Рабство в Соединенных Штатах

Порка раба (гравюра на дереве, 1834 г.), Питера бичеванная спина (1863 г.), картина Томаса Саттеруайта Нобла , вдохновленная Маргарет Гарнер , работорговлей гроб между штатами, занимающийся от Вирджинии до Теннесси, вольноотпущенники, покидающие Южную Каролину на военном корабле « Вермонт» в 1862, Делия Чеснок , «надзиратель, выполняющий свой долг» (1798), беженцы из американского рабства, поселившиеся в Виндзоре, Онтарио , Пол Дженнингс , объявление об аукционе рабов (1769)

Правовой институт рабства человеческого движимого имущества , включающий порабощение в первую очередь африканцев и афроамериканцев , преобладал в Соединенных Штатах Америки с момента их основания в 1776 году до 1865 года, преимущественно на Юге . Рабство было установлено во время европейской колонизации Америки . С 1526 года, в ранний колониальный период , это практиковалось в территориях, ставших британскими колониями , включая Тринадцать колоний , которые образовали Соединенные Штаты. По закону с порабощенным человеком обращались как с собственностью, которую можно было купить, продать или подарить. Рабство сохранялось примерно в половине штатов США до его отмены в 1865 году, и вопросы, касающиеся рабства, проникли во все аспекты национальной политики, экономики и социальных обычаев. ^{[ 1 ]} В течение десятилетий после окончания Реконструкции в 1877 году многие экономические и социальные функции рабства продолжались посредством сегрегации , издольства и сдачи в аренду заключенным .

Ко времени Войны за независимость в США (1775–1783) статус порабощенных людей был официально закреплен как расовая каста , связанная с африканским происхождением. ^{[ 2 ]} Во время и сразу после революции были приняты аболиционистские законы в большинстве северных штатов , и возникло движение за отмену рабства. Роль рабства согласно Конституции США (1789 г.) была самым спорным вопросом во время ее разработки. Статья о трёх пятых давала рабовладельческим штатам непропорциональную политическую власть. Конституции ^{[ 3 ]} в то время как статья о беглых рабах ( статья IV, раздел 2, статья 3 ) предусматривала, что, если раб сбежал в другое государство, другое государство должно было вернуть раба его или ее хозяину. К 1805 году все северные штаты тем или иным образом отменили рабство; иногда с завершением в будущем, иногда с промежуточным статусом неоплачиваемого наемного работника.

Во многих случаях отмена была постепенным процессом. Некоторые рабовладельцы, в первую очередь на Верхнем Юге , освобождали своих рабов, а благотворительные группы покупали и освобождали других. была Работорговля в Атлантике запрещена отдельными штатами, начиная с американской революции. Импортная торговля была запрещена Конгрессом в 1808 году , хотя после этого контрабанда стала обычным явлением. ^{[ 4 ]}^{[ 5 ]} в этот момент Служба сокращения доходов США (Береговая охрана) начала обеспечивать соблюдение закона в открытом море. ^{[ 6 ]} Было подсчитано, что до 1820 года большинство действующих конгрессменов владели рабами и что около 30 процентов конгрессменов, родившихся до 1840 года (некоторые из которых служили до 20-го века), в какой-то момент своей жизни были владельцами рабов. ^{[ 7 ]}

Быстрое расширение хлопковой промышленности на Глубоком Юге после изобретения хлопкоочистительной машины значительно увеличило спрос на рабский труд, и южные штаты продолжали оставаться рабовладельческими обществами. США, разделенные на рабовладельческие и свободные штаты , стали еще более поляризованными по вопросу рабства. Под влиянием спроса на рабочую силу на новых хлопковых плантациях на Глубоком Юге Верхний Юг продал более миллиона рабов, которых увезли на Глубокий Юг. Общая численность рабов на Юге в конечном итоге достигла четырех миллионов. ^{[ 8 ]}^{[ нужна страница ]}^{[ 9 ]} По мере расширения США южные штаты пытались распространить рабство на новые западные территории, чтобы позволить силам , выступающим за рабство, сохранить власть в Конгрессе. Новые территории , приобретенные в результате покупки Луизианы и мексиканской уступки, стали предметом серьезных политических кризисов и компромиссов. ^{[ 10 ]} Рабство защищалось на Юге как «положительное благо» , а крупнейшие религиозные конфессии раскололись по проблеме рабства на региональные организации Севера и Юга.

