидентскими фракциями внутри движения. [ 17 ] Различия внутри основных сионистских групп заключаются, прежде всего, в их внешнем виде и этике, поскольку они приняли схожие стратегии для достижения своих политических целей, в частности, в использовании насилия и принудительного перемещения для борьбы с присутствием местного палестинского нееврейского населения. [33][34][35][36][37] Advocates of Zionism have viewed it as a national liberation movement for the repatriation of an indigenous people (which were subject to persecution and share a national identity through national consciousness), to the homeland of their ancestors as noted in ancient history.[38][39][40] Similarly, anti-Zionism has many aspects, which include criticism of Zionism as a colonialist,[41] racist,[42] or exceptionalist ideology or as a settler colonialist movement.[43][44][45][46][47] Proponents of Zionism do not necessarily reject the characterization of Zionism as settler-colonial or exceptionalist.[48][49][50][51]
Terminology
The term "Zionism" is derived from the word Zion (Hebrew: ציון, romanized: Tzi-yon) or Mount Zion, a hill in Jerusalem, widely symbolizing the Land of Israel.[52] Mount Zion is also a term used in the Hebrew Bible.[53][54] Throughout eastern Europe in the late 19th century, numerous grassroots groups promoted the national resettlement of the Jews in their homeland,[55] as well as the revitalization and cultivation of the Hebrew language. These groups were collectively called the "Lovers of Zion" and were seen as countering a growing Jewish movement toward assimilation. The first use of the term is attributed to the Austrian Nathan Birnbaum, founder of the Kadimah nationalist Jewish students' movement; he used the term in 1890 in his journal Selbst-Emancipation (Self-Emancipation),[56][57] itself named almost identically to Leon Pinsker's 1882 book Auto-Emancipation.
Overview
Zionism originated as a nationalist movement aimed at creating an independent Jewish state.[58][59] The common denominator among all modern Zionists is a claim to Palestine, a land known in Jewish tradition as the Land of Israel ("Eretz Israel"), as a national homeland of the Jews and as a focus for Jewish national self-determination.[60] Historically, the consensus in Zionist ideology has been that a Jewish national home requires a Jewish majority.[61] Zionism is based on historical ties and religious traditions linking the Jewish people to the Land of Israel.[62] Zionism does not have a uniform ideology, but modern political Zionism is typically associated with Labor Zionism and Revisionist Zionism which are not fundamentally different.[63][37][61]
For approximately 1,700 years after the last recorded Jewish majority in the region, most Jews lived in various countries without a national state as part of the post-Roman chapter of the Jewish diaspora.[64] The Zionist movement was founded in the late 19th century by secular Jews, largely as a response by Ashkenazi Jews to rising antisemitism in Europe, exemplified by the Dreyfus affair in France and the anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire.[65] The political movement was formally established by the Austro-Hungarian journalist Theodor Herzl in 1897 following the publication of his book Der Judenstaat (The Jewish State).[66] At that time, Herzl believed that Jewish migration to Ottoman Palestine, particularly among poor Jewish communities, unassimilated and whose 'floating' presence caused disquiet, would be beneficial to assimilated European Jews and Christians.[67] Political Zionism was in some respects a dramatic break from the two thousand years of Jewish and rabbinical tradition. Deriving inspiration from other European nationalist movements, Zionism drew in particular from a German version of European enlightenment thought, with German nationalistic principles becoming key features of Zionist nationalism. The Jewish historian of nationalism Hans Kohn argued that Zionism nationalism "had nothing to do with Jewish traditions; it was in many ways opposed to them". Starting early on, Zionism had its critics, the cultural Zionist Ahad Ha'am in the early 20th century wrote that there was no creativity in Herzl's Zionist movement, and that its culture was European and specifically German. He viewed the movement as depicting Jews as simple transmitters of imperialist European culture.[68]
Although initially one of several Jewish political movements offering alternative responses to Jewish assimilation and antisemitism, Zionism expanded rapidly. In its early stages, supporters considered setting up a Jewish state in the historic territory of Palestine. After World War II and the destruction of Jewish life in Central and Eastern Europe where these alternative movements were rooted, it became dominant in the thinking about a Jewish national state. During this period, Zionism would develop a discourse in which the religious, non-Zionist Jews of the Old Yishuv who lived in mixed Arab-Jewish cities were viewed as backwards in comparison to the secular Zionist New Yishuv.[68]
From the beginning of the development of the Zionism movement, the support of the European powers was seen as necessary by the Zionist leadership (Herzl, Chaim Weizmann and David Ben-Gurion). Creating an alliance with Great Britain and securing support for some years for Jewish emigration to Palestine, Zionists also recruited European Jews to immigrate there, especially Jews who lived in areas of the Russian Empire where antisemitism was raging. The alliance with Britain was strained as the latter realized the implications of the Jewish movement for Arabs in Palestine, but the Zionists persisted. The movement was eventually successful in establishing Israel on May 14, 1948 (5 Iyyar 5708 in the Hebrew calendar), as the homeland for the Jewish people. The proportion of the world's Jews living in Israel has steadily grown since the movement emerged. A Zionist consensus then became known as an ideological umbrella typically attributed to two main factors: a shared tragic history (such as the Holocaust), and the common threat posed by Israel's neighboring enemies.[69][70] By the early 21st century, more than 40% of the world's Jews lived in Israel, more than in any other country. In some academic studies, Zionism has been analyzed both within the larger context of diaspora politics and as an example of modern national liberation movements and as an instance of settler-colonialism.[71][72] Some prominent figures in the early Zionist movement referred to the movement as colonialist, such as Ze'ev Jabotinsky.[73][74][51]
Modern Zionism emerged in late nineteenth-century Europe, originating from unsuccessful attempts of Jews to integrate into Western society as well as the increasing antisemitism in Europe. Zionism viewed nationalism as a problem for Jews, which excluded them as an "unwanted" or "alien" minority. Zionism also saw nationalism as a solution for the plight of European Jews, by establishing a state in which Jews would be a majority.[75] Zionism did not seek to solve antisemitism, but rather saw it as an inevitable reality. Leo Pinsker described antisemitism as a hereditary and incurable disease, concluding in his Autoemancipation that "a people without a territory is like a man without a shadow: something unnatural, spectral".[76] So-called "assimilationist" Jews desired complete integration into European society. They were willing to downplay their Jewish identity and in some cases to abandon traditional views and opinions in an attempt at modernization and assimilation into the modern world. A less extreme form of assimilation was called cultural synthesis. Those in favor of cultural synthesis desired continuity and only moderate evolution, and were concerned that Jews should not lose their identity as a people. "Cultural synthesists" emphasized both a need to maintain traditional Jewish values and faith and a need to conform to a modernist society, for instance, in complying with work days and rules.[77]
In 1975, the United Nations General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, which designated Zionism as "a form of racism and racial discrimination". Resolution 3379 was repealed in 1991 with Israel's conditioning of its participation in the Madrid peace talks on the passing of Resolution 46/86, which " revoke[d] the determination contained in" 3379.[78]
Beliefs
Claim to a Jewish demographic majority and a Jewish state in Palestine
Fundamental to Zionism is the belief that Jews constitute a nation and have a moral and historic right and need for self-determination in Palestine. This belief developed out of the experiences of European Jewry which the early Zionists believed demonstrated the danger inherent to their status as a minority. Unlike other forms of nationalism, the Zionist claim to Palestine was aspirational and required a mechanism by which the claim could be realized.[79] The territorial concentration of Jews in Palestine and the subsequent goal of establishing a Jewish majority there was the main mechanism by which Zionist groups sought to realize this claim.[80] By the time of the 1936 Arab Revolt, the political differences between the various Zionist groups had shrunk further, with almost all Zionist groups seeking a Jewish state in Palestine.[81][82] While not every Zionist group openly called for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, every group in the Zionist mainstream was wedded to the idea of establishing a Jewish demographic majority there.[83]
Ethnic unity and common ancestry of Jews
Early Zionists were the primary Jewish supporters of the idea that Jews are a race, as it "offered scientific 'proof' of the ethno-nationalist myth of common descent".[84] Zionist nationalism drew from a German ethnic-nationalist theory that people of common descent should seek separation and pursue the formation of their own state.[68][page needed] In the words of Yulia Egorova, this "racialisation of Jewish identity in the rhetoric of the founders of Zionism" was originally a reaction to European antisemitism.[85] According to Raphael Falk, as early as the 1870s, contrary to largely cultural perspectives among integrated and assimilated Jewish communities in the Age of Enlightenment and Age of Romanticism, "the Zionists-to-be stressed that Jews were not merely members of a cultural or a religious entity, but were an integral biological entity".[86] This re-conceptualization of Jewishness cast the "volk" of the Jewish community as a nation-race, in contrast to centuries-old conceptions of the Jewish people as a religious socio-cultural grouping.[86] The Jewish historians Heinrich Graetz and Simon Dubnow are largely credited with this creation of Zionism as a nationalist project. They drew on religious Jewish sources and non-Jewish texts in reconstructing a national identity and consciousness. This new Jewish historiography divorced from and, at times at odds with, traditional Jewish collective memory.[68]
It was particularly important in early nation building in Israel, because Jews in Israel are ethnically diverse and the origins of Ashkenazi Jews, the original founders of Zionism, are "highly debated and enigmatic".[87][88] Notable proponents of this racial idea included Max Nordau, Herzl's co-founder of the original Zionist Organization, Ze'ev Jabotinsky, the prominent architect of early statist Zionism and the founder of what became Israel's Likud party,[89] and Arthur Ruppin, considered the "father of Israeli sociology".[90] Jabotinsky wrote that Jewish national integrity relies on "racial purity", whereas Nordau asserted the need for an "exact anthropological, biological, economic, and intellectual statistic of the Jewish people".[89]
According to Hassan S. Haddad, the application of the Biblical concepts of Jews as the chosen people and the "Promised Land" in Zionism, particularly to secular Jews, requires the belief that modern Jews are the primary descendants of biblical Jews and Israelites.[91] This is considered important to the State of Israel, because its founding narrative centers around the concept of an "Ingathering of the exiles" and the "Return to Zion", on the assumption that all modern Jews are the direct lineal descendants of the biblical Jews.[92] The question has thus been focused on by supporters of Zionism and anti-Zionists alike,[93] as in the absence of this biblical primacy, "the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as 'settler colonialism' pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people,"[92] whilst right-wing Israelis look for "a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return".[94] A Jewish "biological self-definition" has become a standard belief for many Jewish nationalists, and most Israeli population researchers have never doubted that evidence will one day be found, even though so far proof for the claim has "remained forever elusive".[95]
Rejection of the Identity of the Diaspora Jew
Israeli-Irish scholar Ronit Lentin has argued that the construction of Zionist identity as a militarized nationalism arose in contrast to the imputed identity of the Diaspora Jew as a "feminised" Other. She describes this as a relationship of contempt towards the previous identity of the Jewish Diaspora viewed as unable to resist antisemitism and the Holocaust. Lentin argues that Zionism's rejection of this "feminised" identity and its obsession with constructing a nation is reflected in the nature of the symbolism of the movement, which are drawn from modern sources and appropriated as Zionist, instancing the fact that the melody of the Hatikvah anthem drew on the version composed by the Czech composer Bedřich Smetana.[68]
Negation of the life in the Diaspora
Negation of life in the Diaspora is a central assumption in Zionism.[96][97][98][99] Some supporters of Zionism believed that Jews in the Diaspora were prevented from their full growth in Jewish individual and national life.[citation needed]
The rejection of life in the diaspora was not limited to secular Zionism; many religious Zionists shared this opinion, but not all religious Zionism did. Abraham Isaac Kook, considered one of the most important religious Zionist thinkers, characterized the diaspora as a flawed and alienated existence marked by decline, narrowness, displacement, solitude, and frailty. He believed that the diasporan way of life is diametrically opposed to a "national renaissance," which manifests itself not only in the return to Zion but also in the return to nature and creativity, revival of heroic and aesthetic values, and the resurgence of individual and societal power.[100]
Revival of the Hebrew language
Zionists generally preferred to speak Hebrew, a Semitic language which flourished as a spoken language in the ancient Kingdoms of Israel and Judah during the period from about 1200 to 586 BCE,[102] and continued to be used in some parts of Judea during the Second Temple period and up until 200 CE. It is the language of the Hebrew Bible and the Mishnah, central texts in Judaism. Hebrew was largely preserved throughout later history as the main liturgical language of Judaism.
Zionists worked to modernize Hebrew and adapt it for everyday use. They sometimes refused to speak Yiddish, a language they thought had developed in the context of European persecution. Once they moved to Israel, many Zionists refused to speak their (diasporic) mother tongues and adopted new, Hebrew names. Hebrew was preferred not only for ideological reasons, but also because it allowed all citizens of the new state to have a common language, thus furthering the political and cultural bonds among Zionists.[citation needed]
The revival of the Hebrew language and the establishment of Modern Hebrew is most closely associated with the linguist Eliezer Ben-Yehuda and the Committee of the Hebrew Language (later replaced by the Academy of the Hebrew Language).[103]
In the Israeli Declaration of Independence
Major aspects of the Zionist idea are represented in the Israeli Declaration of Independence.
History
Historical and religious background
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According to Zionism, Jews are an ethnoreligious group and nation[104][105][106] originating from the Israelites[107][108][109] and Hebrews[110][111] of historical Israel and Judah, two Israelite kingdoms that emerged in the Southern Levant during the Iron Age. Jews are named after the Kingdom of Judah,[112][113][114] the southern of the two kingdoms, which was centered in Judea with its capital in Jerusalem.[115] The Kingdom of Judah was conquered by Nebuchadnezzar II of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 586 BCE.[116] The Babylonians destroyed Jerusalem and the First Temple, which was at the center of ancient Judean worship. The Judeans were subsequently exiled to Babylon, in what is regarded as the first Jewish diaspora.[117][118][119]
Seventy years later, after the conquest of Babylon by the Persian Achaemenid Empire, Cyrus the Great allowed the Jews to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the Temple.[120] This event came to be known as the Return to Zion. Under Persian rule, Judah became a self-governing Jewish province. After centuries of Persian and Hellenistic rule, the Jews regained their independence in the Maccabean Revolt against the Seleucid Empire, which led to the establishment of the Hasmonean Kingdom in Judea. It later expanded over much of modern Israel, and into some parts of Jordan and Lebanon.[121][122][123] The Hasmonean Kingdom became a client state of the Roman Republic in 63 BCE, and in 6 CE, was incorporated into the Roman Empire as the province of Judaea.[124]
During the Great Jewish Revolt (66–73 CE), the Romans destroyed Jerusalem and burned the Second Temple.[125] Of the 600,000 (Tacitus) or 1,000,000 (Josephus) Jews of Jerusalem, all of them either died of starvation, were killed or were sold into slavery.[126] The Bar Kokhba Revolt (132–136 CE) led to the destruction of large parts of Judea, and many Jews were killed, exiled, or sold into slavery. The province of Judaea was renamed Syria Palaestina. These actions are seen by many scholars as an attempt to disconnect the Jewish people from their homeland.[127][128] In the following centuries, many Jews emigrated to thriving centers in the diaspora. Others continued living in the region, especially in the Galilee, the coastal plain, and on the edges of Judea, and some converted.[129][130] By the fourth century CE, the Jews, who had previously constituted the majority of Palestine, had become a minority.[131] A small presence of Jews has been attested for almost all of the period. For example, according to tradition, the Jewish community of Peki'in has maintained a Jewish presence since the Second Temple period.[132][133]
Jewish religious belief holds that the Land of Israel is a God-given inheritance of the Children of Israel based on the Torah, particularly the books of Genesis and Exodus, as well as on the later Prophets.[134][135][136] According to the Book of Genesis, Canaan was first promised to Abraham's descendants; the text is explicit that this is a covenant between God and Abraham for his descendants.[137] The belief that God had assigned Canaan to the Israelites as a Promised Land is also conserved in Christian[138] and Islamic traditions.[139]
Among Jews in the diaspora, the Land of Israel was revered in a cultural, national, ethnic, historical, and religious sense. They thought of a return to it in a future messianic age.[140] The Return to Zion remained a recurring theme among generations, particularly in Passover and Yom Kippur prayers, which traditionally concluded with "Next year in Jerusalem", and in the thrice-daily Amidah (Standing prayer).[141] The biblical prophecy of Kibbutz Galuyot, the ingathering of exiles in the Land of Israel as foretold by the Prophets, became a central idea in Zionism.[142][143][144]
Pre-Zionist initiatives
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Pre-Zionist resettlement in Palestine met with various degrees of success. In late antiquity, many Babylonian Jews immigrated to centers of religious study in the Land of Israel.[146] In the 10th century, leaders of the Karaite Jewish community, mostly living under Persian rule, urged their followers to settle in the Land of Israel, where they established their own quarter in Jerusalem.[147]
The number of Jews migrating to the land of Israel rose significantly between the 13th and 19th centuries, mainly due to a general decline in the status of Jews across Europe and an increase in religious persecution, including the expulsion of Jews from England (1290), France (1391), Austria (1421), and Spain (the Alhambra decree of 1492).[148]
In the middle of the 16th century, the Portuguese Sephardi Joseph Nasi, with the support of the Ottoman Empire, tried to gather the Portuguese Jews, first to migrate to Cyprus, then owned by the Republic of Venice, and later to resettle in Tiberias. Nasi—who never converted to Islam[149][150]—eventually obtained the highest medical position in the empire, and actively participated in court life. He convinced Suleiman I to intervene with the Pope on behalf of Ottoman-subject Portuguese Jews imprisoned in Ancona.[149]
In the 17th century Sabbatai Zevi (1626–1676) announced himself as the Messiah and gained many Jews to his side, forming a base in Salonika. He first tried to establish a settlement in Gaza, but moved later to Smyrna. After deposing the old rabbi Aaron Lapapa in the spring of 1666, the Jewish community of Avignon, France, prepared to emigrate to the new kingdom.[151]
In the early 19th century, a group of Jews known as the perushim left Lithuania to settle in Ottoman Palestine.
Establishment of the Zionist movement
In the 19th century, a current in Judaism supporting a return to Zion grew in popularity,[152][better source needed] particularly in Europe, where antisemitism and hostility toward Jews were growing. The idea of returning to Palestine was rejected by the conferences of rabbis held in that epoch. Individual efforts supported the emigration of groups of Jews to Palestine, pre-Zionist Aliyah, even before the First Zionist Congress in 1897, the year considered as the start of practical Zionism.[153]
Reform Jews rejected this idea of a return to Zion. The conference of rabbis held at Frankfurt am Main over July 15–28, 1845, deleted from the ritual all prayers for a return to Zion and a restoration of a Jewish state. The Philadelphia Conference, 1869, followed the lead of the German rabbis and decreed that the Messianic hope of Israel is "the union of all the children of God in the confession of the unity of God". In 1885 the Pittsburgh Conference reiterated this interpretation of the Messianic idea of Reform Judaism, expressing in a resolution that "we consider ourselves no longer a nation, but a religious community; and we therefore expect neither a return to Palestine, nor a sacrificial worship under the sons of Aaron, nor the restoration of any of the laws concerning a Jewish state".[154]
Jewish settlements were proposed for establishment in the upper Mississippi region by W.D. Robinson in 1819.[155]
Moral but not practical efforts were made in Prague to organize a Jewish emigration, by Abraham Benisch and Moritz Steinschneider in 1835. In the United States, Mordecai Noah attempted to establish a Jewish refuge opposite Buffalo, New York, on Grand Isle, 1825. These early Jewish nation building efforts of Cresson, Benisch, Steinschneider and Noah failed.[156][page needed][157]
Sir Moses Montefiore, famous for his intervention in favor of Jews around the world, including the attempt to rescue Edgardo Mortara, established a colony for Jews in Palestine. In 1854, his friend Judah Touro bequeathed money to fund Jewish residential settlement in Palestine. Montefiore was appointed executor of his will, and used the funds for a variety of projects, including building in 1860 the first Jewish residential settlement and almshouse outside of the old walled city of Jerusalem—today known as Mishkenot Sha'ananim. Laurence Oliphant failed in a like attempt to bring to Palestine the Jewish proletariat of Poland, Lithuania, Romania, and the Turkish Empire (1879 and 1882).