К 1850 году недавно разбогатевший Юг, выращивавший хлопок, оказался под угрозой выхода из Союза . Кровавые бои вспыхнули из-за рабства на территории Канзас . Когда Авраам Линкольн победил на выборах 1860 года на платформе прекращения расширения рабства, рабовладельческие штаты отделились и образовали Конфедерацию . Вскоре после этого началась гражданская война армии США , когда силы Конфедерации атаковали форт Самтер в Чарльстоне, Южная Каролина. Во время войны некоторые юрисдикции отменили рабство , и благодаря мерам Союза, таким как Законы о конфискации и Прокламация об освобождении , война фактически положила конец рабству в большинстве мест. После победы Союза 6 декабря 1865 года была ратифицирована Тринадцатая поправка к Конституции Соединенных Штатов , запрещающая «рабство [и] принудительное подневольное состояние, кроме как в качестве наказания за преступление». ^{[ 11 ]}

Фон

На протяжении большей части британского колониального периода рабство существовало во всех колониях. Люди, порабощенные на Севере, обычно работали домашней прислугой, ремесленниками, чернорабочими и ремесленниками, причем большая их часть проживала в городах. Многие мужчины работали в доках и на судоходстве. В 1703 году более 42 процентов семей Нью-Йорка держали порабощенных людей в рабстве, что является вторым по величине показателем среди всех городов в колониях, уступая только Чарльстону, Южная Каролина . ^{[ 12 ]} Порабощенные люди также использовались в качестве сельскохозяйственных рабочих в фермерских общинах, особенно на Юге , а также в северной части штата Нью-Йорк и на Лонг-Айленде , в Коннектикуте и Нью-Джерси . К 1770 году на территории, которая вскоре стала Соединенными Штатами, насчитывалось 397 924 чернокожих из населения в 2,17 миллиона человек. Рабы колониальной эпохи были распределены неравномерно: 14 867 проживали в Новой Англии , где они составляли три процента населения; 34 679 человек проживали в среднеатлантических колониях , где они составляли шесть процентов населения; и 347 378 в пяти южных колониях , где они составляли 31 процент населения. ^{[ 13 ]}

На Юге развивалась сельскохозяйственная экономика, зависящая от товарных культур . Его плантаторы быстро приобрели значительно большее количество и долю порабощенных людей в общей численности населения, поскольку выращивание товарных культур было трудоемким. ^{[ 14 ]} Вначале порабощенные люди на Юге работали в основном на фермах и плантациях, выращивая индиго , рис и табак ( хлопок стал основной культурой только после 1790-х годов). В 1720 году около 65 процентов населения Южной Каролины было порабощено. ^{[ 15 ]} Плантаторы (определяемые историками Верхнего Юга как те, кто владел 20 или более рабами) использовали порабощенных рабочих для выращивания товарных культур. Они также работали ремесленниками на крупных плантациях и во многих южных портовых городах. Более поздняя волна поселенцев в 18 веке, поселившаяся вдоль Аппалачей и в отдаленных районах, была натуральными фермерами из глуши и редко содержала порабощенных людей.

Начиная со второй половины XVIII века возникли дебаты по поводу продолжающегося ввоза африканских рабов в американские колонии. Многие в колониях, включая южную славянократию , выступали против дальнейшего ввоза рабов из-за опасений, что это дестабилизирует колонии и приведет к дальнейшим восстаниям рабов . петицию В 1772 году видные жители Вирджинии подали короне с просьбой отменить работорговлю в Вирджинии; оно было отклонено. ^{[ 17 ]} Род-Айленд запретил ввоз рабов в 1774 году. Влиятельный революционер Фэрфакс Резолвс призвал положить конец «злой, жестокой и неестественной» работорговле в Атлантике. ^{[ 18 ]} Во время Войны за независимость все колонии запретили ввоз рабов. ^{[ 19 ]}

Рабство во время американской революции и ранней республики

Рабство существовало тысячи лет по всему миру. В Соединенных Штатах и во многих частях мира это была юридическая практика, которая укоренилась в социальном и экономическом плане во многих обществах. Идеалы и принципы, продвигаемые в эпоху Просвещения и Американской революции, помогли поставить рабство и стремление к его отмене в политическую повестку дня. Как выразился историк Кристофер Л. Браун , рабство «никогда раньше серьезно не стояло на повестке дня», но американская революция «с этого момента заставила его стать общественным вопросом». ^{[ 20 ]}^{[ 21 ]}^{[ 22 ]}^{[ 23 ]}^{[ 24 ]}

После того как независимость новой страны была закреплена, рабство стало предметом разногласий на Конституционном съезде 1787 года . Многие из отцов-основателей Соединенных Штатов были владельцами плантаций, у которых было большое количество порабощенных рабочих; первоначальная Конституция сохранила за ними право владеть рабами, и в дальнейшем они получили политическое преимущество при владении рабами. Хотя порабощенные в период ранней республики считались разумной собственностью, не имели права голосовать и не имели права говорить, они должны были быть переписаны при переписях населения и считаться как три пятых человека для целей представительства в республике. национальный законодательный орган – Конгресс США .

Рабы и свободные чернокожие, поддержавшие Континентальную армию

Повстанцы начали предлагать свободу как стимул, чтобы побудить рабов сражаться на их стороне. Вашингтон санкционировал освобождение рабов, сражавшихся на стороне американской Континентальной армии . Род-Айленд начал вербовку рабов в 1778 году и пообещал компенсацию владельцам, чьи рабы вступили в вербовку и выжили, чтобы обрести свободу. ^{[ 26 ]}^{[ 27 ]} В ходе войны около одной пятой Северной армии было чернокожим. ^{[ 28 ]} В 1781 году барон Клозен, немецкий офицер французского королевского двухпонтского полка в битве при Йорктауне , оценил, что американская армия примерно на четверть состоит из чернокожих. ^{[ 29 ]} Среди этих людей были как бывшие рабы, так и свободнорожденные чернокожие. Тысячи свободных чернокожих в северных штатах сражались в ополчениях штатов и Континентальной армии. На Юге обе стороны предлагали свободу рабам, которые будут нести военную службу. Около 20 000 рабов участвовали в Американской революции. ^{[ 25 ]}^{[ 30 ]}^{[ 31 ]}^{[ 32 ]}^{[ 33 ]}

Черные лоялисты

После того, как разразилась Война за независимость, британцы осознали, что им не хватает рабочей силы, необходимой для ведения войны. В ответ британские командиры начали выпускать прокламации рабам, принадлежащим патриотам, предлагая свободу, если они сбегут на британские позиции и помогут британским военным усилиям. ^{[ 34 ]} Подобные заявления неоднократно издавались в ходе конфликта, в результате чего до 100 000 американских рабов бежали на британские позиции. ^{[ 35 ]} Самоосвободившиеся рабы, достигшие британских позиций, были организованы в различные воинские части, которые служили на всех театрах военных действий. Ранее порабощенные женщины и дети вместо военной службы работали чернорабочими и домашней прислугой. В конце войны освобожденные рабы на британских позициях либо были эвакуированы в другие британские колонии, либо в саму Великобританию, были повторно порабощены победившими американцами или бежали в сельскую местность. ^{[ 36 ]}