Theodor Herzl and the birth of modern political Zionism
The official beginning of the construction of the New Yishuv in Palestine is usually dated to the arrival of the Bilu group in 1882, who commenced the First Aliyah. In the following years, Jewish immigration to Palestine started in earnest. Most immigrants came from the Russian Empire, escaping the frequent pogroms and state-led persecution in what are now Ukraine and Poland.[citation needed] They founded a number of agricultural settlements with financial support from Jewish philanthropists in Western Europe. Additional Aliyahs followed the Russian Revolution and its eruption of violent pogroms. At the end of the 19th century, Jews were a small minority in Palestine.[158]
In the 1890s, Theodor Herzl (the father of political Zionism) infused Zionism with a new ideology and practical urgency, leading to the First Zionist Congress at Basel in 1897, which created the Zionist Organization (ZO), renamed in 1960 as World Zionist Organization (WZO).[159] In Der Judenstaat, Herzl was explicit in mentioning that the "state of the Jews" could be established only with the support of a European power. He described the Jewish state as an "outpost of civilization against Barbarism". In separate writing, Herzl compared himself to Cecil Rhodes, who was a strong supporter of British colonialist and imperialist ideologies.[68]: 327
In 1896, Theodor Herzl expressed in Der Judenstaat his views on "the restoration of the Jewish state".[160] Herzl considered antisemitism to be an eternal feature of all societies in which Jews lived as minorities, and that only a sovereignty could allow Jews to escape eternal persecution: "Let them give us sovereignty over a piece of the Earth's surface, just sufficient for the needs of our people, then we will do the rest!" he proclaimed exposing his plan.[161]: 27, 29
Success and stumbles in Russia
Before World War I, although led by Austrian and German Jews, Zionism was primarily composed of Russian Jews.[162] Initially, Zionists were a minority, both in Russia and worldwide.[163][164][165][166] Russian Zionism quickly became a major force within the movement, making up about half the delegates at Zionist Congresses.[167]
Despite its success in attracting followers, Russian Zionism faced fierce opposition from the Russian intelligentsia across the political spectrum and socioeconomic classes. It was condemned by different groups as reactionary, messianic, and unrealistic, arguing that it would isolate Jews and exacerbate their circumstances rather than integrate them into European societies.[167] Religious Jews such as Rabbi Joel Teitelbaum viewed in Zionism a desecration of their sacred beliefs and a Satanic plot, while others hardly thought it deserved serious attention.[168] For them, Zionism was seen as an attempt to defy the divine order to await the coming of the Messiah.[169] However, many of these religious Jews still believed in the Messiah coming soon. For example, Rabbi Israel Meir Kahan "was so convinced of the imminent arrival of the Messiah that he urged his students to study the laws of the priesthood so that the priests would be prepared to carry out their duties when the Temple in Jerusalem was rebuilt."[168]
Criticism was not limited to religious Jews. Bundist socialists and liberals of the Voskhod newspaper attacked Zionism for distracting from class struggle and blocking the path to Jewish emancipation in Russia, respectively.[167] Figures like historian Simon Dubnow saw potential value in Zionism promoting Jewish identity but fundamentally rejected a Jewish state as messianic and unfeasible.[170] They provided alternative emancipatory solutions, such as assimilation, emigration, and Diaspora nationalism.[171] The opposition to Zionism, rooted in the intelligentsia's rationalist worldview, weakened its appeal among potential adherents like the Jewish working class and intelligentsia.[167] Ultimately, the Russian intelligentsia was united in the view that Zionism was an aberrant ideology that ran counter to their beliefs in Jewish assimilation.
Pre-state institutions
- Zionist Organization (ZO), est. 1897
- Zionist Congress (est. 1897), the supreme organ of the ZO
- Palestine Office (est. 1908), the executive arm of the ZO in Palestine
- Jewish National Fund (JNF), est. 1901 to buy and develop land in Palestine
- Keren Hayesod, est. 1920 to collect funds
- Jewish Agency, est. 1929 as the worldwide operative branch of the ZO
Funding
The Zionist enterprise was mainly funded by major benefactors who made large contributions, sympathisers from Jewish communities across the world (see for instance the Jewish National Fund's collection boxes), and the settlers themselves. The movement established a bank for administering its finances, the Jewish Colonial Trust (est. 1888, incorporated in London in 1899). A local subsidiary was formed in 1902 in Palestine, the Anglo-Palestine Bank.
A list of pre-state large contributors to Pre-Zionist and Zionist enterprises would include, alphabetically,
- Isaac Leib Goldberg (1860–1935), Zionist leader and philanthropist from Russia
- Maurice de Hirsch (1831–1896), German Jewish financier and philanthropist, founder of the Jewish Colonization Association
- Moses Montefiore (1784–1885), British Jewish banker and philanthropist in Britain and the Levant, initiator and financier of Proto-Zionism
- Edmond James de Rothschild (1845–1934), French Jewish banker and major donor of the Zionist project
Pre-state paramilitary organizations
A list of Jewish pre-state paramilitary and defense organisations in Palestine would include:
- Direct precursors of the IDF
Not sanctioned by central Zionist administration
- Unrelated
- Mahane Yehuda, 'Judah's Camp', a mounted guards company founded by Michael Halperin in 1891[172] (see Ness Ziona)
- HaNoter, 'The Guard' (1912–1913),[173] distinct from the British Mandate-period Notrim[174]
- HaMagen, 'The Shield' (1915–1917)[174]
Territories considered
Throughout the first decade of the Zionist movement, there were several instances where some Zionist figures, including Herzl, considered a Jewish state in places outside Palestine, such as "Uganda" (actually parts of British East Africa today in Kenya), Argentina, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Mozambique, and the Sinai Peninsula.[28] Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, was initially content with any Jewish self-governed state.[175] Jewish settlement of Argentina was the project of Maurice de Hirsch.[176] It is unclear if Herzl seriously considered this alternative plan,[177] however he later reaffirmed that Palestine would have greater attraction because of the historic ties of Jews with that area.[161]
A major concern and driving reason for considering other territories was the Russian pogroms, in particular the Kishinev massacre, and the resulting need for quick resettlement in a safer place.[178] However, other Zionists emphasized the memory, emotion and tradition linking Jews to the Land of Israel.[179] Zion became the name of the movement, after the place where King David established his kingdom, following his conquest of the Jebusite fortress there (2 Samuel 5:7, 1 Kings 8:1). The name Zion was synonymous with Jerusalem. Palestine only became Herzl's main focus after his Zionist manifesto 'Der Judenstaat' was published in 1896, but even then he was hesitant to focus efforts solely on resettlement in Palestine when speed was of the essence.[180]
In 1903, British Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain offered Herzl 5,000 square miles (13,000 km2) in the Uganda Protectorate for Jewish settlement in Great Britain's East African colonies.[181] Herzl accepted to evaluate Joseph Chamberlain's proposal,[182]: 55–56 and it was introduced the same year to the World Zionist Organization's Congress at its sixth meeting, where a fierce debate ensued. Some groups felt that accepting the scheme would make it more difficult to establish a Jewish state in Palestine, the African land was described as an "ante-chamber to the Holy Land". It was decided to send a commission to investigate the proposed land by 295 to 177 votes, with 132 abstaining. The following year, Congress sent a delegation to inspect the plateau. A temperate climate due to its high elevation, was thought to be suitable for European settlement. However, the area was populated by a large number of Maasai, who did not seem to favour an influx of Europeans. Furthermore, the delegation found it to be filled with lions and other animals.
After Herzl died in 1904, the Congress decided on the fourth day of its seventh session in July 1905 to decline the British offer and, according to Adam Rovner, "direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine".[181][183] Israel Zangwill's Jewish Territorialist Organization aimed for a Jewish state anywhere, having been established in 1903 in response to the Uganda Scheme. It was supported by a number of the Congress's delegates. Following the vote, which had been proposed by Max Nordau, Zangwill charged Nordau that he "will be charged before the bar of history," and his supporters blamed the Russian voting bloc of Menachem Ussishkin for the outcome of the vote.[183]
The subsequent departure of the JTO from the Zionist Organization had little impact.[181][184][185] The Zionist Socialist Workers Party was also an organization that favored the idea of a Jewish territorial autonomy outside of Palestine.[186]
As an alternative to Zionism, Soviet (USSR) authorities established a Jewish Autonomous Oblast in 1934, which remains extant as the only autonomous oblast of Russia.[187]
According to Elaine Hagopian, in the early decades it foresaw the homeland of the Jews as extending not only over the region of Palestine, but into Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and Egypt, with its borders more or less coinciding with the major riverine and water-rich areas of the Levant.[188]
Balfour Declaration and the Mandate for Palestine
Lobbying by Russian Jewish immigrant Chaim Weizmann, together with fear that American Jews would encourage the US to support Germany in the war against Russia, culminated in the British government's Balfour Declaration of 1917.
It endorsed the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, as follows:
His Majesty's government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.[189]
In 1922, the League of Nations adopted the declaration, and granted to Britain the Palestine Mandate:
The Mandate will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home ... and the development of self-governing institutions, and also safeguard the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion.[190]
Weizmann's role in obtaining the Balfour Declaration led to his election as the Zionist movement's leader. He remained in that role until 1948, and then was elected as the first President of Israel after the nation gained independence.
A number of high-level representatives of the international Jewish women's community participated in the First World Congress of Jewish Women, which was held in Vienna, Austria, in May 1923. One of the main resolutions was: "It appears ... to be the duty of all Jews to co-operate in the social-economic reconstruction of Palestine and to assist in the settlement of Jews in that country."[191]
In 1927, Ukrainian Jew Yitzhak Lamdan wrote an epic poem titled Masada to reflect the plight of the Jews, calling for a "last stand".[192]
Nazism and the Holocaust
In 1933, Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany, and in 1935 the Nuremberg Laws were enacted. Similar rules were applied by the many Nazi allies in Europe. The subsequent growth in Jewish migration fostered the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine. Britain established the Peel Commission to investigate the situation. The commission called for a two-state solution and compulsory transfer of populations. The Arabs opposed the partition plan and Britain later rejected this solution and instead implemented the White Paper of 1939. This planned to end Jewish immigration by 1944 and to allow no more than 75,000 additional Jewish migrants. At the end of the five-year period in 1944, only 51,000 of the 75,000 immigration certificates provided for had been utilized, and the British offered to allow immigration to continue beyond cutoff date of 1944, at a rate of 1500 per month, until the remaining quota was filled.[193][194] According to Arieh Kochavi, at the end of the war, the Mandatory Government had 10,938 certificates remaining and gives more details about government policy at the time.[193] The British maintained the policies of the 1939 White Paper until the end of the Mandate.[195]
| Year | Muslims | Jews | Christians | Others | Total Settled |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1922 | 486,177 (74.9%) | 83,790 (12.9%) | 71,464 (11.0%) | 7,617 (1.2%) | 649,048 |
| 1931 | 693,147 (71.7%) | 174,606 (18.1%) | 88,907 (9.2%) | 10,101 (1.0%) | 966,761 |
| 1941 | 906,551 (59.7%) | 474,102 (31.2%) | 125,413 (8.3%) | 12,881 (0.8%) | 1,518,947 |
| 1946 | 1,076,783 (58.3%) | 608,225 (33.0%) | 145,063 (7.9%) | 15,488 (0.8%) | 1,845,559 |
The growth of the Jewish community in Palestine and the devastation of European Jewish life sidelined the World Zionist Organization (WZO). The Jewish Agency for Palestine under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion increasingly dictated policy with support from American Zionists who provided funding and influence in Washington, D.C., including via the American Palestine Committee.[citation needed] In 1938, Ben-Gurion argued that a significant source of fear for Zionists was the defensive political strength of the Palestinian position, stating:[197]
A people which fights against the usurpation of its land will not tire so easily. ... When we say that the Arabs are the aggressors and we defend ourselves — this is only half the truth. ... [P]olitically we are the aggressors and they defend themselves. The country is theirs, because they inhabit it, whereas we want to come here and settle down, and in their view we want to take away from them their country.
During World War II, as the horrors of the Holocaust became known, the Zionist leadership formulated the One Million Plan, a reduction from Ben-Gurion's previous target of two million immigrants. Following the end of the war, many stateless refugees, mainly Holocaust survivors, began migrating to Palestine in small boats in defiance of British rules. The Holocaust united much of the rest of world Jewry behind the Zionist project.[198] The British either imprisoned these Jews in Cyprus or sent them to the British-controlled Allied Occupation Zones in Germany. The British, having faced Arab revolts, were now facing opposition by Zionist groups in Palestine for subsequent restrictions on Jewish immigration. In January 1946 the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, a joint British and American committee, was tasked to examine political, economic and social conditions in Mandatory Palestine and the well-being of the peoples now living there; to consult representatives of Arabs and Jews, and to make other recommendations 'as necessary' for an interim handling of these problems as well as for their eventual solution.[199] Following the failure of the 1946–47 London Conference on Palestine, at which the United States refused to support the British leading to both the Morrison–Grady Plan and the Bevin Plan being rejected by all parties, the British decided to refer the question to the UN on February 14, 1947.[200][fn 2]
Post-World War II
With the German invasion of the USSR in 1941, Stalin reversed his long-standing opposition to Zionism, and tried to mobilize worldwide Jewish support for the Soviet war effort. A Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee was set up in Moscow. Many thousands of Jewish refugees fled the Nazis and entered the Soviet Union during the war, where they reinvigorated Jewish religious activities and opened new synagogues.[201] In May 1947 Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko told the United Nations that the USSR supported the partition of Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state. The USSR formally voted that way in the UN in November 1947.[202] However once Israel was established, Stalin reversed positions, favoured the Arabs, arrested the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, and launched attacks on Jews in the USSR.[203]
In 1947, the UN Special Committee on Palestine recommended that western Palestine should be partitioned into a Jewish state, an Arab state and a UN-controlled territory, Corpus separatum, around Jerusalem.[204] This partition plan was adopted on November 29, 1947, with UN GA Resolution 181, 33 votes in favor, 13 against, and 10 abstentions. The vote led to celebrations in Jewish communities and protests in Arab communities throughout Palestine.[205] Violence throughout the country, previously an Arab and Jewish insurgency against the British, Jewish-Arab communal violence, spiralled into the 1947–1949 Palestine war. According to various assessments of the UN, the conflict led to an exodus of 711,000 to 957,000 Palestinian Arabs,[206] outside of Israel's territories. More than a quarter had already fled during the 1947–1948 civil war in Mandatory Palestine, before the Israeli Declaration of Independence and the outbreak of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. After the 1949 Armistice Agreements, a series of laws passed by the first Israeli government prevented displaced Palestinians from claiming private property or returning on the state's territories. They and many of their descendants remain refugees supported by UNRWA.[207][208]
Since the creation of the State of Israel, the World Zionist Organization has functioned mainly as an organization dedicated to assisting and encouraging Jews to migrate to Israel. It has provided political support for Israel in other countries but plays little role in internal Israeli politics. The movement's major success since 1948 was in providing logistical support for Jewish migrants and refugees and, most importantly, in assisting Soviet Jews in their struggle with the authorities over the right to leave the USSR and to practice their religion in freedom, and the exodus of 850,000 Jews from the Arab world, mostly to Israel. In 1944–45, Ben-Gurion described the One Million Plan to foreign officials as being the "primary goal and top priority of the Zionist movement."[209] The immigration restrictions of the British White Paper of 1939 meant that such a plan could not be put into large scale effect until the Israeli Declaration of Independence in May 1948. The new country's immigration policy had some opposition within the new Israeli government, such as those who argued that there was "no justification for organizing large-scale emigration among Jews whose lives were not in danger, particularly when the desire and motivation were not their own"[210] as well as those who argued that the absorption process caused "undue hardship".[211] However, the force of Ben-Gurion's influence and insistence ensured that his immigration policy was carried out.[212][213]
Role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
The arrival of Zionist settlers to Palestine in the late 19th century is widely seen as the start of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[68]: 70 [214][215] Zionists wanted to create a Jewish state in Palestine with as much land, as many Jews, and as few Palestinian Arabs as possible.[16] In response to Ben-Gurion's 1938 quote that "politically we are the aggressors and they [the Palestinians] defend themselves", Israeli historian Benny Morris says, "Ben-Gurion, of course, was right. Zionism was a colonizing and expansionist ideology and movement", and that "Zionist ideology and practice were necessarily and elementally expansionist." Morris describes the Zionist goal of establishing a Jewish state in Palestine as necessarily displacing and dispossessing the Arab population.[216] The practical issue of establishing a Jewish state in a majority non-Jewish and Arab region was a fundamental issue for the Zionist movement.[216] Zionists used the term "transfer" as a euphemism for the removal, or ethnic cleansing, of the Arab Palestinian population.[fn 3][217] According to Benny Morris, "the idea of transferring the Arabs out... was seen as the chief means of assuring the stability of the 'Jewishness' of the proposed Jewish State".[216]
In fact, the concept of forcibly removing the non-Jewish population from Palestine was a notion that garnered support across the entire spectrum of Zionist groups, including its farthest left factions[fn 4], from early on in the movement's development.[218][219][220][216][221][222] The concept of transfer was not only seen as desirable but also as an ideal solution by the Zionist leadership.[222][34][223] The notion of forcible transfer was so appealing to this leadership that it was considered the most attractive provision in the Peel Commission. Indeed, this sentiment was deeply ingrained to the extent that Ben Gurion's acceptance of partition was contingent upon the removal of the Palestinian population. He would go as far as to say that transfer was such an ideal solution that it "must happen some day". It was the right wing of the Zionist movement that put forward the main arguments against transfer, their objections being primarily on practical rather than moral grounds.[218][224]
According to Morris, the idea of ethnically cleansing the land of Palestine was to play a large role in Zionist ideology from the inception of the movement. He explains that "transfer" was "inevitable and inbuilt into Zionism" and that a land which was primarily Arab could not be transformed into a Jewish state without displacing the Arab population.[fn 5] Further, the stability of the Jewish state could not be ensured given the Arab population's fear of displacement. He explains that this would be the primary source of conflict between the Zionist movement and the Arab population.[217]
Types
| Country/Region | Members | Delegates |
|---|---|---|
| Poland | 299,165 | 109 |
| US | 263,741 | 114 |
| Palestine | 167,562 | 134 |
| Romania | 60,013 | 28 |
| United Kingdom | 23,513 | 15 |
| South Africa | 22,343 | 14 |
| Canada | 15,220 | 8 |
The multi-national, worldwide Zionist movement is structured on representative democratic principles. Congresses are held every four years (they were held every two years before the Second World War) and delegates to the congress are elected by the membership. Members are required to pay dues known as a shekel. At the congress, delegates elect a 30-man executive council, which in turn elects the movement's leader.[citation needed] The movement was democratic from its inception and women had the right to vote.[226]
Until 1917, the World Zionist Organization pursued a strategy of building a Jewish National Home through persistent small-scale immigration and the founding of such bodies as the Jewish National Fund (1901 – a charity that bought land for Jewish settlement) and the Anglo-Palestine Bank (1903 – provided loans for Jewish businesses and farmers). In 1942, at the Biltmore Conference, the movement included for the first time an express objective of the establishment of a Jewish state in the Land of Israel.[227]
The 28th Zionist Congress, meeting in Jerusalem in 1968, adopted the five points of the "Jerusalem Program" as the aims of Zionism today. They are:[228]
- Unity of the Jewish People and the centrality of Israel in Jewish life
- Ingathering of the Jewish People in its historic homeland, Eretz Israel, through Aliyah from all countries
- Strengthening of the State of Israel, based on the prophetic vision of justice and peace
- Preservation of the identity of the Jewish People through fostering of Jewish and Hebrew education, and of Jewish spiritual and cultural values
- Protection of Jewish rights everywhere
Since the creation of modern Israel, the role of the movement has declined. It is now a peripheral factor in Israeli politics, though different perceptions of Zionism continue to play roles in Israeli and Jewish political discussion.[229] After the state's establishment, Zionism has come to be described as Israel's national or state ideology.[21]
Labor Zionism
Labor Zionism originated in Eastern Europe. Socialist Zionists believed that centuries of oppression in antisemitic societies had reduced Jews to a meek, vulnerable, despairing existence that invited further antisemitism, a view originally stipulated by Theodor Herzl.[231][232] They argued that a revolution of the Jewish soul and society was necessary and achievable in part by Jews moving to Israel and becoming farmers, workers, and soldiers in a country of their own. Most socialist Zionists rejected the observance of traditional religious Judaism as perpetuating a "Diaspora mentality" among the Jewish people, and established rural communes in Israel called "kibbutzim".[233] The kibbutz began as a variation on a "national farm" scheme, a form of cooperative agriculture where the Jewish National Fund hired Jewish workers under trained supervision. The kibbutzim were a symbol of the Second Aliyah in that they put great emphasis on communalism and egalitarianism, representing Utopian socialism to a certain extent. Furthermore, they stressed self-sufficiency, which became an essential aspect of Labor Zionism.[234][235] Though socialist Zionism draws its inspiration and is philosophically founded on the fundamental values and spirituality of Judaism, its progressive expression of that Judaism has often fostered an antagonistic relationship with Orthodox Judaism.[235][236]
Traditionalist Israeli historian Anita Shapira describes labor Zionism's use of violence against Palestinians for political means as essentially the same as that of radical conservative Zionist groups. For example, Shapira notes that during the 1936 Palestine revolt, the Irgun Zvai Leumi engaged in the "uninhibited use of terror", "mass indiscriminate killings of the aged, women and children", "attacks against British without any consideration of possible injuries to innocent bystanders, and the murder of British in cold blood". Shapira argues that there were only marginal differences in military behavior between the Irgun and the labor Zionist Palmah. In following with policies laid out by Ben-Gurion, the prevalent method among field squads was that if an Arab gang had used a village as a hideout, it was considered acceptable to hold the entire village collectively responsible. The lines delineating what was acceptable and unacceptable while dealing with these villagers were "vague and intentionally blurred". As Shapira suggests, these ambiguous limits practically did not differ from those of the openly terrorist group, Irgun.[63]
Labor Zionism became the dominant force in the political and economic life of the Yishuv during the British Mandate of Palestine and was the dominant ideology of the political establishment in Israel until the 1977 election when the Israeli Labor Party was defeated. The Israeli Labor Party continues the tradition, although the most popular party in the kibbutzim is Meretz.[237] Labor Zionism's main institution is the Histadrut (general organisation of labor unions), which began by providing strikebreakers against a Palestinian worker's strike in 1920 and until 1970s was the largest employer in Israel after the Israeli government.[238]
Liberal Zionism
General Zionism (or Liberal Zionism) was initially the dominant trend within the Zionist movement from the First Zionist Congress in 1897 until after the First World War. General Zionists identified with the liberal European middle class to which many Zionist leaders such as Herzl and Chaim Weizmann aspired. Liberal Zionism, although not associated with any single party in modern Israel, remains a strong trend in Israeli politics advocating free market principles, democracy and adherence to human rights. Their political arm was one of the ancestors of the modern-day Likud. Kadima, the main centrist party during the 2000s that split from Likud and is now defunct, however, did identify with many of the fundamental policies of Liberal Zionist ideology, advocating among other things the need for Palestinian statehood in order to form a more democratic society in Israel, affirming the free market, and calling for equal rights for Arab citizens of Israel. In 2013, Ari Shavit suggested that the success of the then-new Yesh Atid party (representing secular, middle-class interests) embodied the success of "the new General Zionists."[239][better source needed]
Dror Zeigerman writes that the traditional positions of the General Zionists—"liberal positions based on social justice, on law and order, on pluralism in matters of State and Religion, and on moderation and flexibility in the domain of foreign policy and security"—are still favored by important circles and currents within certain active political parties.[240]
Philosopher Carlo Strenger describes a modern-day version of Liberal Zionism (supporting his vision of "Knowledge-Nation Israel"), rooted in the original ideology of Herzl and Ahad Ha'am, that stands in contrast to both the romantic nationalism of the right and the Netzah Yisrael of the ultra-Orthodox. It is marked by a concern for democratic values and human rights, freedom to criticize government policies without accusations of disloyalty, and rejection of excessive religious influence in public life. "Liberal Zionism celebrates the most authentic traits of the Jewish tradition: the willingness for incisive debate; the contrarian spirit of davka; the refusal to bow to authoritarianism."[241][242] Liberal Zionists see that "Jewish history shows that Jews need and are entitled to a nation-state of their own. But they also think that this state must be a liberal democracy, which means that there must be strict equality before the law independent of religion, ethnicity or gender."[243]
Revisionist Zionism
Revisionist Zionists, led by Ze'ev Jabotinsky, believed that a Jewish state must expand to both sides of the Jordan River, i.e. taking Transjordan in addition to all of Palestine.[244][245] The movement developed what became known as Nationalist Zionism, whose guiding principles were outlined in the 1923 essay Iron Wall, a term denoting the force needed to prevent Palestinian resistance against colonization.[246] Jabotinsky wrote that
Zionism is a colonising adventure and it therefore stands or falls by the question of armed force. It is important to build, it is important to speak Hebrew, but, unfortunately, it is even more important to be able to shoot—or else I am through with playing at colonization.