В начале 1775 года королевский губернатор Вирджинии написал лорд Данмор графу Дартмуту о своем намерении освободить рабов, принадлежавших американским патриотам, в случае, если они устроят восстание. ^{[ 37 ]}^{[ 38 ]} 7 ноября 1775 года Данмор издал Прокламацию Данмора , которая обещала свободу всем рабам американских патриотов, которые покинут своих хозяев и присоединятся к британским войскам. ^{[ 39 ]} Историки сходятся во мнении, что прокламация была разработана в основном по практическим, а не моральным причинам, и что прокламация не затронула рабов, принадлежавших американским лоялистам. Около 1500 рабов, принадлежавших патриотам, сбежали и присоединились к силам Данмора. В общей сложности 18 рабов покинули плантацию Джорджа Вашингтона , один из которых, Гарри, служил в полку лоялистов Данмора, состоящем исключительно из чернокожих, под названием «Черные пионеры». ^{[ 40 ]} У беглецов, присоединившихся к Данмору, на куртках была вышита надпись «Свобода рабам». ^{[ 41 ]} Большинство умерло от болезней, прежде чем они смогли принять участие в боевых действиях, но триста из этих освобожденных рабов добрались до свободы в Британии. ^{[ 42 ]} Историк Джилл Лепор пишет, что «от восьмидесяти до ста тысяч (почти каждый пятый черный раб) покинули свои дома… делая ставку на победу Великобритании», но Кассандра Пибус утверждает, что от 20 000 до 30 000 — это более реалистичное количество дезертировавших рабов. на британской стороне во время войны. ^{[ 40 ]}

Многие рабы воспользовались прекращением войны, чтобы бежать со своих плантаций на британские позиции или раствориться в общей массе населения. При первом взгляде на британские суда тысячи рабов в Мэриленде и Вирджинии бежали от своих владельцев. ^{[ 43 ]}^: 21 По всему Югу потери рабов были высокими, многие из них были связаны с побегами. ^{[ 44 ]} Рабы также бежали по всей Новой Англии и Средней Атлантике, многие из них присоединились к британцам, оккупировавшим Нью-Йорк. ^{[ 40 ]} В последние месяцы войны британцы эвакуировали вольноотпущенников , а также вывезли рабов, принадлежавших лоялистам. Около 15 000 чернокожих лоялистов ушли вместе с британцами, большинство из них оказались свободными людьми в Англии или ее колониях. ^{[ 45 ]} Вашингтон нанял ловца рабов во время войны, а в ее конце он потребовал от британцев вернуть рабов их хозяевам. ^{[ 40 ]} С британскими сертификатами свободы в своих вещах чернокожие лоялисты, включая раба Вашингтона Гарри, отплыли со своими белыми коллегами из гавани Нью-Йорка в Новую Шотландию . ^{[ 40 ]} Более 3000 человек были переселены в Новую Шотландию, где им в конечном итоге была предоставлена земля и они сформировали общину чернокожих новошотландцев .

Ранний аболиционизм в Соединенных Штатах

В первые два десятилетия после американской революции законодательные органы штатов и отдельные лица предпринимали действия по освобождению рабов. Северные штаты приняли новые конституции, в которых содержались положения о равных правах или конкретно отменялись рабство; некоторые штаты, такие как Нью-Йорк и Нью-Джерси, где рабство было более широко распространено, к концу 18 века приняли законы о постепенной отмене рабства. К 1804 году все северные штаты либо сразу, либо со временем приняли законы, запрещающие рабство. В Нью-Йорке последние рабы были освобождены в 1827 году (отмечено большим парадом 5 июля). Подневольное рабство , которое было широко распространено в колониях (половина населения Филадельфии когда-то была наемными слугами ), резко сократилось и исчезло к 1800 году. Однако в 1860 году в Нью-Джерси все еще существовали принудительно наемные слуги. Ни один южный штат не отменил рабство. , но некоторые отдельные владельцы, а их было немало, освобождали своих рабов по личному решению, часто предусматривая освобождение в завещаниях, но иногда и в подаче документов или судебных документов на освобожденных людей. Многочисленные рабовладельцы, освободившие своих рабов, цитировали в своих документах революционные идеалы; другие освобождали рабов в качестве обещанной награды за службу. с 1790 по 1810 год доля свободных чернокожих в Соединенных Штатах увеличилась с 8 до 13,5 процентов, а на Верхнем Юге - с менее чем одного до почти десяти процентов. В результате этих действий ^{[ 46 ]}^{[ 47 ]}^{[ 48 ]}