Historian Avi Shlaim states that[249]
Although the Jews originated in the East, they belonged to the West culturally, morally, and spiritually. Zionism was conceived by Jabotinsky not as the return of the Jews to their spiritual homeland but as an offshoot or implant of Western civilization in the East. This worldview translated into a geostrategic conception in which Zionism was to be permanently allied with European colonialism against all the Arabs in the eastern Mediterranean.
In 1935 the Revisionists left the WZO because it refused to state that the creation of a Jewish state was an objective of Zionism.[citation needed] The Revisionists advocated the formation of a Jewish Army in Palestine to force the Arab population to accept mass Jewish migration.
Supporters of Revisionist Zionism developed the Likud Party in Israel, which has dominated most governments since 1977. It advocates Israel's maintaining control of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and takes a hard-line approach in the Arab–Israeli conflict. In 2005, the Likud split over the issue of creation of a Palestinian state in the occupied territories. Party members advocating peace talks helped form the Kadima Party.[250]
Religious Zionism
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Religious Zionism is an ideology that combines Zionism and observant Judaism. Before the establishment of the state of Israel, Religious Zionists were mainly observant Jews who supported Zionist efforts to build a Jewish state in the Land of Israel. One of the core ideas in Religious Zionism is the belief that the ingathering of exiles in the Land of Israel and the establishment of Israel is Atchalta De'Geulah ("the beginning of the redemption"), the initial stage of the geula.[251]
After the Six-Day War and the capture of the West Bank, a territory referred to in Jewish terms as Judea and Samaria, right-wing components of the Religious Zionist movement integrated nationalist revindication and evolved into what is sometimes known as Neo-Zionism. Their ideology revolves around three pillars: the Land of Israel, the People of Israel and the Torah of Israel.[252]
Non-Jewish support
The French government, through Minister M. Cambon, formally committed itself to "... the renaissance of the Jewish nationality in that Land from which the people of Israel were exiled so many centuries ago."[253]
In China, top figures of the Nationalist government, including Sun Yat-sen, expressed their sympathy with the aspirations of the Jewish people for a National Home.[254]
Christian support for Zionism
Some Christians actively supported the return of Jews to Palestine even prior to the rise of Zionism, as well as subsequently. Anita Shapira, a history professor emerita at Tel Aviv University, suggests that evangelical Christian restorationists of the 1840s "passed this notion on to Jewish circles".[256] Evangelical Christian anticipation of and political lobbying within the UK for Restorationism was widespread in the 1820s and common beforehand.[257] It was common among the Puritans to anticipate and frequently to pray for a Jewish return to their homeland.[258][259][260]
One of the principal Protestant teachers who promoted the biblical doctrine that the Jews would return to their national homeland was John Nelson Darby. His doctrine of dispensationalism is credited with promoting Zionism, following his 11 lectures on the hopes of the church, the Jew and the gentile given in Geneva in 1840.[261] However, others like C H Spurgeon,[262] both Horatius[263] and Andrew Bonar, Robert Murray M'Chyene,[264] and J C Ryle[265] were among a number of prominent proponents of both the importance and significance of a Jewish return, who were not dispensationalist. Pro-Zionist views were embraced by many evangelicals and also affected international foreign policy.
The Russian Orthodox ideologue Hippolytus Lutostansky, also known as the author of multiple antisemitic tracts, insisted in 1911 that Russian Jews should be "helped" to move to Palestine "as their rightful place is in their former kingdom of Palestine".[266]
Notable early supporters of Zionism include British Prime Ministers David Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour, American President Woodrow Wilson and British Major-General Orde Wingate, whose activities in support of Zionism led the British Army to ban him from ever serving in Palestine. According to Charles Merkley of Carleton University, Christian Zionism strengthened significantly after the Six-Day War of 1967, and many dispensationalist and non-dispensationalist evangelical Christians, especially Christians in the United States, now strongly support Zionism.[citation needed]
Martin Luther King Jr. was a strong supporter of Israel and Zionism,[255] although the Letter to an Anti-Zionist Friend is a work falsely attributed to him.
In the last years of his life, the founder of the Latter Day Saint movement, Joseph Smith, declared, "the time for Jews to return to the land of Israel is now." In 1842, Smith sent Orson Hyde, an Apostle of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, to Jerusalem to dedicate the land for the return of the Jews.[267]
Some Arab Christians publicly supporting Israel include US author Nonie Darwish, and former Muslim Magdi Allam, author of Viva Israele,[268] both born in Egypt. Brigitte Gabriel, a Lebanese-born Christian US journalist and founder of the American Congress for Truth, urges Americans to "fearlessly speak out in defense of America, Israel and Western civilization".[269]
The largest Zionist organisation is Christians United for Israel, which has 10 million members and is led by John Hagee.[270][271][272]
Muslim support for Zionism
Muslims who have publicly defended Zionism include Tawfik Hamid, Islamic thinker and reformer[274] and former member of al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya, an Islamist militant group that is designated as a terrorist organization by the United States and European Union,[275] Sheikh Prof. Abdul Hadi Palazzi, Director of the Cultural Institute of the Italian Islamic Community[276] and Tashbih Sayyed, a Pakistani-American scholar, journalist, and author.[277]
On occasion, some non-Arab Muslims such as some Kurds and Berbers have also voiced support for Zionism.[278][279][280]
While most Israeli Druze identify as ethnically Arab,[281] today, tens of thousands of Israeli Druze belong to "Druze Zionist" movements.[273]
During the Palestine Mandate era, As'ad Shukeiri, a Muslim scholar ('alim) of the Acre area, and the father of PLO founder Ahmad Shukeiri, rejected the values of the Palestinian Arab national movement and was opposed to the anti-Zionist movement.[282] He met routinely with Zionist officials and had a part in every pro-Zionist Arab organization from the beginning of the British Mandate, publicly rejecting Mohammad Amin al-Husayni's use of Islam to attack Zionism.[283]
Some Indian Muslims have also expressed opposition to Islamic anti-Zionism. In August 2007, a delegation of the All India Organization of Imams and mosques led by its president Maulana Jamil Ilyas visited Israel. The meeting led to a joint statement expressing "peace and goodwill from Indian Muslims", developing dialogue between Indian Muslims and Israeli Jews, and rejecting the perception that the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is of a religious nature.[284] The visit was organized by the American Jewish Committee. The purpose of the visit was to promote meaningful debate about the status of Israel in the eyes of Muslims worldwide and to strengthen the relationship between India and Israel. It is suggested that the visit could "open Muslim minds across the world to understand the democratic nature of the state of Israel, especially in the Middle East".[285]
Hindu support for Zionism
After Israel's creation in 1948, the Indian National Congress government opposed Zionism. Some writers have claimed that this was done in order to get more Muslim votes in India (where Muslims numbered over 30 million at the time).[286] Zionism, seen as a national liberation movement for the repatriation of the Jewish people to their homeland then under British colonial rule, appealed to many Hindu nationalists, who viewed their struggle for independence from British rule and the Partition of India as national liberation for long-oppressed Hindus.[citation needed]
An international opinion survey has shown that India is the most pro-Israel country in the world.[287] In more current times, conservative Indian parties and organizations tend to support Zionism.[288] This has invited attacks on the Hindutva movement by parts of the Indian left opposed to Zionism, and allegations that Hindus are conspiring with the "Jewish Lobby."[289]
Anti-Zionism
Zionism has been opposed by a wide variety of organizations and individuals. In 1919, the US-based King–Crane Commission found that the subjection of Palestinians to Zionist rule was a violation of the principle of self-determination. The report stated that "The initial claim, often submitted by Zionist representatives, that they have a 'right' to Palestine based on occupation of two thousand years ago, can barely be seriously considered."[291][292]
Among those opposing Zionism before their dissolution were the former Soviet Union[293] and Nazi Germany.[294][295] Today, opponents include Palestinian nationalists, several states of the Arab League and in the Muslim world, some secular, Satmar and Neturei Karta Jews.[293][296][297][298] Reasons for opposing Zionism have been varied, and they include: fundamental disagreement that foreign born Jews have rights of resettlement, the perception that land confiscations are unfair; expulsions of Palestinians; violence against Palestinians; and alleged racism.[299][300][301] Arab states in particular have historically strongly opposed Zionism.[302] The preamble of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, which has been ratified by 53 African countries as of 2014[update], includes an undertaking to eliminate Zionism together with other practices including colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid, "aggressive foreign military bases" and all forms of discrimination.[303][304]
In 1945 US President Franklin D. Roosevelt met with King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia. Ibn Saud pointed out that it was Germany who had committed crimes against the Jews and so Germany should be punished. Palestinian Arabs had done no harm to European Jews and did not deserve to be punished by losing their land. Roosevelt on return to the US concluded that Israel "could only be established and maintained by force."[305]
Catholic Church and Zionism
Shortly after the First Zionist Congress, the semi-official Vatican periodical (edited by the Jesuits) Civiltà Cattolica gave its biblical-theological judgement on political Zionism: "1827 years have passed since the prediction of Jesus of Nazareth was fulfilled ... that [after the destruction of Jerusalem] the Jews would be led away to be slaves among all the nations and that they would remain in the dispersion [diaspora, galut] until the end of the world."[306] The Jews should not be permitted to return to Palestine with sovereignty: "According to the Sacred Scriptures, the Jewish people must always live dispersed and vagabondo [vagrant, wandering] among the other nations, so that they may render witness to Christ not only by the Scriptures ... but by their very existence".[306]
Nonetheless, Theodor Herzl travelled to Rome in late January 1904, after the sixth Zionist Congress (August 1903) and six months before his death, looking for support. On January 22, Herzl first met the Papal Secretary of State, Cardinal Rafael Merry del Val. According to Herzl's private diary notes, the Cardinal's interpretation of the history of Israel was the same as that of the Catholic Church, but he also asked for the conversion of the Jews to Catholicism. Three days later, Herzl met Pope Pius X, who replied to his request of support for a Jewish return to Israel in the same terms, saying that "we are unable to favor this movement. We cannot prevent the Jews from going to Jerusalem, but we could never sanction it ... The Jews have not recognized our Lord, therefore we cannot recognize the Jewish people." In 1922, the same periodical published a piece by its Viennese correspondent, "anti-Semitism is nothing but the absolutely necessary and natural reaction to the Jews' arrogance... Catholic anti-Semitism—while never going beyond the moral law—adopts all necessary means to emancipate the Christian people from the abuse they suffer from their sworn enemy".[307] This initial attitude changed over the next 50 years, until 1997, when at the Vatican symposium of that year, Pope John Paul II rejected the Christian roots of antisemitism, stating that "... the wrong and unjust interpretations of the New Testament relating to the Jewish people and their supposed guilt [in Christ's death] circulated for too long, engendering sentiments of hostility toward this people."[308]
Characterization as colonialist and racist
Zionism is often considered to be an example of a colonial[41] or racist[42] movement. According to historian Avi Shlaim, throughout its history up to present day, Zionism "is replete with manifestations of deep hostility and contempt towards the indigenous population." Shlaim balances this by pointing out that there have always been individuals within the Zionist movement that have criticized such attitudes. He cites the example of Ahad Ha'am, who after visiting Palestine in 1891, published a series of articles criticizing the aggressive behaviour and political ethnocentrism of Zionist settlers. Ha'am reportedly wrote that the Yishuv "behave towards the Arabs with hostility and cruelty, trespass unjustly upon their boundaries, beat them shamefully without reason and even brag about it, and nobody stands to check this contemptible and dangerous tendency" and that they believed that "the only language that the Arabs understand is that of force."[309] Some criticisms of Zionism claim that Judaism's notion of the "chosen people" is the source of racism in Zionism,[310] despite, according to Gustavo Perednik, that being a religious concept unrelated to Zionism.[311] This characterization of Zionism as a colonialism has been made by, among others, Gershon Shafir, Michael Prior, Ilan Pappe, and Baruch Kimmerling.[41] Noam Chomsky, John P. Quigly, Nur Masalha, and Cheryl Rubenberg have criticized Zionism, saying that it unfairly confiscates land and expels Palestinians.[312] Isaac Deutscher has called Israelis the 'Prussians of the Middle East', who have achieved a 'totsieg', a 'victorious rush into the grave' as a result of dispossessing 1.5 million Palestinians. Israel had become the 'last remaining colonial power' of the twentieth century.[313] Saleh Abdel Jawad, Nur Masalha, Michael Prior, Ian Lustick, and John Rose have criticized Zionism for having been responsible for violence against Palestinians, such as the Deir Yassin massacre, Sabra and Shatila massacre, and Cave of the Patriarchs massacre.[314]
Edward Said and Michael Prior claim that the notion of expelling the Palestinians was an early component of Zionism, citing Herzl's diary from 1895 which states "we shall endeavour to expel the poor population across the border unnoticed—the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discreetly and circumspectly."[315] Derek Penslar says that Herzl may have been considering either South America or Palestine when he wrote the diary entry about expropriation.[316] According to Walter Laqueur, although many Zionists proposed transfer, it was never official Zionist policy and in 1918 Ben-Gurion "emphatically rejected" it.[317]
The exodus of the Arab Palestinians during the 1947–1949 war has been controversially described as having involved ethnic cleansing.[318][319] According to a growing consensus between 'new historians' in Israel and Palestinian historians, expulsion and destruction of villages played a major role in creating the Palestinian refugee problem.[320] While traditionalist scholars such as Efraim Karsh state that most of the Arabs who fled left of their own accord or were pressured to leave by their fellow Arabs (and that Israel attempted to convince them to stay)[321][322] the scholarly consensus now dismisses this claim,[323] and as such, Benny Morris concurs that Arab instigation was not the major cause of the refugees' flight,[324] and state that the major cause of Palestinian flight was instead military actions by the Israeli Defence Force and fear of them and that Arab instigation can only explain a small part of the exodus and not a large part of it.[325][326][327][328][329][330] Ilan Pappe said that Zionism resulted in ethnic cleansing.[331] This view diverges from other New Historians, such as Benny Morris, who place the Palestinian exodus in the context of war, not ethnic cleansing.[332] When Benny Morris was asked about the Expulsion of Palestinians from Lydda and Ramle, he responded "There are circumstances in history that justify ethnic cleansing. I know that this term is completely negative in the discourse of the 21st century, but when the choice is between ethnic cleansing and genocide—the annihilation of your people—I prefer ethnic cleansing."[333]
In 1938, Mahatma Gandhi said in the letter "The Jews", that the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine must be performed by non-violence against the Arabs, comparing it to the Partition of India into Hindu and Muslim countries. He proposed to the Jews to "offer themselves to be shot or thrown into the Dead Sea without raising a little finger against them".[334] He expressed his "sympathy" for the Jewish aspirations, but said: "The cry for the national home for the Jews does not make much appeal to me. The sanction for it is sought in the Bible and the tenacity with which the Jews have hankered after return to Palestine. Why should they not, like other peoples of the earth, make that country their home where they are born and where they earn their livelihood?"[335][better source needed] and warned them against violence: "It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs ... Surely it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the proud Arabs so that Palestine can be restored to the Jews partly or wholly as their national home ... They can settle in Palestine only by the goodwill of the Arabs. They should seek to convert the Arab heart".[336] Gandhi later told American journalist Louis Fischer in 1946 that "Jews have a good case in Palestine. If the Arabs have a claim to Palestine, the Jews have a prior claim".[337] He expressed himself again in 1946, nuancing his views: "Hitherto I have refrained practically from saying anything in public regarding the Jew-Arab controversy. I have done so for good reasons. That does not mean any want of interest in the question, but it does mean that I do not consider myself sufficiently equipped with knowledge for the purpose". He concluded: "If they were to adopt the matchless weapon of non-violence ... their case would be the world's and I have no doubt that among the many things that the Jews have given to the world, this would be the best and the brightest".[338][better source needed]
In December 1973, the UN passed a series of resolutions condemning South Africa and included a reference to an "unholy alliance between Portuguese colonialism, Apartheid and Zionism."[339] At the time there was little cooperation between Israel and South Africa,[340] although the two countries would develop a close relationship during the 1970s.[341] Parallels have also been drawn between aspects of South Africa's apartheid regime and certain Israeli policies toward the Palestinians, which are seen as manifestations of racism in Zionist thinking.[342]
In 1975 the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, which said "Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination". According to the resolution, "any doctrine of racial differentiation of superiority is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust, and dangerous." The resolution named the occupied territory of Palestine, Zimbabwe, and South Africa as examples of racist regimes. Resolution 3379 was pioneered by the Soviet Union and passed with numerical support from Arab and African states amidst accusations that Israel was supportive of the apartheid regime in South Africa.[343] In 1991 the resolution was repealed with UN General Assembly Resolution 46/86,[344][better source needed] after Israel declared that it would only participate in the Madrid Conference of 1991 if the resolution were revoked.[345]
Arab countries sought to associate Zionism with racism in connection with a 2001 UN conference on racism, which took place in Durban, South Africa,[346] which caused the United States and Israel to walk away from the conference as a response. The final text of the conference did not connect Zionism with racism. A human rights forum arranged in connection with the conference, on the other hand, did equate Zionism with racism and censured Israel for what it called "racist crimes, including acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing".[347]
Haredi Judaism and Zionism
Some Haredi Orthodox organizations reject Zionism as they view it as a secular movement and reject nationalism as a doctrine. Hasidic groups in Jerusalem, most famously the Satmar Hasidim, as well as the larger movement they are part of, the Edah HaChareidis, are opposing its ideology for religious reasons. They number in the tens of thousands in Jerusalem, and hundreds of thousands worldwide.[citation needed] One of the best known Hasidic opponents of political Zionism was Hungarian rebbe and Talmudic scholar Joel Teitelbaum.