Starting in 1777, the rebels outlawed the importation of slaves state by state. They all acted to end the international trade, but, after the war, it was reopened in North Carolina (opened until 1794) and Georgia (opened until 1798) and South Carolina (opened until 1787, and then reopened again in 1803.)^[49] In 1807, the United States Congress acted on President Thomas Jefferson's advice and, without controversy, made importing slaves from abroad a federal crime, effective the first day that the United States Constitution permitted this prohibition: January 1, 1808.^[50]

During the Revolution and in the following years, all states north of Maryland took steps towards abolishing slavery. In 1777, the Vermont Republic, which was still unrecognized by the United States, passed a state constitution prohibiting slavery. The Pennsylvania Abolition Society, led in part by Benjamin Franklin, was founded in 1775, and Pennsylvania began gradual abolition in 1780. In 1783, the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts ruled in Commonwealth v. Jennison that slavery was unconstitutional under the state's new 1780 constitution. New Hampshire began gradual emancipation in 1783, while Connecticut and Rhode Island followed suit in 1784. The New York Manumission Society, which was led by John Jay, Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr, was founded in 1785. New York state began gradual emancipation in 1799, and New Jersey did the same in 1804.

Shortly after the Revolution, the Northwest Territory was established, by Manasseh Cutler and Rufus Putnam (who had been George Washington's chief engineer). Both Cutler and Putnam came from Puritan New England. The Puritans strongly believed that slavery was morally wrong. Their influence on the issue of slavery was long-lasting, and this was provided significantly greater impetus by the Revolution. The Northwest Territory (which became Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and part of Minnesota) doubled the size of the United States, and it was established at the insistence of Cutler and Putnam as "free soil" – no slavery. This was to prove crucial a few decades later. Had those states been slave states, and their electoral votes gone to Abraham Lincoln's main opponent, Lincoln would not have become president. The Civil War would not have been fought. Even if it eventually had been, the North might well have lost.^[51]^[52]^[53]^[54]^[55]

Constitution of the United States

Slavery was a contentious issue in the writing and approval of the Constitution of the United States.^[56] The words "slave" and "slavery" did not appear in the Constitution as originally adopted, although several provisions clearly referred to slaves and slavery. Until the adoption of the 13th Amendment in 1865, the Constitution did not prohibit slavery.^[57]

Section 9 of Article I forbade the federal government from prohibiting the importation of slaves, described as "such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit", for twenty years after the Constitution's ratification (until January 1, 1808). The Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves of 1807, passed by Congress and signed into law by President Thomas Jefferson (who had called for its enactment in his 1806 State of the Union address), went into effect on January 1, 1808, the earliest date on which the importation of slaves could be prohibited under the Constitution.^[58]

The delegates approved the Fugitive Slave Clause of the Constitution (Article IV, section 2, clause 3), which prohibited states from freeing those "held to Service or Labour" (meaning slaves, indentures, and apprentices) who fled to them from another state and required that they be returned to their owners.^[59] The Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 and the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 gave effect to the Fugitive Slave Clause.^[60] Salmon P. Chase considered the Fugitive Slave Acts unconstitutional because "The Fugitive Slave Clause was a compact among the states, not a grant of power to the federal government".^[61]

Three-fifths Compromise

In a section negotiated by James Madison of Virginia, Section 2 of Article I designated "other persons" (slaves) to be added to the total of the state's free population, at the rate of three-fifths of their total number, to establish the state's official population for the purposes of apportionment of congressional representation and federal taxation.^[62] The "Three-Fifths Compromise" was reached after a debate in which delegates from Southern (slaveholding) states argued that slaves should be counted in the census just as all other persons were while delegates from Northern (free) states countered that slaves should not be counted at all. The compromise strengthened the political power of Southern states, as three-fifths of the (non-voting) slave population was counted for congressional apportionment and in the Electoral College, although it did not strengthen Southern states as much as it would have had the Constitution provided for counting all persons, whether slave or free, equally.