The Neturei Karta, an Orthodox Haredi sect viewed as a cult on the "farthest fringes of Judaism" by most mainstream Jews, reject Zionism.[348] Some have said that Israel is a "racist regime",[349] compared Zionists to Nazis,[350] claimed that Zionism is contrary to the teachings of the Torah,[351] or accused it of promoting antisemitism.[352]
Anti-Zionism or antisemitism
Critics of anti-Zionism have argued that opposition to Zionism can be hard to distinguish from antisemitism,[353][354] and that criticism of Israel may be used as an excuse to express viewpoints that might otherwise be considered antisemitic.[355][356] In discussion of the relationship between antisemitism and anti-Zionism, "one theory holds that anti-Zionism is no more than veiled anti-Semitism". This is contrasted with the theory "that criticism of Israeli politics has been discredited as anti-Zionism, and thus linked with anti-Semitism, in order to prevent such criticism".[357]
According to Thomas Mitchell, the terms Jewish and Zionist are at times used interchangeably by some Arab leadership, a perspective that has been influenced by the introduction of European antisemitism into the Arab world in the 1930s and 1940s by the Axis powers. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has always positioned itself as being anti-Zionist rather than antisemitic, although its leadership have in a few instances used the terms interchangeably.[358]
Anti-Zionist writers such as Noam Chomsky, Norman Finkelstein, Michael Marder, and Tariq Ali have argued that the characterization of anti-Zionism as antisemitic obscures legitimate criticism of Israel's policies and actions, and that it is used as a political ploy in order to stifle legitimate criticism of Israel.
- Jewish American linguist Noam Chomsky argues: "There have long been efforts to identify anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in an effort to exploit anti-racist sentiment for political ends; 'one of the chief tasks of any dialogue with the Gentile world is to prove that the distinction between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is not a distinction at all,' Israeli diplomat Abba Eban argued, in a typical expression of this intellectually and morally disreputable position (Eban, Congress Bi-Weekly, March 30, 1973). But that no longer suffices. It is now necessary to identify criticism of Israeli policies as anti-Semitism—or in the case of Jews, as 'self-hatred,' so that all possible cases are covered." – Chomsky, 1989 "Necessary Illusions
- Philosopher Michael Marder argues: "To deconstruct Zionism is ... to demand justice for its victims—not only for the Palestinians, who are suffering from it, but also for the anti-Zionist Jews, 'erased' from the officially consecrated account of Zionist history. By deconstructing its ideology, we shed light on the context it strives to repress and on the violence it legitimises with a mix of theological or metaphysical reasoning and affective appeals to historical guilt for the undeniably horrific persecution of Jewish people in Europe and elsewhere."[359]
- Jewish American political scientist Norman Finkelstein argues that anti-Zionism and often just criticism of Israeli policies have been conflated with antisemitism, sometimes called new antisemitism for political gain: "Whenever Israel faces a public relations débâcle such as the Intifada or international pressure to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict, American Jewish organizations orchestrate this extravaganza called the 'new anti-Semitism.' The purpose is several-fold. First, it is to discredit any charges by claiming the person is an anti-Semite. It's to turn Jews into the victims, so that the victims are not the Palestinians any longer. As people like Abraham Foxman of the ADL put it, the Jews are being threatened by a new holocaust. It's a role reversal—the Jews are now the victims, not the Palestinians. So it serves the function of discrediting the people leveling the charge. It's no longer Israel that needs to leave the Occupied Territories; it's the Arabs who need to free themselves of the anti-Semitism."[360]
Zionism as settler colonialism
Beyond characterizing it as a colonial movement, Zionism has been more recently described as a form of settler colonialism, with proponents of this paradigm including Edward Said, Rashid Khalidi, Noam Chomsky, Ilan Pappe, Fayez Sayegh, Maxime Rodinson, George Jabbour, Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, Baha Abu-Laban, Jamil Hilal, and Rosemary Sayigh.[361][362]
The current form of this conceptual framework emerged in the 1990s among Palestinian scholars in Israel who "reframed the history of the Nakba as enduring" in response to their marginalization by the two-state Israeli–Palestinian peace process.[363][fn 6] It built of the work of Patrick Wolfe, an influential theorist of settler colonial studies who has defined settler colonialism as an ongoing "structure, not an event" aimed at replacing a native population rather than exploiting it.[364][365][366]
Rachel Busbridge says the framework's subsequent popularity is inseparable from frustration at the stagnation of that process and resulting Western left-wing sympathy for Palestinian nationalism. Busbridge writes that while a settler colonial analysis "offers a far more accurate portrayal of the conflict than...has conventionally been painted", Wolfe's zero-sum approach is limited in practical application because almost all Israeli Jews naturally reject it, as a form of antisemitism that denies their long-standing history in the land of Israel and aspirations for self-determination.[367][368]
See also
References
Explanatory notes
- ^ Zionism has been described either as a form of ethnic nationalism[2] or as a form of ethno-cultural nationalism with civic nationalist components.[3]
- ^ The reasons for this decision were explained by His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in a speech to the House of Commons on February 18, 1947, in which he said:
"His Majesty's Government have been faced with an irreconcilable conflict of principles. There are in Palestine about 1,200,000 Arabs and 600,000 Jews. For the Jews the essential point of principle is the creation of a sovereign Jewish State. For the Arabs, the essential point of principle is to resist to the last establishment of Jewish sovereignty in any part of Palestine. The discussions of the last month have quite clearly shown that there is no prospect of resolving this conflict by any settlement negotiated between the parties. But if the conflict has to be resolved by an arbitrary decision, that is not a decision which His Majesty's Government are empowered, as Mandatory, to take. His Majesty's Government have of themselves no power, under the terms of the Mandate, to award the country either to the Arabs or to the Jews, or even to partition it between them." - ^ Nur Masalha The Palestine Nakba 2012 p. 28: "In the 1930s and 1940s the Zionist leadership found it expedient to euphemise, using the term 'transfer' or ha'avarah — the Hebrew euphemism for ethnic cleansing — one of the most enduring themes of Zionist colonisation of Palestine."
- ^ On this topic, Ben-Ami writes: "This is how a Brit-Shalom Ihud, non-Zionist member of the Jewish Agency, Werner Senator, put it: 'If I weigh the catastrophe of five million Jews against the transfer of one million Arabs, then with a clean and easy conscience I can state that even more drastic acts are permissible.'"[218]
- ^ Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited (2003) "Transfer was inevitable and inbuilt into Zionism – because it sought to transform a land which was 'Arab' into a 'Jewish' state and a Jewish state could not have arisen without a major displacement of Arab popu- lation; and because this aim automatically produced resistance among the Arabs which, in turn, persuaded the Yishuv's leaders that a hostile Arab majority or large minority could not remain in place if a Jewish state was to arise or safely endure."
- ^ The settler colonial paradigm, linked to Israeli critical sociology, post-Zionism, and postcolonialism, reemerged following changes in the political landscape from the mid-1990s that reframed the history of the Nakba as enduring, challenged the Jewish definition of the state, and legitimated Palestinians as agents of history. Palestinian scholars in Israel lead the paradigm's reformulation.[361]
- ^ /ˈzaɪ.ənɪzəm/ ZY-ə-niz-əm; Hebrew: צִיּוֹנוּת, romanized: Ṣīyyonūt, IPA: [tsijoˈnut]
Citations
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Conforti, Yitzhak (March 2024). "Zionism and the Hebrew Bible: from religious holiness to national sanctity". Middle Eastern Studies. 60 (3). Taylor & Francis: 483–497. doi:10.1080/00263206.2023.2204516. ISSN 1743-7881. LCCN 65009869. OCLC 875122033. S2CID 258374291.
- ^ Medding, P. Y. (1995). Studies in Contemporary Jewry: XI: Values, Interests, and Identity: Jews and Politics in a Changing World. Oxford University Press/Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-19-510331-1. Retrieved March 11, 2019.
- ^ Gans, Chaim (2008). A Just Zionism: On the Morality of the Jewish State. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340686.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-986717-2. Archived from the original on December 27, 2019. Retrieved March 16, 2019.
- ^ "Should the powers show themselves willing to grant us sovereignty over a neutral land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two regions come to mind: Palestine and Argentina. Significant experiments in colonization have been made in both countries, though on the mistaken principle of gradual infiltration of Jews. Infiltration is bound to end badly." Theodor Herzl quoted in "Zionism without Zion"? Territorialist Ideology and the Zionist Movement, 1882–1956,' Jewish Social Studies, Fall 2011, Vol. 18, No. 1 pp. 1-32, p.5, p.20
- ^ 'Colonisation can have only one aim, and Palestine Arabs cannot accept this aim. It lies in the very nature of things, and in this particular regard nature cannot be changed.. .Zionist colonisation must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population'. Ze'ev Jabotinsky (The Iron Wall 1923) cited Alan Balfour, The Walls of Jerusalem:Preserving the Past, Controlling the Future, Wiley 2019 ISBN 978-1-119-18229-0 p.59.
- ^ 'Dr. Arthur Ruppin was sent to Palestine for the first time in 1907 by the heads of the German [World] Zionist Organization in order to make a pilot study of the possibilities for colonization. . . Oppenheimer was a German sociologist and political economist. As a worldwide expert on colonization he became Herzl's advisor and formulated the first program for Zionist colonization, which he presented at the 6th Zionist Congress (Basel 1903) ….. Daniel Boyarin wrote that the group of Zionists who imagined themselves colonialists inclined to that persona "because sucha representation was pivotal to the entire project of becoming 'white men'." Colonization was seen as a sign of belonging to western and modern culture;' Etan Bloom, Arthur Ruppin and the Production of Pre-Israeli Culture, Brill 2011 ISBN 978-90-04-20379-2 pp.2,13, n.49,132.
- ^ "Never before", wrote Berl Katznelson, founding editor of the Histadrut daily, Davar, "has the white man undertaken colonization with that sense of justice and social progress which fills the Jew who comes to Palestine." Berl Katznelson cited in Shira Robinson, Citizen Strangers:Palestinians and the Birth of Israel's Liberal Settler State, Stanford University Press ISBN 978-0-804-78802-1 2013 p.18
- ^ "Zionism". Oxford Reference. Archived from the original on June 1, 2024. Retrieved June 25, 2024.
- ^ "Zionism | nationalistic movement". Archived from the original on December 25, 2018. Retrieved June 30, 2016.
- ^ Abramson, Glenda (2004). Encyclopedia of Modern Jewish Culture. Routledge. p. 120. ISBN 978-1-134-42865-6.
- ^ Motyl 2001, pp. 604..
- ^ Safrai, Zeʾev (May 2, 2018), "The Land in Rabbinic Literature", Seeking out the Land: Land of Israel Traditions in Ancient Jewish, Christian and Samaritan Literature (200 BCE – 400 CE), Brill, pp. 76–203, ISBN 978-90-04-33482-3, archived from the original on June 27, 2023, retrieved July 6, 2023 "The preoccupation of rabbinic literature in all its forms with the Land of Israel is without question intensive and constant. It is no wonder that this literature offers historians of the Land of Israel a wealth of information for the clarification of a wide variety of topics."
- ^ Biger, Gideon (2004). The Boundaries of Modern Palestine, 1840–1947. Routledge. pp. 58–63. ISBN 978-1-135-76652-8.
Unlike the earlier literature that dealt with Palestine's delimitation, the boundaries were not presented according to their historical traditional meaning, but according to the boundaries of the Jewish Eretz Israel that was about to be established there. This approach characterizes all the Zionist publications at the time ... when they came to indicate borders, they preferred the realistic condition and strategic economic needs over an unrealistic dream based on the historic past.' This meant that planners envisaged a future Palestine that controlled all the Jordan's sources, the southern part of the Litanni river in Lebanon, the large cultivatable area east of the Jordan, including the Houran and Gil'ad wheat zone, Mt Hermon, the Yarmuk and Yabok rivers, the Hijaz Railway ...
- ^ Motyl 2001, p. 604.
- ^ Herzl, Theodor (1988) [1896]. "Biography, by Alex Bein". Der Judenstaat [The Jewish state]. Translated by Sylvie d'Avigdor (republication ed.). New York: Courier Dover. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-486-25849-2. Archived from the original on January 1, 2014. Retrieved September 28, 2010.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Manna 2022, pp. 2 ("the principal objective of the Zionist leadership to keep as few Arabs as possible in the Jewish state"), 4 ("in the 1948 war, when it became clear that the objective that enjoyed the unanimous support of Zionists of all inclinations was to establish a Jewish state with the smallest possible number of Palestinians"), and 33 ("The Zionists had two cherished objectives: fewer Arabs in the country and more land in the hands of the settlers."); Khalidi 2020, p. 76, "The Nakba represented a watershed in the history of Palestine and the Middle East. It transformed most of Palestine from what it had been for well over a millennium—a majority Arab country—into a new state that had a substantial Jewish majority. This transformation was the result of two processes: the systematic ethnic cleansing of the Arab-inhabited areas of the country seized during the war; and the theft of Palestinian land and property left behind by the refugees as well as much of that owned by those Arabs who remained in Israel. There would have been no other way to achieve a Jewish majority, the explicit aim of political Zionism from its inception. Nor would it have been possible to dominate the country without the seizures of land."; Cohen 2017, p. 78, "As was suggested by Masalha (1992), Morris (1987), and other scholars, many preferred a state without Arabs or with as small a minority as possible, and plans for population transfers were considered by Zionist leaders and activists for years."; Lustick & Berkman 2017, pp. 47–48, "As Ben-Gurion told one Palestinian leader in the early 1930s, 'Our final goal is the independence of the Jewish people in Palestine, on both sides of the Jordan River, not as a minority, but as a community numbering millions" (Teveth 1985:130). Ipso facto, this meant Zionism's success would produce an Arab minority in Palestine, no matter what its geographical dimensions."; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014, p. 6, "It was obvious to most approaches within the Zionist movement – certainly to the mainstream as represented by Labor Zionism and its leadership headed by Ben Gurion, that a Jewish state would entail getting rid of as many of the Palestinian inhabitants of the land as possible ... Following Wolfe, we argue that the logic of demographic elimination is an inherent component of the Zionist project as a settler-colonial project, although it has taken different manifestations since the founding of the Zionist movement."; Masalha 2012, p. 38, "From the late nineteenth century and throughout the Mandatory period the demographic and land policies of the Zionist Yishuv in Palestine continued to evolve. But its demographic and land battles with the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine were always a battle for 'maximum land and minimum Arabs' (Masalha 1992, 1997, 2000)."; Lentin 2010, p. 7, "'the Zionist leadership was always determined to increase the Jewish space ... Both land purchases in and around the villages, and military preparations, were all designed to dispossess the Palestinians from the area of the future Jewish state' (Pappe 2008: 94)."; Shlaim 2009, p. 56, "That most Zionist leaders wanted the largest possible Jewish state in Palestine with as few Arabs inside it as possible is hardly open to question."; Pappe 2006, p. 250, "In other words, hitkansut is the core of Zionism in a slightly different garb: to take over as much of Palestine as possible with as few Palestinians as possible."; Morris 2004, p. 588, "But the displacement of Arabs from Palestine or from the areas of Palestine that would become the Jewish State was inherent in Zionist ideology and, in microcosm, in Zionist praxis from the start of the enterprise. The piecemeal eviction of tenant farmers, albeit in relatively small numbers, during the first five decades of Zionist land purchase and settlement naturally stemmed from, and in a sense hinted at, the underlying thrust of the ideology, which was to turn an Arab-populated land into a State with an overwhelming Jewish majority."
- ^ Jump up to: a b Yosef Gorni (1987). Zionism and the Arabs, 1882-1948: A Study of Ideology. Clarendon Press, 1987. ISBN 978-0-19-822721-2. Archived from the original on July 7, 2024. Retrieved June 23, 2024.
- ^ Shlomo Ben-Ami (2007). Scars of War, Wounds of Peace. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-532542-3. Archived from the original on June 24, 2024. Retrieved June 23, 2024.
The ethos of Zionism was twofold; it was about demography – ingathering the exiles in a viable Jewish state with as small an Arab minority as possible – and land.
- ^ "Zionism | Definition, History, Examples, & Facts | Britannica". www.britannica.com. January 13, 2024. Archived from the original on December 25, 2018. Retrieved July 11, 2023.
- ^ "Zionism". Oxford Learner's Dictionaries. Oxford. Archived from the original on November 24, 2022. Retrieved December 11, 2023.
- ^ Jump up to: a b "What is Zionism?". Vox. May 14, 2018. Archived from the original on March 9, 2021. Retrieved May 2, 2024.
- ^ Ben-Ami Shillony (2012). Jews & the Japanese: The Successful Outsiders. Tuttle Publishing. p. 88. ISBN 978-1-4629-0396-2. Archived from the original on December 25, 2018. Retrieved November 21, 2017.
(Zionism) arose in response to and in imitation of the current national movements of Central, Southern, and Eastern Europe
- ^ LeVine, Mark; Mossberg, Mathias (2014). One Land, Two States: Israel and Palestine as Parallel States. University of California Press. p. 211. ISBN 978-0-520-95840-1. Archived from the original on November 17, 2016. Retrieved March 16, 2016.
The parents of Zionism were not Judaism and tradition, but anti-Semitism and nationalism. The ideals of the French Revolution spread slowly across Europe, finally reaching the Pale of Settlement in the Russian Empire and helping to set off the Haskalah, or Jewish Enlightenment. This engendered a permanent split in the Jewish world, between those who held to a halachic or religious-centric vision of their identity and those who adopted in part the racial rhetoric of the time and made the Jewish people into a nation. This was helped along by the wave of pogroms in Eastern Europe that set two million Jews to flight; most wound up in America, but some chose Palestine. A driving force behind this was the Hovevei Zion movement, which worked from 1882 to develop a Hebrew identity that was distinct from Judaism as a religion.
- ^ Gelvin, James L. (2014). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War. Cambridge University Press. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-107-47077-4. Archived from the original on November 17, 2016. Retrieved March 16, 2016.
The fact that Palestinian nationalism developed later than Zionism and indeed in response to it does not in any way diminish the legitimacy of Palestinian nationalism or make it less valid than Zionism. All nationalisms arise in opposition to some "other". Why else would there be the need to specify who you are? And all nationalisms are defined by what they oppose. As we have seen, Zionism itself arose in reaction to anti-Semitic and exclusionary nationalist movements in Europe. It would be perverse to judge Zionism as somehow less valid than European anti-Semitism or those nationalisms. Furthermore, Zionism itself was also defined by its opposition to the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants of the region. Both the "conquest of land" and the "conquest of labor" slogans that became central to the dominant strain of Zionism in the Yishuv originated as a result of the Zionist confrontation with the Palestinian "other".
- ^ Cohen, Robin (1995). The Cambridge Survey of World Migration. Cambridge University Press. p. 504. ISBN 978-0-521-44405-7.
Zionism Colonize palestine.
- ^ Gelvin, James (2007). The Israel–Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-521-88835-6. Archived from the original on February 20, 2017. Retrieved February 19, 2016.
- ^ Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, 2006, pp. 10–11
- ^ Jump up to: a b Adam Rovner (2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel. NYU Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1. Archived from the original on November 17, 2016. Retrieved March 16, 2016.