In addition, many parts of the country were tied to the Southern economy. As the historian James Oliver Horton noted, prominent slaveholder politicians and the commodity crops of the South had a strong influence on United States politics and economy. Horton said,

in the 72 years between the election of George Washington and the election of Abraham Lincoln, 50 of those years [had] a slaveholder as president of the United States, and, for that whole period of time, there was never a person elected to a second term who was not a slaveholder.^[63]

The power of Southern states in Congress lasted until the Civil War, affecting national policies, legislation, and appointments.^[63] One result was that most of the justices appointed to the Supreme Court were slave owners. The planter elite dominated the Southern congressional delegations and the United States presidency for nearly fifty years.^[63]

Slavery in the 19th century

Slavery in the United States was a variable thing, in "constant flux, driven by the violent pursuit of ever-larger profits."^[64] According to demographic calculations by J. David Hacker of the University of Minnesota, approximately four out of five of all of the slaves who ever lived in the United States or the territory that became the United States (beginning in 1619 and including all colonies that were eventually acquired or conquered by the United States) were born in or imported to the United States in the 19th century.^[65] Slaves were the labor force of the South, but slave ownership was also the foundation upon which American white supremacy was constructed. Historian Walter Johnson argues that "one of the many miraculous things a slave could do was make a household white...", meaning that the value of whiteness in America was in some ways measured by the ability to purchase and maintain black slaves.^[66]

Harriet Beecher Stowe described slavery in the United States in 1853:^[67]

What, then, is American slavery, as we have seen it exhibited by law, and by the decision of Courts? Let us begin by stating what it is not:
1. It is not apprenticeship.
2. It is not guardianship.
3. It is in no sense a system for the education of a weaker race by a stronger.
4. The happiness of the governed is in no sense its object.
5. The temporal improvement or the eternal well-being of the governed is in no sense its object.
The object of it has been distinctly stated in one sentence by Judge Ruffin,— "The end is the profit of the master, his security, and the public safety."
Slavery, then, is absolute despotism, of the most unmitigated form.

Justifications in the South

American slavery as "a necessary evil"

In the 19th century, proponents of slavery often defended the institution as a "necessary evil". At that time, it was feared that emancipation of black slaves would have more harmful social and economic consequences than the continuation of slavery. On April 22, 1820, Thomas Jefferson, one of the Founding Fathers of the United States, wrote in a letter to John Holmes, that with slavery,

We have the wolf by the ear, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other.^[71]

The French writer and traveler Alexis de Tocqueville, in his influential Democracy in America (1835), expressed opposition to slavery while observing its effects on American society. He felt that a multiracial society without slavery was untenable, as he believed that prejudice against blacks increased as they were granted more rights (for example, in Northern states). He believed that the attitudes of white Southerners, and the concentration of the black population in the South, were bringing the white and black populations to a state of equilibrium, and were a danger to both races. Because of the racial differences between master and slave, he believed that the latter could not be emancipated.^[72]

In a letter to his wife dated December 27, 1856, in reaction to a message from President Franklin Pierce, Robert E. Lee wrote,

There are few, I believe, in this enlightened age, who will not acknowledge that slavery as an institution is a moral and political evil. It is idle to expatiate on its disadvantages. I think it is a greater evil to the white than to the colored race. While my feelings are strongly enlisted in behalf of the latter, my sympathies are more deeply engaged for the former. The blacks are immeasurably better off here than in Africa, morally, physically, and socially. The painful discipline they are undergoing is necessary for their further instruction as a race, and will prepare them, I hope, for better things. How long their servitude may be necessary is known and ordered by a merciful Providence.^[73]^[74]