European Jews swayed and prayed for Zion for nearly two millennia, and by the end of the nineteenth century their descendants had transformed liturgical longing into a political movement to create a Jewish national entity somewhere in the world. Zionism's prophet, Theodor Herzl, considered Argentina, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Mozambique, and the Sinai Peninsula as potential Jewish homelands. It took nearly a decade for Zionism to exclusively concentrate its spiritual yearning on the spatial coordinates of Ottoman Palestine.
- ^ Gamlen, Alan (2019). Human Geopolitics: States, Emigrants, and the Rise of Diaspora Institutions. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-883349-9. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved March 2, 2021.
- ^ Butenschøn, Nils A. (2006). "Accommodating Conflicting Claims to National Self-determination. The Intractable Case of Israel/Palestine". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights. 13 (2/3): 285–306. doi:10.1163/157181106777909858. ISSN 1385-4879. JSTOR 24675372.
[T]he Zionist claim to Palestine on behalf of world Jewry as an extra-territorial population was unique, and not supported (as admitted at the time) by established interpretations of the principle of national self-determination, expressed in the Covenant of the League of later versions), and as applied to the other territories with the same status as Palestine ('A' mandate).
- ^ Derek J. Penslar (2023). Zionism. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-7609-1.
- ^ 'Should the powers show themselves willing to grant us sovereignty over a neutral land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two regions come to mind: Palestine and Argentina. Significant experiments in colonization have been made in both countries, though on the mistaken principle of gradual infiltration of Jews. Infiltration is bound to end badly.'(b) 'Only settlement on a grand scale would bring about a solution to the Jewish problem: the Jews must colonize rather than infiltrate and assimilate. This principle was similar to the assertions of Herzl or Zangwill.' Theodor Herzl cited in Gur Alroey, "Zionism without Zion"? Territorialist Ideology and the Zionist Movement, 1882–1956,' Jewish Social Studies, Fall 2011, Vol. 18, No. 1 pp. 1-32, p.5, p.20
- ^ Shlomo Ben-Ami (2007). Scars of War, Wounds of Peace. Oxford University Press. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-19-532542-3. Archived from the original on July 7, 2024. Retrieved June 23, 2024.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Anita Shapira (1992). Land and Power. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-506104-8. Archived from the original on July 7, 2024. Retrieved June 23, 2024.
- ^ Noam Chomsky (1999). Fateful Triangle. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-1530-0. Archived from the original on June 24, 2024. Retrieved June 23, 2024.
- ^ Shlomo Ben-Ami (2022). Prophets Without Honor. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-006047-3. Archived from the original on June 24, 2024. Retrieved June 23, 2024.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Avi Shlaim. The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World. W.W. Norton, 2001. ISBN 978-0-393-32112-8.[page needed]
- ^ Israel Affairs. Volume 13, Issue 4, 2007 – Special Issue: Postcolonial Theory and the Arab-Israel Conflict – De-Judaizing the Homeland: Academic Politics in Rewriting the History of Palestine. S. Ilan Troen
- ^ Aaronson, Ran (1996). "Settlement in Eretz Israel – A Colonialist Enterprise? "Critical" Scholarship and Historical Geography". Israel Studies. 1 (2). Indiana University Press: 214–229. Archived from the original on December 21, 2013. Retrieved July 30, 2013.
- ^ "Zionism and British imperialism II: Imperial financing in Palestine", Journal of Israeli History: Politics, Society, Culture. Volume 30, Issue 2, 2011. pp. 115–139. Michael J. Cohen
- ^ Jump up to: a b c
- Shafir, Gershon, Being Israeli: The Dynamics of Multiple Citizenship, Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. 37–38
- Bareli, Avi, "Forgetting Europe: Perspectives on the Debate about Zionism and Colonialism", in Israeli Historical Revisionism: From Left to Right, Psychology Press, 2003, pp. 99–116
- Pappé Ilan, A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 72–121
- Prior, Michael, The Bible and colonialism: a moral critique, Continuum International Publishing Group, 1997, pp. 106–215
- Shafir, Gershon, "Zionism and Colonialism", in The Israel / Palestinian Question, by Ilan Pappe, Psychology Press, 1999, pp. 72–85
- Lustick, Ian, For the Land and the Lord ...
- Zuriek, Elia, The Palestinians in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism, Routledge & K. Paul, 1979
- Penslar, Derek J., "Zionism, Colonialism and Postcolonialism", in Israeli Historical Revisionism: From Left to Right, Psychology Press, 2003, pp. 85–98
- Pappe, Ilan, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Oneworld, 2007
- Masalha, Nur (2007), The Bible and Zionism: invented traditions, archaeology and post-colonialism in Palestine-Israel, vol. 1, Zed Books, p. 16
- Thomas, Baylis (2011), The Dark Side of Zionism: Israel's Quest for Security Through Dominance, Lexington Books, p. 4
- Prior, Michael (1999), Zionism and the State of Israel: A Moral Inquiry, Psychology Press, p. 240
- ^ Jump up to: a b
- Zionism, imperialism, and race, Abdul Wahhab Kayyali, ʻAbd al-Wahhāb Kayyālī (Eds), Croom Helm, 1979
- Gerson, Allan, "The United Nations and Racism: the Case of Zionism and Racism", in Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987, Volume 17; Volume 1987, Yoram Dinstein, Mala Tabory (Eds), Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1988, p. 68
- Hadawi, Sami, Bitter harvest: a modern history of Palestine, Interlink Books, 1991, p. 183
- Beker, Avi, Chosen: the history of an idea, the anatomy of an obsession, Macmillan, 2008, pp. 131, 139, 151
- Dinstein, Yoram, Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987, Volume 17; Volume 1987, pp. 31, 136
- Harkabi, Yehoshafat, Arab attitudes to Israel, pp. 247–248
- ^ See for example: M. Shahid Alam (2010), Israeli Exceptionalism: The Destabilizing Logic of Zionism Paperback, or "Through the Looking Glass: The Myth of Israeli Exceptionalism" Archived September 21, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, Huffington Post
- ^ Nur Masalha (2007). The Bible and Zionism: Invented Traditions, Archaeology and Post-Colonialism in Palestine- Israel. Zed Books. p. 314. ISBN 978-1-84277-761-9. Archived from the original on January 12, 2017. Retrieved February 19, 2016.
- ^ Ned Curthoys; Debjani Ganguly (2007). Edward Said: The Legacy of a Public Intellectual. Academic Monographs. p. 315. ISBN 978-0-522-85357-5. Archived from the original on January 12, 2017. Retrieved May 12, 2013.
- ^ Nādira Shalhūb Kīfūrkiyān (2009). Militarization and Violence Against Women in Conflict Zones in the Middle East: A Palestinian Case-Study. Cambridge University Press. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-521-88222-4. Archived from the original on May 2, 2014. Retrieved May 12, 2013.
- ^ Paul Scham; Walid Salem; Benjamin Pogrund (2005). Shared Histories: A Palestinian-Israeli Dialogue. Left Coast Press. pp. 87–. ISBN 978-1-59874-013-4. Archived from the original on January 7, 2014. Retrieved May 12, 2013.
- ^ "After two thousand years of struggle for survival, the reality of Israel is a colonial state.' Avraham Burg cited Tony Judt, Israel:The Alternative New York Review of Books 23 October 2003
- ^ Morris, Benny (October 2008). 1948: A History of the First Arab–Israeli War. Yale University Press. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3. Archived from the original on March 11, 2024. Retrieved January 27, 2024.
But once there, the settlers could not avoid noticing the majority native population. It was from them, as two of the first settlers put it, that 'we shall... take away the country... through stratagems, without drawing upon us their hostility before we become the strong and populous ones.'
- ^ Jabotinsky, Ze'ev (November 4, 1923). "The Iron Wall" (PDF). pp. 6–7. Archived (PDF) from the original on May 9, 2024. Retrieved April 17, 2024.
It does not matter at all which phraseology we employ in explaining our colonising aims, Herzl's or Sir Herbert Samuel's. Colonisation carries its own explanation, the only possible explanation, unalterable and as clear as daylight to every ordinary Jew and every ordinary Arab... Zionist colonisation must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population.
- ^ Jump up to: a b G. Finkelstein, Norman (2003). Image and reality of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Verso Books. p. 109. ISBN 978-1-85984-442-7. Archived from the original on July 26, 2023. Retrieved January 27, 2024.
The 'defensive ethos' was never the operative ideology of mainstream Zionism. From beginning to end, Zionism was a conquest movement. The subtitle of Shapira's study is 'The Zionist Resort to Force'. Yet, Zionism did not 'resort' to force. Force was – to use Shapira's apt phrase in her conclusion – 'inherent in the situation' (p. 357). Gripped by messianism after the issuance of the Balfour Declaration, the Zionist movement sought to conquer Palestine with a Jewish Legion under the slogan 'In blood and fire shall Judea rise again' (pp. 83–98). When these apocalyptic hopes were dispelled and displaced by the mundane reality of the British Mandate, mainstream Zionism made a virtue of necessity and exalted labor as it proceeded to conquer Palestine 'dunum by dunum, goat by goat'. Force had not been abandoned, however. Shapira falsely counterposes settlement ('by virtue of labor') to force ('by dint of conquest'). Yet, settlement was force by other means. Its purpose, in Shapira's words, was to build a 'Jewish infrastructure in Palestine' so that 'the balance of power between Jews and Arabs had shifted in favor of the former' (pp. 121, 133; cf. p. 211). To the call of a Zionist leader on the morrow of Tel Hai that 'we must be a force in the land', Shapira adds the caveat: 'He was not referring to military might but, rather, to power in the sense of demography and colonization' (p. 113). Yet, Shapira willfully misses the basic point that 'demography and colonization' were equally force. Moreover, without the 'foreign bayonets' of the British Mandate, the Zionist movement could not have established even a toehold, let alone struck deep roots, in Palestine. Toward the end of the 1930s and especially after World War II, a concatenation of events – Britain's waning commitment to the Balfour Declaration, the escalation of Arab resistance, the strengthening of the Yishuv, etc. – caused a consensus to crystallize within the Zionist movement that the time was ripe to return to the original strategy of conquering Palestine 'by blood and fire'.
- ^ This is Jerusalem, Menashe Harel, Canaan Publishing, Jerusalem, 1977, pp. 194–195
- ^ Pixner, Bargil (2010). Paths of the Messiah. Ignatius Pres. pp. 320–322.
- ^ Neusner, Jacob (1991). An Introduction to Judaism - A Textbook Reader. Westminister Press. p. 469.
- ^ Barnett, Michael (2020), Phillips, Andrew; Reus-Smit, Christian (eds.), "The Jewish Problem in International Society", Culture and Order in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–249, doi:10.1017/9781108754613.011, ISBN 978-1-108-48497-8, S2CID 214484283, archived from the original on April 15, 2021, retrieved April 15, 2021
- ^ Kühntopf-Gentz, Michael (1990). Nathan Birnbaum: Biographie (in German). Eberhard-Karls-Universität zu Tübingen. p. 39. Archived from the original on July 7, 2023. Retrieved July 7, 2023.
Nathan Birnbaum wird immer wieder als derjenige erwähnt, der die Begriffe "Zionismus" und "zionistisch" eingeführt habe, auch sieht er es selbst so, obwohl er es später bereut und Bedauern darüber äußert, wie die von ihm geprägten Begriffe verwendet werden. Das Wort "zionistisch" erscheint bei Birnbaum zuerst in einem Artikel der "Selbst-Emancipation" vom 1 April 1890: "Es ist zu hoffen, dass die Erkenntnis der Richtigkeit und Durchführbarkeit der zionistischen Idee stets weitere Kreise ziehen und in der Assimilationsepoche anerzogene Vorurteile beseitigen wird"
- ^ Selbst-Emancipation: Zeitschrift für die nationalen, socialen und politischen Interessen des jüdischen Stammes; Organ der Zionisten: (1.4.1890). 1890 Heft 1 (1.4.1890). Wien (in German). August 13, 1890. Archived from the original on July 8, 2023. Retrieved July 7, 2023 – via Digitale Sammlungen.
- ^ Hudson, David (2012). The Handy History Answer Book (The Handy Answer Book Series). Visible Ink Press. p. 322.
Zionism was founded as a nationalist movement to establish an independent Jewish state; it began in the 1890s, and roughly fifty years later, in 1948, the movement's activism resulted in the proclamation of the state of Israel. Since that time, Zionism has focused its efforts on building bridges between Israel and Jewish people around the world.
- ^ Stanislawski, Michael (2016). Zionism: A Very Short Introduction (Very Short Introductions). Oxford University Press. p. 1.
Zionism - the nationalist movement calling for the establishment and support of an independent state for the Jewish people in its ancient homeland - is today one of the most controversial ideologies in the world.
- ^ Gideon Shimoni, The Zionist Ideology (1995)
- ^ Jump up to: a b Yosef Gorny, Zionism and the Arabs, 1882–1948: A Study of Ideology, Oxford 1987
- ^ Aviel Roshwald, "Jewish Identity and the Paradox of Nationalism", in Michael Berkowitz, (ed.). Nationalism, Zionism and Ethnic Mobilization of the Jews in 1900 and Beyond, p. 15.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Anita Shapira (1992). Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881-1948. Oxford University Press. pp. 247, 249, 251–252, 350, 365. ISBN 978-0-19-506104-8.
It is doubtful whether [the] external differences in framework and patterns of behavior were sufficient to create a different attitude toward fighting or to develop "civilian" barriers to military callousness and insensitivity...if a village had served as a hiding place for an Arab gang, it was permissible to place collective responsibility on the village.
- ^ Pergola, Sergio della (2001). "Demography in Israel/Palestine: Trends, Prospects, Policy Implications" (PDF). Semantic Scholar. S2CID 45782452. Archived from the original (PDF) on August 20, 2018.
- ^ Wylen, Stephen M. Settings of Silver: An Introduction to Judaism, 2nd. ed., Paulist Press, 2000, p. 392.
- ^ Walter Laqueur, The History of Zionism (2003) p. 40
- ^ Herzl, Theodor (2012). The Jewish State. Courier Corporation. p. 80. ISBN 978-0-486-11961-8. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved June 9, 2021.
if all or any of the French Jews protest against this scheme on account of their own "assimilation," my answer is simple: The whole thing does not concern them at all. They are Jewish Frenchmen, well and good! This is a private affair for the Jews alone. The movement towards the organization of the State I am proposing would, of course, harm Jewish Frenchmen no more than it would harm the "assimilated" of other countries. It would, on the contrary, be distinctly to their advantage. For they would no longer be disturbed in their "chromatic function," as Darwin puts it, but would be able to assimilate in peace, because the present Anti-Semitism would have been stopped for ever. They would certainly be credited with being assimilated to the very depths of their souls, if they stayed where they were after the new Jewish State, with its superior institutions, had become a reality. The "assimilated" would profit even more than Christian citizens by the departure of faithful Jews; for they would be rid of the disquieting, incalculable, and unavoidable rivalry of a Jewish proletariat, driven by poverty and political pressure from place to place, from land to land. This floating proletariat would become stationary.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Masalha, Nur (2012). "Chapter 1: Zionism and European Settler-Colonialism". The Palestine Nakba. Zed Books. p. 342. ISBN 978-1-84813-973-2. Archived from the original on March 30, 2024. Retrieved February 4, 2024.
- ^ Gutmann, Emanuel (1988). "The Politics of the Second Generation". In Chelkowski, Peter J.; Pranger, Robert J. (eds.). Ideology and Power in the Middle East. Duke University Press. p. 305. doi:10.1515/9780822381501-014. ISBN 978-0-8223-8150-1. S2CID 242204076.
- ^ Hagit, Lavsky (2002). New Beginnings: Holocaust Survivors in Bergen-Belsen and the British Zone in Germany, 1945-1950. Wayne State University Press. p. 222. ISBN 978-0-8143-3009-8.
- ^ A.R. Taylor, "Vision and intent in Zionist Thought", in The Transformation of Palestine, ed. by I. Abu-Lughod, 1971, ISBN 978-0-8101-0345-0, p. 10
- ^ Patrick Wolfe (2006) Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native, Journal of Genocide Research, 8:4, 387-409, DOI: 10.1080/14623520601056240
- ^ Morris, Benny (October 2008). 1948: A History of the First Arab–Israeli War. Yale University Press. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3. Archived from the original on March 11, 2024. Retrieved January 27, 2024.
But once there, the settlers could not avoid noticing the majority native population. It was from them, as two of the first settlers put it, that 'we shall... take away the country... through stratagems, without drawing upon us their hostility before we become the strong and populous ones.'
- ^ Jabotinsky, Ze'ev (November 4, 1923). "The Iron Wall" (PDF). pp. 6–7. Archived (PDF) from the original on May 9, 2024. Retrieved April 17, 2024.
It does not matter at all which phraseology we employ in explaining our colonising aims, Herzl's or Sir Herbert Samuel's. Colonisation carries its own explanation, the only possible explanation, unalterable and as clear as daylight to every ordinary Jew and every ordinary Arab... Zionist colonisation must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population.
- ^ Avi Shlaim (2001). The Iron Wall. W.W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-32112-8.
Modern Zionism was a phenomenon of the late nineteenth-century Europe. It had its roots in the failure of Jewish efforts to become assimilated in Western society, in the intensification of antisemitism in Europe, and in the parallel and not unrelated upsurge of nationalism. If nationalism posed a problem to the Jews by identifying them as an alien and unwanted minority, it also suggested a solution: self-determination for the Jews in a state of their own in which they would constitute a majority.
- ^ David Goldberg (2009). To the Promised Land. Faber %26 Faber, Limited. ISBN 978-0-571-25423-1.
- ^ Tesler, Mark. Jewish History and the Emergence of Modern Political Zionism. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Printing Press, 1994.
- ^ Lewis, Paul (December 17, 1991). "U.N. Repeals Its '75 Resolution Equating Zionism With Racism". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on January 11, 2013. Retrieved October 8, 2023.
- ^ Derek J. Penslar (2023). Zionism. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-7609-1.
It is a belief that Jews have a moral right and historic need for self- determination within his-toric Palestine...Zionism, in turn, is the belief that Jews constitute a nation that has a right and need to pursue collec-tive self- determination within historic Palestine...Unlike other nationalisms, however, pre-1948 Zionism's claim on territory was aspirational, based in ancient memories and future hopes. Until well into the twentieth century, a negligible number of Jews lived in the Land of Israel.
- ^ Benny Morris (1999). Righteous Victims. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-679-74475-7.
Zionism had always looked to the day when a Jewish majority would enable the movement to gain control over the country: The Zionist leadership had never posited Jewish statehood with a minority of Jews ruling over a majority of Arabs, apartheidstyle.
- ^ Yosef Gorni (1987). Zionism and the Arabs, 1882-1948: A Study of Ideology. Clarendon Press, 1987. pp. Introduction, Chapter 8. ISBN 978-0-19-822721-2.
- ^ Shlomo Ben-Ami, Shlomo Ben-Ami Former Foreign Minister of Israel (2006). Scars of War, Wounds of Peace. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-518158-6.
Zionism is both a struggle for land and a demographic race; in essence, the aspiration for a territory with a Jewish majority...Zionist democratic diversity did not mean that there was no commonground between the major segments of the movement. Initially, Ben-Gurion preferred an 'iron wall of workers', namely settlements and Jewish infrastructure, on Jabotinsky's call for an iron wall of military might and deterrence... he even lashed out against what he defined as Jabotinsky's 'perverted national fanaticism', and against the Revisionists 'worthless prattle of sham heroes, whose lips becloud the moral purity of our national movement. . .' Eventually, however, under the growing chal-lenge of Arab nationalism and especially with the growth in the Yishuv of a collective mood of sacred Jewish nationalism following the Holocaust, the Labour Zionists, chief among them David Ben-Gurion, accepted forall practical purposes Jabotinsky's iron-wall strategy. The Jewish State could only emerge, and force the Arabs to accept it, if it erected around it an impregnable wall of Jewish might and deterrence.
- ^ Norman G. Finkelstein (2016). Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1-78478-458-4.
Within the Zionist ideological consensus there coexisted three relatively distinct tendencies – political Zionism, labor Zionism and cultural Zionism. Each was wedded to the demand for a Jewish majority, but not for entirely the same reasons.