American slavery as "a positive good"

Confederate $100 bill, 1862–63, showing slaves farming; there were over 125 carefully wrought etchings of laboring slaves made for currency issued by 19th-century Southern banks and the Confederate States,^[75] images that provided reassurance that slavery "was protected both by law and by tradition."^[76] In 1860, Southern slaveholders held slaves as personal property^[a] collectively valued at more than $3 billion (about $97 billion in 2022)^[78] (National Numismatic Collection, National Museum of American History)

However, as the abolitionist movement's agitation increased and the area developed for plantations expanded, apologies for slavery became more faint in the South. Leaders then described slavery as a beneficial scheme of labor management. John C. Calhoun, in a famous speech in the Senate in 1837, declared that slavery was "instead of an evil, a good – a positive good". Calhoun supported his view with the following reasoning: in every civilized society one portion of the community must live on the labor of another; learning, science, and the arts are built upon leisure; the African slave, kindly treated by his master and mistress and looked after in his old age, is better off than the free laborers of Europe; and under the slave system conflicts between capital and labor are avoided. The advantages of slavery in this respect, he concluded, "will become more and more manifest, if left undisturbed by interference from without, as the country advances in wealth and numbers".^[79]

South Carolina army officer, planter, and railroad executive James Gadsden called slavery "a social blessing" and abolitionists "the greatest curse of the nation".^[81] Gadsden was in favor of South Carolina's secession in 1850, and was a leader in efforts to split California into two states, one slave and one free.

Other Southern writers who also began to portray slavery as a positive good were James Henry Hammond and George Fitzhugh. They presented several arguments to defend the practice of slavery in the South.^[82] Hammond, like Calhoun, believed that slavery was needed to build the rest of society. In a speech to the Senate on March 4, 1858, Hammond developed his "Mudsill Theory", defending his view on slavery by stating: "Such a class you must have, or you would not have that other class which leads progress, civilization, and refinement. It constitutes the very mud-sill of society and of political government; and you might as well attempt to build a house in the air, as to build either the one or the other, except on this mud-sill." Hammond believed that in every class one group must accomplish all the menial duties, because without them the leaders in society could not progress.^[82] He argued that the hired laborers of the North were slaves too: "The difference ... is, that our slaves are hired for life and well compensated; there is no starvation, no begging, no want of employment," while those in the North had to search for employment.^[82]

George Fitzhugh used assumptions about white superiority to justify slavery, writing that, "the Negro is but a grown up child, and must be governed as a child." In The Universal Law of Slavery, Fitzhugh argues that slavery provides everything necessary for life and that the slave is unable to survive in a free world because he is lazy, and cannot compete with the intelligent European white race. He states that "The negro slaves of the South are the happiest, and in some sense, the freest people in the world."^[83] Without the South, "He (slave) would become an insufferable burden to society" and "Society has the right to prevent this, and can only do so by subjecting him to domestic slavery."^[83]

On March 21, 1861, Alexander Stephens, Vice President of the Confederacy, delivered his Cornerstone Speech. He explained the differences between the Constitution of the Confederate States and the United States Constitution, laid out the cause for the American Civil War, as he saw it, and defended slavery:^[84]

The new [Confederate] Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions – African slavery as it exists among us – the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the "rock upon which the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were, that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away ... Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a Government built upon it – when the "storm came and the wind blew, it fell".

Our new [Confederate] Government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condition.^[84]

This view of the "Negro race" was backed by pseudoscience.^[85] The leading researcher was Dr. Samuel A. Cartwright, a Southerner and the inventor of the mental illnesses of drapetomania (the desire of a slave to run away) and dysaesthesia aethiopica ("rascality"), both cured, according to him, by whipping. The Medical Association of Louisiana set up a committee, of which he was chair, to investigate "the Diseases and Physical Peculiarities of the Negro Race". Their report, first delivered to the Medical Association in an address, was published in their journal in 1851, ^[86] and then reprinted in part in the widely circulated DeBow's Review.^[87]

Proposed expansion of slavery

Whether slavery was to be limited to the Southern states that already had it, or whether it was to be permitted in new states made from the lands of the Louisiana Purchase and Mexican Cession, was a major issue in the 1840s and 1850s. It was addressed by the Compromise of 1850 and during the Bleeding Kansas period.

Also relatively well-known are the proposals, including the Ostend Manifesto, to annex Cuba as a slave state, as well as the privately funded invasion of Cuba by Narciso López. There was also talk of making slave states of Mexico, Nicaragua (see Walker affair and Filibuster War) and other lands around the so-called Golden Circle. Less well known today, though well known at the time, is that pro-slavery Southerners:

Actively sought to reopen the transatlantic slave trade^[88]
Funded illegal slave shipments from the Caribbean and Africa, such as the Wanderer slave shipment to Georgia in 1858^[89]
Wanted to reintroduce slavery in the Northern states, through federal action or Constitutional amendment making slavery legal nationwide, thus overriding state anti-slavery laws.^[90]^[91] (See Crittenden Compromise.) This was described as "well underway" by 1858.^[92]
Said openly that slavery should by no means be limited to black people, since in their view it was beneficial. Northern white workers, who were allegedly "wage slaves" already, would allegedly have better lives if they were enslaved.^[93]

None of these ideas got very far, but they alarmed Northerners and contributed to the growing polarization of the country.

Abolitionism in the North

Slavery is a volcano, the fires of which cannot be quenched, nor its ravishes controlled. We already feel its convulsions, and if we sit idly gazing upon its flames, as they rise higher and higher, our happy republic will be buried in ruin, beneath its overwhelming energies.
— William Ellsworth, attorney for Prudence Crandall, 1834^[94]^{: 193–194}

Beginning during the Revolution and in the first two decades of the postwar era, every state in the North abolished slavery. These were the first abolitionist laws in the Atlantic World.^[95]^[96] However, the abolition of slavery did not necessarily mean that existing slaves became free. In some states they were forced to remain with their former owners as indentured servants: free in name only, although they could not be sold and thus families could not be split, and their children were born free. The end of slavery did not come in New York until July 4, 1827, when it was celebrated (on July 5) with a big parade.^[97] However, in the 1830 census, the only state with no slaves was Vermont. In the 1840 census, there were still slaves in New Hampshire (1), Rhode Island (5), Connecticut (17), New York (4), Pennsylvania (64), Ohio (3), Indiana (3), Illinois (331), Iowa (16), and Wisconsin (11). There were none in these states in the 1850 census.^[98]

Most Northern states passed legislation for gradual abolition, first freeing children born to slave mothers (and requiring them to serve lengthy indentures to their mother's owners, often into their 20s as young adults). In 1845, the Supreme Court of New Jersey received lengthy arguments towards "the deliverance of four thousand persons from bondage".^[99] Pennsylvania's last slaves were freed in 1847, Connecticut's in 1848, and while neither New Hampshire nor New Jersey had any slaves in the 1850 Census, and New Jersey only one and New Hampshire none in the 1860 Census, slavery was never prohibited in either state until ratification of the 13th Amendment in 1865^[100] (and New Jersey was one of the last states to ratify it).

None of the Southern states abolished slavery before 1865, but it was not unusual for individual slaveholders in the South to free numerous slaves, often citing revolutionary ideals, in their wills. Methodist, Quaker, and Baptist preachers traveled in the South, appealing to slaveholders to manumit their slaves, and there were "manumission societies" in some Southern states. By 1810, the number and proportion of free blacks in the population of the United States had risen dramatically. Most free blacks lived in the North, but even in the Upper South, the proportion of free blacks went from less than one percent of all blacks to more than ten percent, even as the total number of slaves was increasing through imports.^[101]

Abolitionist Samuel Sewall was chief justice of the Massachusetts Superior Court of Judicature, the highest court in Massachusetts. (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts)

African slaves arrived in the