- ^ Hirsch 2009, pp. 592–609 "The work of Jewish race scientists has been the subject of several recent studies (Efron 1994; R. Falk 2006; Hart 2000; Kiefer 1991; Lipphardt 2007; Y. Weiss 2002; see also Doron 1980). As these studies suggest, among Jewish physicians, anthropologists, and other 'men of science' in Central Europe, proponents of the idea that the Jews were a race were found mainly in the ranks of Zionists, as the idea implied a common biological nature of the otherwise geographically, linguistically, and culturally divided Jewish people, and offered scientific 'proof' of the ethno-nationalist myth of common descent (Doron 1980: 404; Y. Weiss 2002: 155). At the same time, many of these proponents agreed that the Jews were suffering a process of 'degeneration, and so their writings advanced the national project as a means of 'regeneration' and 'racial improvement' (R. Falk 2006; Hart 2000: 17)... In the Zionist case, the nation-building project was fused with a cultural project of Westernization. 'Race' was an integral concept in certain versions of nationalist thinking, and in Western identity (Bonnett 2003), albeit in different ways. In the discourse of Zionist men of science, 'race' served different purposes, according to the context in question. In some contexts 'race' was mainly used to establish Jewish unity, while in others it was used to establish diversity and hierarchy among Jews. The latter use was more common in texts which appeared in Palestine. It resulted from the encounter of European Zionists with Eastern Jews, and from the tension between the projects of nation-building and of Westernization in the context of Zionist settlement in the East."
- ^ Egorova, Yulia (2009). "The proof is in the genes? Jewish responses to DNA research". Culture and Religion. 10 (2). Informa UK Limited: 159–175. doi:10.1080/14755610903077554. ISSN 1475-5610. S2CID 30486332. Archived from the original on July 8, 2023. Retrieved July 11, 2023.
At the same time, the idea that Jews are a people connected to each other on a 'biological' level has been promoted by Zionist ideologues. This racialisation of Jewish identity in the rhetoric of the founders of Zionism was a response to the shift from Christian anti-Semitism to racial anti-Semitism, which occurred in Europe in the late nineteenth century.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Falk, R. (2014). "Genetic markers cannot determine Jewish descent". Frontiers in Genetics. 5 (462): 462. doi:10.3389/fgene.2014.00462. ISSN 1664-8021. PMC 4301023. PMID 25653666.
- ^ McGonigle 2021, p. 35 (c.f. p.52-53 of PhD): "Here, the ethnic composition of Israel is crucial. Despite the ambiguity in respect of the legal, biological, and social 'nature' of 'Jewish genes' and their intermittent role in the reproduction of Jewish identity, Israel is an ethnically diverse country. Many Jewish immigrants have arrived from Eastern Europe, North Africa, France, India, Latin America, Yemen, Iraq, Ethiopia, the US, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and the ex-Soviet Union, not to mention Israel's indigenous Arab minority of close to 2 million people. And while Jewishness has often been imagined as a biological race – most notably, and to horrific ends, by the Nazis, but also later by Zionists and early Israelis for state-building purposes – the initial origins of the Ashkenazi Jews who began the Zionist movement in turn-of-the-century Europe remain highly debated and enigmatic."
- ^ Abu El-Haj 2012, p. 98 "There is a "problem" regarding the origins of the Ashkenazim, which needs resolution: Ashkenazi Jews, who seem European—phenotypically, that is—are the normative center of world Jewry. No less, they are the political and cultural elite of the newly founded Jewish state. Given their central symbolic and political capital in the Jewish state and given simultaneously the scientific and social persistence of racial logics as ways of categorizing and understanding human groups, it was essential to find other evidence that Israel's European Jews were not in truth Europeans. The normative Jew had to have his/her origins in ancient Palestine or else the fundamental tenet of Zionism, the entire edifice of Jewish history and nationalist ideology, would come tumbling down. In short, the Ashkenazi Jew is the Jew—the Jew in relation to whose values and cultural practices the oriental Jew in Israel must assimilate. Simultaneously, however, the Ashkenazi Jew is the most dubious Jew, the Jew whose historical and genealogical roots in ancient Palestine are most difficult to see and perhaps thus to believe—in practice, although clearly not by definition."
- ^ Jump up to: a b Baker 2017, p. 100-102.
- ^ Morris-Reich, Amos (2006). "Arthur Ruppin's Concept of Race". Israel Studies. 11 (3). Indiana University Press: 1–30. doi:10.2979/ISR.2006.11.3.1. ISSN 1084-9513. JSTOR 30245648. S2CID 144898510.
- ^ Haddad, Hassan S. [in Arabic] (1974). "The Biblical Bases of Zionist Colonialism". Journal of Palestine Studies. 3 (4). [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies]: 98–99. doi:10.2307/2535451. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2535451.
The Zionist moveinent remains firmly anchored on the basic principle of the exclusive right of the Jews to Palestine that is found in the Torah and in other Jewish religious literature. Zionists who are not religious, in the sense of following the ritual practices of Judaism, are still biblical in their basic convictions in, and practical application of the ancient particularism of the Torah and the other books of the Old Testament. They are biblical in putting their national goals on a level that goes beyond historical, humanistic or moral considerations… We can summarize these beliefs, based on the Bible, as follows. 1. The Jews are a separate and exclusive people chosen by God to fulfil a destiny. The Jews of the twentieth century have inherited the covenant of divine election and historical destiny from the Hebrew tribes that existed more than 3000 years ago. 2. The covenant included a definite ownership of the Land of Canaan (Palestine) as patrimony of the Israelites and their descendants forever. By no name, and under no other conditions, can any other people lay a rightful claim to that land. 3. The occupation and settlement of this land is a duty placed collectively on the Jews to establish a state for the Jews. The purity of the Jewishness of the land is derived from a divine command and is thus a sacred mission. Accordingly, settling in Palestine, in addition to its economic and political motivations, acquires a romantic and mythical character. That the Bible is at the root of Zionism is recognized by religious, secular, non-observant, and agnostic Zionists… The Bible, which has been generally considered as a holy book whose basic tenets and whose historical contents are not commonly challenged by Christians and Jews, is usually referred to as the Jewish national record. As a "sacrosanct title-deed to Palestine," it has caused a fossilization of history in Zionist thinking… Modern Jews, accordingly, are the direct descendants of the ancient Israelites, hence the only possible citizens of the Land of Palestine.
- ^ Jump up to: a b McGonigle 2021, p. 36 (c.f. p.54 of PhD): "The stakes in the debate over Jewish origins are high, however, since the founding narrative of the Israeli state is based on exilic 'return.' If European Jews have descended from converts, the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as 'settler colonialism' pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people. The politics of 'Jewish genetics' is consequently fierce. But irrespective of philosophical questions of the indexical power or validity of genetic tests for Jewishness, and indeed the historical basis of a Jewish population 'returning' to the Levant, the Realpolitik of Jewishness as a measurable biological category could also impinge on access to basic rights and citizenship within Israel."
- ^ Rich, Dave (January 2, 2017). "Anti-Judaism, Antisemitism, and Delegitimizing Israel". Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs. 11 (1): 101–104. doi:10.1080/23739770.2017.1315682. ISSN 2373-9770. S2CID 152132582. Archived from the original on July 8, 2023. Retrieved July 11, 2023.
- ^ McGonigle 2021, p. (c.f. p.218-219 of PhD): "The [Israeli national] biobank stands for unmarked global modernity and secular technoscientific progress. It is within the other pole of the Israeli cultural spectrum that one finds right-wingers appropriating genetics as a way of imagining the tribal particularity of Jews, as a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return. It is across this political spectrum that the natural facts of genetics research discursively migrate and transform into the mythologized ethnonationalism of the bio-nation. However, Israel has also moved towards a market-based society, and as the majority of the biomedical research is moving to private biotech companies, the Israeli biobank is becoming underused and outmoded. The epistemics of Jewish genetics fall short of its mythic circulatory semiotics. This is the ultimate lesson from my ethnographic work in Israel."
- ^ Abu El-Haj 2012, p. 18 "What is evident in the work in Israeli population genetics is a desire to identify biological evidence for the presumption of a common Jewish peoplehood whose truth was hard to "see," especially in the face of the arrival of oriental Jews whose presumably visible civilizational and phenotypic differences from the Ashkenazi elite strained the nationalist ideology upon which the state was founded. Testament to the legacy of racial thought in giving form to a Zionist vision of Jewish peoplehood by the mid-twentieth century, Israeli population researchers never doubted that biological facts of a shared origin did indeed exist, even as finding those facts remained forever elusive… Looking at the history of Zionism through the lens of work in the biological sciences brings into focus a story long sidelined in histories of the Jewish state: Jewish thinkers and Zionist activists invested in race science as they forged an understanding of the Jewish people and fought to found the Jewish state. By the mid-twentieth century, a biological self-definition—even if not seamlessly a racial one, at least not as race was imagined at the turn of the twentieth century—had become common-sensical for many Jewish nationalists, and, in significant ways, it framed membership and shaped the contours of national belonging in the Jewish state."
- ^ E. Schweid, "Rejection of the Diaspora in Zionist Thought", in Essential Papers on Zionism, ed. by Reinharz & Shapira, 1996, ISBN 978-0-8147-7449-6, p. 133
- ^ Lewis, Bernard (1999). Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-24556-1. Archived from the original on July 7, 2024. Retrieved July 17, 2020.
- ^ Lustick, Ian S. (2003). "Zionist Ideology and Its Discontents: A Research Note". Israel Studies Forum. 19 (1): 98–103. ISSN 1557-2455. JSTOR 41805179.
- ^ Claeys, Gregory (2013). Encyclopedia of Modern Political Thought (set). CQ Press. ISBN 978-1-4522-3415-1. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved July 17, 2020.
- ^ Don-Yehiya, Eliezer (1992). "The Negation of Galut in Religious Zionism". Modern Judaism. 12 (2): 129–155. doi:10.1093/mj/12.2.129. ISSN 0276-1114. JSTOR 1396185.
- ^ Mandel, George (2005). "Ben-Yehuda, Eliezer [Eliezer Yizhak Perelman] (1858–1922)". Encyclopedia of modern Jewish culture. Glenda Abramson (New ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-29813-1. OCLC 57470923.
- ^ אברהם בן יוסף ,מבוא לתולדות הלשון העברית (Avraham ben-Yosef, Introduction to the History of the Hebrew Language), p. 38, אור-עם, Tel-Aviv, 1981.
- ^ Fellman, Jack (2011). The Revival of Classical Tongue: Eliezer Ben Yehuda and the Modern Hebrew Language. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-087910-0. OCLC 1089437441.
- ^ Derek J. Penslar (2023). Zionism. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-7611-4.
Zionism, in turn, is the belief that Jews constitute a nation that has a right and need to pursue collec-tive self- determination within historic Palestine.
- ^ M. Nicholson (2002). International Relations: A Concise Introduction. NYU Press. pp. 19–. ISBN 978-0-8147-5822-9. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved April 28, 2022. "The Jews are a nation and were so before there was a Jewish state of Israel"
- ^ Alan Dowty (1998). The Jewish State: A Century Later, Updated With a New Preface. University of California Press. pp. 3–. ISBN 978-0-520-92706-3. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved April 28, 2022. "Jews are a people, a nation (in the original sense of the word), an ethnos"
- ^ Raymond P. Scheindlin (1998). A Short History of the Jewish People: From Legendary Times to Modern Statehood. Oxford University Press. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-0-19-513941-9. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved April 28, 2022. Israelite origins and kingdom: "The first act in the long drama of Jewish history is the age of the Israelites"
- ^ Facts On File, Incorporated (2009). Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Africa and the Middle East. Infobase Publishing. pp. 337–. ISBN 978-1-4381-2676-0. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved April 28, 2022."The people of the Kingdom of Israel and the ethnic and religious group known as the Jewish people that descended from them have been subjected to a number of forced migrations in their history"
- ^ Harry Ostrer MD (2012). Legacy: A Genetic History of the Jewish People. Oxford University Press. pp. 26–. ISBN 978-0-19-997638-6. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved April 28, 2022.
- ^ "Jew | History, Beliefs, & Facts | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Archived from the original on August 4, 2022. Retrieved March 10, 2023.
In the broader sense of the term, a Jew is any person belonging to the worldwide group that constitutes, through descent or conversion, a continuation of the ancient Jewish people, who were themselves descendants of the Hebrews of the Old Testament.
- ^ "Hebrew | People, Religion, & Location | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Archived from the original on August 9, 2022. Retrieved March 10, 2023.
Hebrew, any member of an ancient northern Semitic people that were the ancestors of the Jews.
- ^ Brenner, Michael (2010). A short history of the Jews. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-14351-4. OCLC 463855870.
- ^ Harry Ostrer (2012). Legacy: a Genetic History of the Jewish People. Oxford University Press USA. ISBN 978-1-280-87519-9. OCLC 798209542.
- ^ Adams, Hannah (1840). The history of the Jews: from the destruction of Jerusalem to the present time. Sold at the London Society House and by Duncan and Malcom, and Wertheim. OCLC 894671497.
- ^ Finkelstein, Israel (2001). "The Rise of Jerusalem and Judah: the Missing Link". Levant. 33 (1): 105–115. doi:10.1179/lev.2001.33.1.105. ISSN 0075-8914. S2CID 162036657.
- ^ Faust, Avraham (2012). Judah in the Neo-Babylonian Period. Society of Biblical Literature. p. 1. doi:10.2307/j.ctt5vjz28. ISBN 978-1-58983-641-9.
- ^ Shapira, Anita (April 2004). "The Bible and Israeli Identity". AJS Review. 28 (1): 11–41. doi:10.1017/S0364009404000030. ISSN 1475-4541. S2CID 161984097. Archived from the original on November 19, 2023. Retrieved November 20, 2023.
- ^ Garaudy, Roger (January 1, 1977). "Religious and Historical Pretexts of Zionism". Journal of Palestine Studies. 6 (2): 41–52. doi:10.2307/2535501. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2535501. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved November 20, 2023.
- ^ Smith-Christopher, D. L. (January 1, 1997), "Reassessing the Historical and Sociological Impact of the Babylonian Exile (597/587–539 BCE)", Exile: Old Testament, Jewish, and Christian Conceptions, Brill, pp. 7–36, ISBN 978-90-04-49771-9, archived from the original on February 3, 2023, retrieved November 20, 2023
- ^ Max Mallowan (1972) Cyrus the Great (558–529 B.C.), Iran, 10:1, 1–17, DOI: 10.1080/05786967.1972.11834152
- ^ Helyer, Larry R.; McDonald, Lee Martin (2013). "The Hasmoneans and the Hasmonean Era". In Green, Joel B.; McDonald, Lee Martin (eds.). The World of the New Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts. Baker Academic. pp. 45–47. ISBN 978-0-8010-9861-1. OCLC 961153992.
The ensuing power struggle left Hyrcanus with a free hand in Judea, and he quickly reasserted Jewish sovereignty... Hyrcanus then engaged in a series of military campaigns aimed at territorial expansion. He first conquered areas in the Transjordan. He then turned his attention to Samaria, which had long separated Judea from the northern Jewish settlements in Lower Galilee. In the south, Adora and Marisa were conquered; (Aristobulus') primary accomplishment was annexing and Judaizing the region of Iturea, located between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains
- ^ Ben-Sasson, H.H. (1976). A History of the Jewish People. Harvard University Press. p. 226. ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6.
The expansion of Hasmonean Judea took place gradually. Under Jonathan, Judea annexed southern Samaria and began to expand in the direction of the coast plain... The main ethnic changes were the work of John Hyrcanus... it was in his days and those of his son Aristobulus that the annexation of Idumea, Samaria and Galilee and the consolidation of Jewish settlement in Trans-Jordan was completed. Alexander Jannai, continuing the work of his predecessors, expanded Judean rule to the entire coastal plain, from the Carmel to the Egyptian border... and to additional areas in Trans-Jordan, including some of the Greek cities there.
- ^ Ben-Eliyahu, Eyal (2019). Identity and Territory: Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. Univ of California Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-520-29360-1. OCLC 1103519319.
From the beginning of the Second Temple period until the Muslim conquest—the land was part of imperial space. This was true from the early Persian period, as well as the time of Ptolemy and the Seleucids. The only exception was the Hasmonean Kingdom, with its sovereign Jewish rule—first over Judah and later, in Alexander Jannaeus's prime, extending to the coast, the north, and the eastern banks of the Jordan.
- ^ Abraham Malamat (1976). A History of the Jewish People. Harvard University Press. pp. 223–239. ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6.
- ^ Zissu, Boaz (2018). "Interbellum Judea 70–132 CE: An Archaeological Perspective". Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries: The Interbellum 70‒132 CE. Joshua Schwartz, Peter J. Tomson. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. p. 19. ISBN 978-90-04-34986-5. OCLC 988856967.
- ^ Sebag Montefiore, Simon (2012). Jerusalem: The Biography (First Vintage books ed.). New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-307-28050-3.
- ^ H.H. Ben-Sasson, A History of the Jewish People, Harvard University Press, 1976, ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6, p. 334: "In an effort to wipe out all memory of the bond between the Jews and the land, Hadrian changed the name of the province from Iudaea to Syria-Palestina, a name that became common in non-Jewish literature."
- ^ Ariel Lewin. The archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine. Getty Publications, 2005 p. 33. "It seems clear that by choosing a seemingly neutral name—one juxtaposing that of a neighboring province with the revived name of an ancient geographical entity (Palestine), already known from the writings of Herodotus—Hadrian was intending to suppress any connection between the Jewish people and that land." ISBN 978-0-89236-800-6
- ^ Ehrlich, Michael (2022). The Islamization of the Holy Land, 634–1800. Arc Humanity Press. p. 33. ISBN 978-1-64189-222-3. OCLC 1310046222.
- ^ David Goodblatt, 'The political and social history of the Jewish community in the Land of Israel,' in William David Davies, Louis Finkelstein, Steven T. Katz (eds.) The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period, Cambridge University Press, 2006 pp. 404–430 [406].
- ^ Edward Kessler (2010). An Introduction to Jewish-Christian Relations. Cambridge University Press. p. 72. ISBN 978-0-521-70562-2.
- ^ Ashkenaz, Eli. "Researchers Race to Document Vanishing Jewish Heritage of Galilee Druze Village". Haaretz. Archived from the original on March 26, 2023. Retrieved March 10, 2023.
Zinati, who was born in 1931, is the last link in the chain of a Jewish community that apparently maintained a continuous presence in Peki'in since the time of the Second Temple, when three families from the ranks of the kohenim, the priestly caste that served in the Temple, moved there. Since then, the only known break in the Jewish presence was during two years in the late 1930s, when the town's Jews fled the Arab riots of 1936–39. Most of them went to what they called the Hadera diaspora. But one family, Zinati's, returned home in 1940.
- ^ Lassner, Jacob; Troen, Selwyn Ilan (2007). Jews and Muslims in the Arab World: Haunted by Pasts Real and Imagined. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 314. ISBN 978-0-7425-5842-7. Archived from the original on March 26, 2023. Retrieved June 6, 2021.
...the small community of Peki'in in the mountains of the Galilee, not far from Safed, whose present-day residents could demonstrate that they were direct descendants of inhabitants of the village who had never gone into exile.
- ^ Havrelock, Rachel (2011). River Jordan: The Mythology of a Dividing Line. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-31957-5. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved April 28, 2022.
- ^ "Exodus 6:4 I also established my covenant with them to give them the land of Canaan, where they resided as foreigners". Bible.cc. Archived from the original on January 21, 2013. Retrieved August 11, 2013.
- ^ Kallai, Zecharia (1997). "The Patriarchal Boundaries, Canaan and the Land of Israel: Patterns and Application in Biblical Historiography". Israel Exploration Journal. 47 (1/2): 69–82. ISSN 0021-2059. JSTOR 27926459.
The major problem is the intimate relationship of these boundaries to those of the Promised Land, notwithstanding an indubitable territorial disparity between them. A clear territorial distinction must be drawn between three concepts: 1) the patriarchal boundaries; 2) the land of Canaan; and 3) the land of Israel. Of these three, Canaan is the Promised Land, while the land of Israel, despite its partial territorial divergence, is the realization of this promise. The patriarchal boundaries, however, although closely linked with the promise of the land, patently differ from the other two delineations.
- ^ "Gen 15:18–21; NIV; On that day the LORD made a covenant". Bible Gateway. Archived from the original on October 22, 2013. Retrieved August 11, 2013.
- ^ Walter C. Kaiser, http://faculty.gordon.edu/hu/bi/ted_hildebrandt/otesources/01-genesis/text/articles-books/kaiser_promisedland_bsac.pdf Archived February 26, 2021, at the Wayback Machine 'The Promised Land: A Biblical–Historical View,' Biblioteca Sacra 138 (1981) pp. 302–312 Dallas Theological College.
- ^ Between Bible and Qurʾān: The Children of Israel and the Islamic Self-Image Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 17, (Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 1999), 57 f.
- ^ Taylor, A.R., 1971, Vision and intent in Zionist Thought, pp. 10, 11
- ^ "Sound the great shofar for our freedom, raise the banner to gather our exiles and gather us together from the four corners of the earth (Isaiah 11:12) Blessed are you, O Lord, Who gathers in the dispersed of His people Israel."
- ^ Halamish, Aviva (2008). "Zionist Immigration Policy Put to the Test: Historical analysis of Israel's immigration policy, 1948–1951". Journal of Modern Jewish Studies. 7 (2): 119–134. doi:10.1080/14725880802124164. ISSN 1472-5886. S2CID 143008924. Archived from the original on January 13, 2022. Retrieved May 7, 2022.
A number of factors motivated Israel's open immigration policy. First of all, open immigration—the ingathering of the exiles in the historic Jewish homeland—had always been a central component of Zionist ideology and constituted the raison d'etre of the State of Israel. The ingathering of the exiles (kibbutz galuyot) was nurtured by the government and other agents as a national ethos, the consensual and prime focus that united Jewish Israeli society after the War of Independence
- ^ Shohat, Ella (2003). "Rupture and Return: Zionist Discourse and the Study of Arab Jews". Social Text. 21 (2): 49–74. doi:10.1215/01642472-21-2_75-49. ISSN 1527-1951. S2CID 143908777. Archived from the original on March 4, 2021. Retrieved May 7, 2022.
Central to Zionist thinking was the concept of Kibbutz Galuiot—the "ingathering of the exiles." Following two millennia of homelessness and living presumably "outside of history," Jews could once again "enter history" as subjects, as "normal" actors on the world stage by returning to their ancient birth place, Eretz Israel
- ^ Russell, C. T., Gordon, H. L., & America, P. P. F. O. (1917). Zionism in Prophecy. Reprinted in Pastor Russell's Sermons. Brooklyn, NY: International Bible Students Association.
- ^ "The Abuhav Synagogue". www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org. Archived from the original on March 10, 2023. Retrieved March 10, 2023.
- ^ The Jerusalem Cathedra: Studies in the History, Archaeology, Geography and Ethnography of the Land of Israel, "Aliya from Babylonia During the Amoraic Period (200–500 AD)", Joshua Schwartz, pp.58–69, ed. Lee Levine, 1983, Yad Izhak Ben Zvi & Wayne State University Press
- ^ The Jerusalem Cathedra: Studies in the History, Archaeology, Geography and Ethnography of the Land of Israel, "Aliya and Pilgrimage in the Early Arab Period (634–1009)", Moshe Gil, 1983, Yad Izhak Ben Zvi & Wayne State University Press
- ^ «Изгнанное еврейство и тоска по Сиону, 1840-1240» . Челет . 2 августа 2008 г. Архивировано из оригинала 7 апреля 2022 г. Проверено 19 марта 2012 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Баер, Марк Дэвид (2011). Удостоенный славы ислама: обращение и завоевание в Османской Европе . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Оксфордского университета. п. 137. ИСБН 978-0-199-79783-7 . OCLC 657455452 . Архивировано из оригинала 7 июля 2024 года . Проверено 29 мая 2022 г.
Настойчивость Хатидже Турхан в обращении сводила на нет любые образовательные преимущества еврейских врачей перед другими. В отличие от середины шестнадцатого века, когда евреи, такие как Иосиф Наси, поднялись на высший медицинский пост в империи и играли активную роль при османском дворе, оставаясь при этом практикующими евреями, и даже убедили Сулеймана вмешаться в дела Папы от имени Португальские евреи, которые были османскими подданными, заключенными в тюрьму в Анконе, ведущие придворные врачи середины и конца семнадцатого века, такие как Хаятизаде и Нух Эфенди, должны были быть обращенными евреями.
- ^ Граф, Тобиас П. (2017). Отступники султана: европейцы-христиане, принявшие ислам, и формирование османской элиты: 1575–1610 гг . Оксфорд: Издательство Оксфордского университета. стр. 178–179. ISBN 978-0-19-250903-1 . OCLC 975125193 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 29 мая 2022 г.
(Наси) поселился в Османской империи, где открыто вернулся в иудаизм.
- ^ «Шаббатай Цеби Б. Мордехай - JewishEncyclepedia.com» . www.jewishencyclepedia.com . Архивировано из оригинала 26 марта 2023 года . Проверено 10 марта 2023 г.
- ^ «История Церкви СПД» . 6 апреля 2003 года. Архивировано из оригинала 6 апреля 2003 года . Проверено 10 марта 2023 г.
- ^ CD Смит, 2001, Палестина и арабо-израильский конфликт , 4-е изд., ISBN 978-0-312-20828-8 , стр. 1–12, 33–38
- ^ «Сионизм» . www.jewishencyclepedia.com . Архивировано из оригинала 10 марта 2023 года . Проверено 10 марта 2023 г.
- ^ Американское еврейское историческое общество, Том. 8, с. 80
- ^ Джерри Клингер. Майор Ной: американский патриот, американский сионист (PDF) . Американско-еврейское общество охраны исторического наследия . Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 3 марта 2016 года . Проверено 12 мая 2015 г.
- ^ «Мордехай Ной и собор Святого Павла: американское протосионистское решение «еврейской проблемы» » . Американско-еврейское общество охраны исторического наследия . Архивировано из оригинала 11 марта 2015 года . Проверено 12 мая 2015 г.
- ^ Бенни Моррис (2001). Праведные жертвы: история сионистско-арабского конфликта, 1881–2001 гг .
- ↑ Сионизм и британцы в Палестине . Архивировано 27 ноября 2007 г., в Wayback Machine , Сетхи, Арджун (Университет Мэриленда), январь 2007 г., по состоянию на 20 мая 2007 г.
- ^ Лакер, В. (2009). История сионизма: от Французской революции до создания государства Израиль . п. 84
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Герцль, Теодор (1896). «Палестина или Аргентина?» . Еврейское государство (на немецком языке). sammlungen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de. п. 29 (31). Архивировано из оригинала 25 августа 2016 года . Проверено 27 мая 2016 г.
- ^ Стефон, Мэтт, изд. (2012). Иудаизм: история, вера и практика (1-е изд.). Нью-Йорк: Образовательное издательство Britannica. п. 151. ИСБН 978-1-61530-537-7 .
- ^ Тейлор, Алан Р. (1974). «Изоляция Израиля». Журнал палестинских исследований . 4 (1): 82–93. дои : 10.2307/2535926 . ISSN 0377-919X . JSTOR 2535926 .
- ^ Джеффри, Кейт (1982). Монро, Элизабет; Харди, Фрэнк; Херрман, Ирвин; Эндрю, Кристофер М.; Каня-Форстнер, AS; Докрилл, Майкл Л.; Гулд, Дж. Дуглас; Дарвин, Джон; Кенез, Питер (ред.). «Соперничество великих держав на Ближнем Востоке». Исторический журнал . 25 (4): 1029–1038. дои : 10.1017/S0018246X00021415 . ISSN 0018-246X . JSTOR 2638650 . S2CID 162469637 .
- ^ Эллман, Майкл (2007). «Очередной поддельный «сталинский документ» ». Европа-Азиатские исследования . 59 (5): 869–872. дои : 10.1080/09668130701377714 . ISSN 0966-8136 . JSTOR 20451399 . S2CID 154952224 .
- ^ Томпсон, Гарднер (2019). Наследие империи: Великобритания, сионизм и создание Израиля . Лондон: Книги Саки. ISBN 978-0-86356-386-7 .
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с д Гольдштейн, Дж. (октябрь 1986 г.). «Отношение еврейской и русской интеллигенции к сионизму в начальный период (1897–1904)». Славянское и восточноевропейское обозрение . 64 (4): 546–556. ISSN 0037-6795 . JSTOR 4209355 .
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Ваксман, Хаим И. (май 1987 г.). «Мессианизм, сионизм и государство Израиль». Современный иудаизм . 7 (2): 175–192. дои : 10.1093/mj/7.2.175 . ISSN 0276-1114 . JSTOR 1396238 .
- ^ Шапира, Анита (25 января 2021 г.). «Герцль был новым евреем» . Мозаика . Архивировано из оригинала 8 декабря 2022 года . Проверено 24 ноября 2023 г.
- ^ Британская энциклопедия мировых религий . Британская энциклопедия . 2006. стр. 305–306. ISBN 978-1-59339-491-2 .
- ^ Вимер, Рейнхард (апрель 1987 г.). «Теории национализма и сионизма в первом десятилетии Государства Израиль». Ближневосточные исследования . 23 (2): 172–187. дои : 10.1080/00263208708700698 . ISSN 0026-3206 . JSTOR 4283170 .
- ^ «Флаг Израиля (стандартная марка), 11 ноября 2010 г. Четыре вехи в истории флага: Нецц-Циона, 1891 г.» (PDF) . Почта Израиля , Филателистическая служба Израиля . Архивировано (PDF) из оригинала 11 апреля 2024 г. Проверено 22 января 2024 г.
- ^ Гольдштейн, Джейкоб (1998). От бойцов к солдатам . Сассекс Академик Пресс . ISBN 1-902210-01-8 . Проверено 9 октября 2008 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Хеммингби, Катон. Конфликты и военная терминология: язык Армии обороны Израиля. Архивировано 11 января 2024 года в Wayback Machine . Магистерская диссертация, Университет Осло, 2011 г. По состоянию на 8 января 2021 г.
- ^ Кэрин С. Авив; Дэвид Шнеер (2005). Новые евреи: конец еврейской диаспоры . Нью-Йоркский университет Пресс. п. 10. ISBN 978-0-8147-4017-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 22 января 2016 г.
- ^ Хазони, Йорам (2000). Еврейское государство: борьба за душу Израиля . Нью-Йорк: Основные книги. п. 150. ИСБН 978-0-465-02902-0 .
Вспоминая свои взгляды, когда он написал «Еврейское государство» восемью годами ранее, он [Герцль] отметил, что в то время он открыто был готов рассмотреть возможность развития начатого бароном де Хиршем и создания еврейского государства в Аргентине. Но те времена давно прошли.
- ^ Фридман, М. (Мотти) (2021). Сионистское путешествие Теодора Герцля – исход и возвращение. Вальтер де Грюйтер ГмбХ & Ко КГ. стр. 239–240
- ^ Хазони, Йорам (2000). Еврейское государство: борьба за душу Израиля (1-е изд.). Нью-Йорк: Основные книги. п. 369. ИСБН 978-0-465-02902-0 .
После погрома Герцль решил изучить предложение Восточной Африки, написав Нордау: «Мы должны дать ответ Кишиневу, и это единственный ответ... Одним словом, мы должны играть в политику момента». ."
- ^ Кэрин С. Авив; Дэвид Шнеер (2005). Новые евреи: конец еврейской диаспоры . Нью-Йоркский университет Пресс. п. 10. ISBN 978-0-8147-4017-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 22 января 2016 г.
- ^ Лилли Вайсброд (2014). Израильская идентичность: в поисках преемника пионера, цабара и поселенца . Рутледж. п. 13. ISBN 978-1-135-29386-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 22 января 2016 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с Наоми Э. Пасачофф; Роберт Дж. Литтман (2005). Краткая история еврейского народа . Роуман и Литтлфилд. стр. 240–242. ISBN 978-0-7425-4366-9 . Архивировано из оригинала 19 февраля 2017 года . Проверено 19 февраля 2016 г.
- ^ Тесслер, Марк А. (1994). История израильско-палестинского конфликта . Издательство Университета Индианы. п. 55 . ISBN 978-0-253-20873-6 . Проверено 22 июня 2016 г.
Предположение о том, что Уганда может быть подходящей для еврейской колонизации, было впервые выдвинуто Джозефом Чемберленом, британским колониальным министром, который сказал, что думал о Герцле во время недавнего визита во внутренние районы Британской Восточной Африки. Герцль, который в то время обсуждал с британцами план еврейского поселения на Синае, положительно отреагировал на предложение Чемберлена, отчасти из-за желания углубить сионистско-британское сотрудничество и, в более общем плане, чтобы показать, что его дипломатические усилия способны приносить плоды.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Адам Ровнер (2014). В тени Сиона: земли обетованные до Израиля . Нью-Йоркский университет Пресс. п. 81. ИСБН 978-1-4798-1748-1 . Архивировано из оригинала 17 ноября 2016 года . Проверено 16 марта 2016 г.
Во второй половине четвертого дня Конгресса утомленный Нордау представил делегатам три резолюции: (1) что Сионистская организация направит все будущие усилия по урегулированию исключительно в Палестину; (2) что Сионистская организация поблагодарит британское правительство за предоставление ей другой автономной территории в Восточной Африке; и (3) что только те евреи, которые заявляют о своей приверженности Базельской программе, могут стать членами Сионистской организации». Зангвилл возражал ... Когда Нордау настоял на праве Конгресса принимать резолюции независимо от того, Зангвилл был возмущен. быть обвиненным перед судом истории», - бросил он вызов Нордау... Примерно с 13:30 в воскресенье, 30 июля 1905 года, сионистом отныне он будет определять как человека, который придерживается Базельской программы и единственной «подлинной интерпретации». Эта программа ограничивала поселенческую деятельность исключительно Палестиной. Зангвилл и его сторонники не могли принять «аутентичную интерпретацию» Нордау, которая, по их мнению, привела бы к отказу от еврейских масс и видения Герцля. Один территориалист утверждал, что избирательный блок Усишкина фактически « похоронил политический сионизм».
- ^ Лоуренс Дж. Эпштейн (2016). Мечта о Сионе: история Первого сионистского конгресса . Издательство Rowman & Littlefield. п. 97. ИСБН 978-1-4422-5467-1 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 23 ноября 2020 г.
- ^ Пол Р. Мендес-Флор; Иегуда Рейнхарц (1995). Еврей в современном мире: документальная история . Издательство Оксфордского университета. п. 552. ИСБН 978-0-19-507453-6 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 22 января 2016 г.
- ^ Эстрайх, Г. В упряжке: роман идишских писателей с коммунизмом. Иудейские традиции в литературе, музыке и искусстве. Сиракьюс, Нью-Йорк : Издательство Сиракузского университета, 2005. с. 30
- ^ Маша Гессен (2016). Где нет евреев: печальная и абсурдная история Биробиджана, Еврейской автономной области России . Издательская группа Кнопфа Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-8052-4341-3 .
- ^ Хагопян, Элейн К. (2016). «Примат воды в сионистском проекте» . Ежеквартальный журнал арабских исследований . 38 (4): 700–708. doi : 10.13169/arabstudquar.38.4.0700 . ISSN 0271-3519 . JSTOR 10.13169/arabstudquar.38.4.0700 .
- ^ Япп, Мэн (1 сентября 1987 г.). Создание современного Ближнего Востока 1792–1923 гг . Харлоу, Англия: Лонгман. п. 290 . ISBN 978-0-582-49380-3 .
- ^ «Мандат Лиги Наций в Палестине: 24 июля 1922 г.» . Stateofisrael.com . Архивировано из оригинала 13 ноября 2017 года . Проверено 12 марта 2018 г.
- ^ Лас, Нелли. «Международный совет еврейских женщин» . Международный совет еврейских женщин. Архивировано из оригинала 1 октября 2019 года . Проверено 20 ноября 2018 г.
- ^ Ламдан, Ицхак (1927). Масада .
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Кохави, Арье Дж. (1998). «Борьба с еврейской иммиграцией в Палестину». Ближневосточные исследования . 34 (3): 146–167. дои : 10.1080/00263209808701236 . JSTOR 4283956 .
- ↑ Исследование (30 июня 1978 г.): Истоки и эволюция палестинской проблемы, часть I: 1917–1947. Архивировано 29 ноября 2018 г., в Wayback Machine , дата доступа: 10 ноября 2018 г.
- ^ «Палестинская конференция (политика правительства) (Хансард, 18 февраля 1947 г.)» . Парламентские дебаты (Хансард) . 18 февраля 1947 года. Архивировано из оригинала 12 октября 2017 года . Проверено 10 марта 2023 г.
Таким образом, мы пришли к выводу, что единственный путь, который теперь открыт для нас, — это передать проблему на суд Организации Объединенных Наций...
Г-н Джаннер. До тех пор, пока этот вопрос не будет передан в Организацию Объединенных Наций, мы должны понимать, что мандат остается в силе. и что мы разберемся с ситуацией иммиграционных и земельных ограничений на основании условий мандата, и что Белая книга 1939 года будет отменена? ...
Мистер Бевин Нет, сэр. Мы пока не нашли замену этой Белой книге, и до сих пор, независимо от того, правильно это или неправильно, Палата представителей привержена ей. Это правовая позиция. Мы, по договоренности и соглашению, продлили период иммиграции, который должен был закончиться в декабре 1945 года. Будут ли какие-либо дальнейшие изменения, мое право, уважаемый. Друг, министр по делам колоний, который, конечно же, отвечает за управление этой политикой, рассмотрит это позже. - ^ Обзор Палестины (1946), Том I, Глава VI, стр. 141 и Дополнение к «Обзору Палестины» (1947), с. 10.
- ^ Флапан, Симха (1979), Сионизм и палестинцы . Лондон: Крум Хелм , стр. 141–142.
- ^ Джонсон, Пол (май 1998 г.). «Чудо». Комментарий . 105 : 21–28.
- ^ «Проект Авалон - Англо-американский комитет по расследованию - Предисловие» . avalon.law.yale.edu . Архивировано из оригинала 7 августа 2018 года . Проверено 10 марта 2023 г.
- ^ Равндал, Эллен Дженни (2010). «Выход Британии: выход Великобритании из мандата в Палестине в начале холодной войны, 1947–1948». Дипломатия и государственное управление . 21 (3): 416–433. дои : 10.1080/09592296.2010.508409 . ISSN 0959-2296 . S2CID 153662650 .
- ^ Хироаки Куромия (2013). Сталин . Рутледж. п. 193. ИСБН 978-1-317-86780-7 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 16 июня 2018 г.
- ^ П. Мендес (2014). Евреи и левые: взлет и падение политического союза . Спрингер. п. 107. ИСБН 978-1-137-00830-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 6 мая 2019 года . Проверено 16 июня 2018 г.
- ^ Габриэль Городецкий, «Роль Советского Союза в создании государства Израиль». Журнал истории Израиля 22.1 (2003): 4–20.
- ^ Специальный комитет ООН по Палестине; доклад Генеральной Ассамблее, A/364, 3 сентября 1947 г.
- ^ «Выдержки из журнала Time того времени» . Архивировано из оригинала 4 июня 2012 года.
- ^ Общий отчет о ходе работы и дополнительный отчет Согласительной комиссии Организации Объединенных Наций для Палестины, охватывающий период с 11 декабря 1949 г. по 23 октября 1950 г. Архивировано 20 мая 2014 г. в Wayback Machine (номер документа A/1367/Rev. .1); 23 октября 1950 г.
- ^ Кодмани-Дарвиш, с. 126; Ферон, Ферон, с. 94.
- ^ «Ближневосточное агентство ООН для помощи палестинским беженцам и организации работ» . БАПОР. 7 января 2015. Архивировано из оригинала 6 сентября 2013 года . Проверено 22 января 2016 г.
- ^ Хакоэн 1991 , с. 262 #2: «На встречах с иностранными официальными лицами в конце 1944 и в течение 1945 года Бен-Гурион назвал план, позволяющий одному миллиону беженцев немедленно въехать в Палестину, главной целью и главным приоритетом сионистского движения.
- ^ Хакоэн 2003 , с. 46: «После обретения независимости правительство представило Кнессету план удвоения еврейского населения в течение четырех лет. Это означало привлечение 600 000 иммигрантов за четырехлетний период. или 150 000 в год. новое государство действительно было тяжелым бременем. Оппоненты Еврейского агентства и правительства массовой иммиграции утверждали, что нет никаких оправданий для организации крупномасштабной эмиграции среди евреев, чья жизнь не была в опасности, особенно когда желание и мотивация не принадлежали им. собственный."
- ^ Хакоэн 2003 , с. 246–247: «И зависимость иммигрантов, и обстоятельства их прибытия сформировали отношение принимающего общества. Большая волна иммиграции в 1948 году не произошла спонтанно: она была результатом четкого внешнеполитического решения, которое облагало налогом В течение этого периода в ходе каждых публичных дебатов вновь всплывали два обвинения. : во-первых, процесс абсорбции вызвал неоправданные трудности; во-вторых, иммиграционная политика Израиля была ошибочной».
- ^ Хакоэн 2003 , с. 47: «Но как глава правительства, которому было поручено выбирать кабинет и руководить его деятельностью, Бен-Гурион имел огромную власть над социальным развитием страны. Его престиж поднялся на новую высоту после основания государства и впечатляющей победы ЦАХАЛ в войне за независимость Будучи премьер-министром и министром обороны в первой администрации Израиля, а также неоспоримым лидером крупнейшей политической партии страны, его мнение имело огромный вес. Таким образом, несмотря на сопротивление со стороны некоторых членов его кабинета, он. оставался неослабевающим в своем энтузиазме по поводу неограниченной массовой иммиграции и решил провести эту политику в жизнь».
- ^ Хакоэн 2003 , с. 247: «Несколько раз принимались резолюции об ограничении иммиграции как из европейских, так и из арабских стран. Однако эти ограничения так и не были реализованы на практике, главным образом из-за противодействия Бен-Гуриона. В качестве движущей силы в чрезвычайной ситуации в государстве Бен-Гурион – как премьер-министр, так и министр обороны – имел огромный вес благодаря своему вето. Его настойчивость в отношении права каждого еврея на иммиграцию одержала победу. Он не позволил, чтобы на него повлияли финансовые или другие соображения. который организовал широкомасштабную акцию, которая позволила евреям покинуть Восточную Европу и исламские страны, и именно он эффективно формировал внешнюю политику Израиля посредством ряда тайных мероприятий, проводимых за рубежом Министерством иностранных дел, Еврейским агентством и Моссадом. ле-Алия и Объединенный распределительный комитет, дорога была проложена для массовой иммиграции».
- ^ Эфраим Карш (2009). Арабо-израильский конфликт . Розен Паб. п. 12. ISBN 978-1-4042-1842-0 . Архивировано из оригинала 7 июля 2024 года . Проверено 27 апреля 2024 г.
- ^ Бенни Моррис (октябрь 2008 г.). 1948 год . Издательство Йельского университета. п. 1. ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 марта 2024 года . Проверено 27 января 2024 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с д Моррис, Бенни (2001). Праведные жертвы: история сионистско-арабского конфликта, 1881–2001 гг .
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Норман Г. Финкельштейн (2012). Знать слишком много . ИЛИ Книги. ISBN 978-1-935928-77-5 . Архивировано из оригинала 30 марта 2024 года . Проверено 4 февраля 2024 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б с Бен-Ами, Шломо (2007). Шрамы войны, раны мира . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-532542-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 24 июня 2024 года . Проверено 23 июня 2024 г.
- ^ Джером Слейтер (2020). Мифологии без конца . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6 . Архивировано из оригинала 24 июня 2024 года . Проверено 23 июня 2024 г.
- ^ Нур Масалха, Изгнание палестинцев: концепция «переноса» в сионистской политической мысли, 1882-1948 (1992), «Не следует думать, что концепция перемещения придерживалась только максималистов или экстремистов внутри сионистского движения. Напротив, его поддержали почти все оттенки мнений, от правых ревизионистов до левых лейбористов. Практически каждый член сионистского пантеона отцов-основателей и важных лидеров поддерживал его и защищал в той или иной форме, начиная с Хаима Вейцмана. и Владимир Жаботинский Давиду Бен-Гуриону и Менахему Усишкину . Среди сторонников передачи были такие умеренные, как «арабский умиротворитель» Моше Шерток и социалист Артур Руппин , основатель движения «Брит Шалом» , выступающего за равные права для арабов и евреев. предложения о переводе были выдвинуты самим Еврейским агентством , фактически правительством ишува».
- ^ Том Сегев, One Palestine, Complete (Нью-Йорк: 2001), стр. 404–5.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Норман Г. Финкельштейн (2016). Образ и реальность израильско-палестинского конфликта . Книги Версо. ISBN 978-1-78478-458-4 . Архивировано из оригинала 7 июля 2024 года . Проверено 23 июня 2024 г.
- ^ Йосеф Горни (1987). Сионизм и арабы, 1882-1948: исследование идеологии . Кларендон Пресс, 1987. ISBN. 978-0-19-822721-2 . Архивировано из оригинала 7 июля 2024 года . Проверено 23 июня 2024 г.
- ^ Симха Флапан (1979). Сионизм и палестинцы . Крумский шлем. ISBN 978-0-06-492104-6 . Архивировано из оригинала 7 июля 2024 года . Проверено 23 июня 2024 г.
- ^ Источник: Исследование Палестины , подготовленное в 1946 году для Англо-американского комитета по расследованию , том II, стр. 907 ГМСО 1946 г.
- ^ Шарфман, Дафна (1993). Жизнь без конституции: гражданские права в Израиле . Я Шарп. ISBN 978-0-7656-1941-9 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 23 ноября 2020 г.
- ^ Американский еврейский ежегодник, том. 45 (1943–1944) Пропалестинская и сионистская деятельность, стр. 206–214. Архивировано 3 августа 2019 г., в Wayback Machine.
- ^ «Хагшама.орг» . Архивировано из оригинала 6 декабря 2008 года.
- ^ «Сионистская философия» . Министерство иностранных дел Израиля . Архивировано из оригинала 18 мая 2015 года . Проверено 13 мая 2015 г.
- ^ Чтобы править Иерусалимом Роджер Фридланд, Ричард Хехт, Калифорнийский университет Press, 2000, стр. 203
- ^ http://humanities1.tau.ac.il/zionism/templates/ol_similu/files/israel16/Israel16_conforti.pdf. Архивировано 5 июня 2023 г., в Wayback Machine. Новый еврей в сионистской мысли: национализм, идеология и историография Ицхак Конфорти 2009 год Новый еврей в сионистской мысли: национализм, идеология и историография Ицхак Конфорти
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- ^ Карло Стренгер, «Нация знаний Израиль: новое объединяющее видение». Архивировано 4 марта 2016 г., в Wayback Machine , Azure Winter 2010, № 39, стр. 35–57.
- ^ Стренгер, Карло. «Израиль сегодня: общество без центра» . Гаарец . Архивировано из оригинала 26 марта 2023 года . Проверено 10 марта 2023 г.
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Сионистская колонизация должна либо прекратиться, либо продолжаться независимо от коренного населения. А это значит, что оно может продолжаться и развиваться только под защитой независимой от коренного населения силы – за железной стеной, которую коренное население не может пробить.
- ^ Ленни Бреннер , Железная стена: сионистский ревизионизм от Жаботинского до Шамира , Zed Books 1984, стр. 74–75.
- ^ Бенджамин Бейт-Халлахми , Первородные грехи: размышления об истории сионизма и Израиля , Olive Branch Press, 1993, стр. 103.
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- ^ Ашер, Омри (2021). «Экспорт политической теологии в диаспору: перевод раввина Авраама Исаака Кука для современного православного потребления» . Мета . 65 (2): 292–311. дои : 10.7202/1075837ar . ISSN 1492-1421 . S2CID 234914976 .
Подчеркивая и усиливая неразрешенное противоречие между религией и национальностью, коренящееся в израильской еврейской идентичности, отец религиозного сионизма раввин Авраам Исаак Кук (1865–1935) и его сын и самый влиятельный переводчик раввин Цви Иегуда Кук (1891–1982) были назначены главными религиозное значение для заселения (Великой) Земли Израиля, сакрализации национальных символов Израиля и, в более общем смысле, восприятия современного исторического периода государственности как Ачхальта Де'Геула [начало искупления]
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- ^ Гольдштейн, Джонатан (1999), «Китайская Республика и Израиль», в книге Гольдштейн, Джонатан (редактор), Китай и Израиль, 1948–1998: пятидесятилетняя ретроспектива , Вестпорт, Коннектикут и Лондон: Прегер, стр. 1 –39
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- ^ Шапира, Анита (2014). История Израиля Лондон: Вайденфельд и Николсон. п. 15. ISBN 978-0-297-87158-3 .
- ^ Льюис, Дональд (2014). Истоки христианского сионизма: лорд Шефтсбери и евангелическая поддержка еврейской родины . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. п. 380. ИСБН 978-1-107-63196-0 .
- ^ Мюррей, Иэн (2014). пуританская надежда . Эдинбург: Знамя Истины. п. 326. ИСБН 978-1-84871-478-6 .
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- ↑ Проповедь, произнесенная в июне 1864 года Британскому обществу распространения Евангелия среди евреев.
- ^ «Еврей», июль 1870 г., Ежеквартальный журнал пророчеств.
- ↑ Проповедь произнесена 17 ноября 1839 года после возвращения из «миссии по исследованию состояния еврейского народа».
- ↑ Проповедь, произнесенная в июне 1864 года Лондонскому обществу пропаганды христианства среди евреев.
- ^ Герман Бернштейн (27 августа 1911 г.). «Клевета на ритуальное убийство поощряется российским судом» . Нью-Йорк Таймс . Архивировано из оригинала 4 февраля 2017 года.
Россия пошла бы на любую жертву, чтобы помочь евреям обосноваться в Палестине и сформировать собственное автономное государство.
- ^ «Орсон Хайд и восстановление Израиля» . Signaturebookslibrary.org. Архивировано из оригинала 7 июля 2010 года . Проверено 3 июня 2010 г.
- ^ Аллам, Магди (2007). Да здравствует Израиль: От идеологии смерти к цивилизации жизни: Моя история . Мондадори. ISBN 978-88-04-56777-6 .
- ^ анонимный. «Миссия/Видение» . Американский Конгресс за правду. Архивировано из оригинала 24 марта 2008 года . Проверено 17 апреля 2008 г.
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- ^ Сэвидж, Шон (9 марта 2021 г.). «Как CUFI разбудил «спящего гиганта» христианского сионизма» . Синдикат еврейских новостей . Архивировано из оригинала 2 мая 2024 года . Проверено 5 сентября 2022 г.
- ^ Корнблу, Джейкоб (8 мая 2022 г.). «Он был главой организации «Объединенные христиане за Израиль». Теперь он баллотируется в качестве еврейского кандидата в Конгресс» . Форвард . Архивировано из оригинала 2 мая 2024 года . Проверено 5 сентября 2022 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Эли Ашкенази (3 ноября 2005 г.). Герцль и Хиква на праздновании 30-летия друзского сионистского движения [Герцль и надежда на празднование 30-летия друзского сионистского движения]. Гаарец (на иврите). Архивировано из оригинала 9 сентября 2019 года . Проверено 14 октября 2014 г.
- ^ «Официальный сайт доктора Тауфика Хамида - часть Потомакского института политических исследований» . Тауфикамид.com. Архивировано из оригинала 2 июля 2010 года . Проверено 3 июня 2010 г.
- ^ «Совет Европейского Союза, Решение Совета от 21 декабря 2005 года о конкретных ограничительных мерах, направленных против определенных лиц и организаций с целью борьбы с терроризмом» (PDF) . Архивировано из оригинала (PDF) 24 сентября 2009 г.
- ^ Бериш, Свен. « Сионистский имам. Архивировано 26 июня 2020 года в Wayback Machine » в христианском издании «Джерузалем Пост» , 19 июля 2010 г.
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- ^ «Ислам, ислам, Laїcité и амазигский активизм во Франции и Северной Африке» (документ 2004 г.), Пол А. Сильверстайн, факультет антропологии, Рид-колледж
- ^ «Почему не курдско-израильский альянс? (Пресс-служба Ирана)» . Иран-пресс-сервис.com . Архивировано из оригинала 3 августа 2017 года . Проверено 12 марта 2018 г.
- ^ анонимно (26 февраля 2009 г.). «Берберы, как вы относитесь к Палестине?» . МЕМРИ. Архивировано из оригинала 6 августа 2009 года . Проверено 5 марта 2009 г.
- ^ «5 фактов об израильских христианах» . pewresearch.org . 10 мая 2016 года. Архивировано из оригинала 11 ноября 2018 года . Проверено 12 марта 2018 г.
- ^ Энциклопедия современного Ближнего Востока , Том 4, Рива С. Саймон, Филип Маттар, Ричард В. Буллиет. Справочник Macmillan США, 1996. с. 1661 г.
- ^ Армия теней: сотрудничество палестинцев с сионизмом, 1917–1948 гг . Гилель Коэн. Калифорнийский университет Press, 2009. с. 84
- ^ «Американская еврейская группа вывозит индийских мусульман в Израиль | Индийские мусульмане» . Архивировано из оригинала 30 апреля 2009 года.
- ^ «Диалог демократии: индийские мусульмане посещают Израиль» . yaleglobal.yale.edu . Архивировано из оригинала 30 октября 2017 года . Проверено 12 марта 2018 г.
- ^ «Индийско-израильские отношения: императивы расширения стратегического сотрудничества - Субхаш Капила» . Southasiaanaанализ.org . Аналитическая группа Южной Азии . Архивировано из оригинала 11 февраля 2010 года . Проверено 12 марта 2018 г.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: неподходящий URL ( ссылка ) - ^ «Из Индии с любовью» . Новости Израиля – ynetnews.com . 19 сентября 2012 года. Архивировано из оригинала 19 сентября 2012 года . Проверено 12 марта 2018 г.
- ^ «RSS критикует левых за противодействие визиту Шарона: Rediff.com India News» . Us.rediff.com. 10 сентября 2003. Архивировано из оригинала 17 июня 2010 года . Проверено 3 июня 2010 г.
- ^ «Гадар. 2004» . Ghadar.insaf.net. Архивировано из оригинала 21 апреля 2016 года . Проверено 3 июня 2010 г.
- ^ Суфиан, Сэнди (1 января 2008 г.). «Анатомия восстания 1936–39: изображения тела в политических карикатурах на подмандатную Палестину» . Журнал палестинских исследований . 37 (2): 23–42. дои : 10.1525/jps.2008.37.2.23 . Архивировано из оригинала 20 июня 2022 года . Проверено 14 января 2008 г.
- ^ Куигли, Джон. Законность еврейского государства: век дебатов о правах в Палестине. Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета, 2021, стр. 181, глава 22: Была ли Декларация еврейского государства действительна? https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/426CFAED43417B3652E2359A2967B2EA/9781316519240c22_181-193.pdf/was_the_declaration_of_a_jewish_state_valid.pdf
- ↑ Отчет Американской секции Международной комиссии по мандатам в Турции ( Комиссия Кинг-Крейн ), 28 августа 1919 г., стр. 794 https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1919Parisv12/d380 . Архивировано 16 декабря 2023 г., по адресу машина обратного пути
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б «Сионизм» . Большая советская энциклопедия (3-е изд.). Группа Гейл. 2010 [1970–1979]. Архивировано из оригинала 28 октября 2023 года . Получено 26 января 2024 г. - через The Free Dictionary.
- ^ «Гитлер и нацистский антисионизм» . В глубине . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 19 ноября 2023 г.
Во-первых, Гитлер презирал сионизм. На самом деле он высмеивал эту идею, поскольку был убежден, что евреи будут неспособны создать, а затем защитить государство. Что еще более важно, он и его правительство рассматривали перспективу создания еврейского государства в Палестине как часть более широкого международного еврейского заговора, который его воспаленное воображение представляло как серьезную угрозу Германии.
- ^ Кюнцель, Матиас (24 апреля 2019 г.). «Антисионистская пропаганда нацистской Германии и ее влияние на войну 1947/48 года» . Европейский журнал текущих правовых проблем . 25 (1). ISSN 2059-0881 . Архивировано из оригинала 19 ноября 2023 года . Проверено 19 ноября 2023 г.
В статье рассматривается влияние радиопропаганды нацистской Германии на арабском языке, которая с апреля 1939 по апрель 1945 года призывала своих слушателей не допустить рождения еврейского государства и истребить евреев, проживающих в Палестине. В нем показано, как нацистские чиновники тайно сотрудничали с «Братьями-мусульманами» до Второй мировой войны, и рассказывается о мобилизации «Братьев-мусульман» после Второй мировой войны, которая втянула Египет и другие арабские государства в полномасштабную войну против евреев Подмандатной Палестины.
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- «…Эта идентичность часто прямо формулируется ее представителями. Так, Яков Малик, советский посол в ООН, заявил в 1973 году: «Сионисты выдвинули теорию избранного народа, абсурдную идеологию». общеизвестно, что библейская концепция «избранного народа» является частью иудаизма и не имеет к нему никакого отношения).
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- «...сионистское движение, претендующее на светский характер, сочло необходимым принять идею «земли обетованной» из ветхозаветных пророчеств, чтобы оправдать конфискацию земель и изгнание палестинцев. Например, речи и Письма Хаима Вейцмана, светского сионистского лидера, наполнены ссылками на библейские корни еврейских претензий на Палестину, которые он часто свободно смешивает с более прагматическими и националистическими заявлениями, используя эту предпосылку, принятую в 1937 году, как утверждали сионисты. что палестинцы были узурпаторами в Земле Обетованной, и поэтому их изгнание и смерть были оправданы. Американский писатель еврейского происхождения Дэн Курцман в своей книге « Бытие 1948 года» ... описывает точку зрения одного из убийц Дейр-Ясина: «Стернисты последовали за ними. инструкции Библии более строго, чем другие. Они соблюдали отрывок (Исход 22:2): «Если найдется вор...» Это означало, конечно, что убийство вора на самом деле не было убийством. враги сионизма, воры, которые хотели украсть у евреев то, что даровал им Бог?»
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- ^ * Пенслар, Дерек , Израиль в истории: еврейское государство в сравнительной перспективе , Тейлор и Фрэнсис, 2007, с. 56.
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Их исключили? Паппе, Илан (Зохрот). Архивировано 19 августа 2014 г., в Wayback Machine.
«Важным моментом является растущий консенсус среди израильских и палестинских историков относительно изгнания палестинцев Израилем в 1948 году (изгнание и разрушение деревень и городов)» (...) «Суть общей позиции – это консенсус между «новые историки» в Израиле и многие палестинские историки считают, что Израиль несет основную ответственность за создание этой проблемы». - ^ Эфраим Карш, Преданная Палестина (Yale University Press, 2010), стр. 1–15.
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- ↑ Резолюция 3151 G (XXVIII) от 14 декабря 1973 г. Генеральной Ассамблеи ООН.
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- ^ Бергманн, Вернер; Эрб, Райнер (1997). Антисемитизм в Германии: постнацистская эпоха с 1945 года . Перевод Купера, Белинда; Браун, Эллисон. Издатели транзакций. п. 182. ИСБН 978-1-4128-1736-3 . Архивировано из оригинала 11 января 2024 года . Проверено 13 августа 2023 г.
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Для большинства арабов термины «еврей» или «еврей» и «сионист» являются взаимозаменяемыми. После проникновения европейского антисемитизма в арабский мир в тридцатых и сороковых годах через державы Оси арабская пропаганда продемонстрировала множество классических нацистских антисемитских утверждений о евреях. В целях связей с общественностью ООП никогда не хотела, чтобы ее обвиняли в антисемитизме, а скорее всего лишь в антисионизме. Время от времени ее лидеры ошибаются, как это сделал Арафат, когда упомянул в своей речи о «еврейском вторжении».
- ^ Ваттимо, Джанни; Мардер, Майкл, ред. (2013). Деконструкция сионизма: критика политической метафизики . Академик Блумсбери. ISBN 978-1-4411-0594-3 .
- ^ «ZNet – за пределами наглости» . Архивировано из оригинала 25 июня 2009 года . Проверено 25 июня 2009 г.
- ^ Перейти обратно: а б Суббота-Хури 2022 , первый раздел.
- ^ Тавил-Сури, Хельга (2016). «Ответ на израильский колониальный проект Элиа Зурейка в Палестине: жестокое преследование». Ежеквартальный журнал арабских исследований . 38 (4): 683–687. doi : 10.13169/arabstudquar.38.4.0683 . ISSN 0271-3519 . JSTOR 10.13169/arabstudquar.38.4.0683 .
Назвать Израиль поселенческим колониальным режимом – это аргумент, который все чаще находит поддержку в активистских и, в меньшей степени, академических кругах.
- ^ Праздник-Хури 2022 , Заключение.
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Внешние ссылки
Работы, связанные с сионизмом , в Wikisource - Работы, связанные с сионизмом и утверждением иудаизма в Wikisource
- Сайт Центрального сионистского архива в Иерусалиме
- сайт ВСО
- Exodus1947.com. Архивировано 18 декабря 2021 года в Wayback Machine - документальный фильм PBS, посвященный тайному участию американцев в Алие Бет, рассказанный Морли Сейфером.
- Преподобный Уильям Х. Гехлер – христианский священник, узаконивший Теодора Герцля Джерри Клингером. Еврейский журнал , июль 2010 г.
- Сионизм в кризисе? Последующие дебаты с Питером Бейнартом и Аланом Дершовицем в Центре аспирантуры CUNY
- Газетные вырезки о сионизме в ХХ веке Пресс- ZBW архив
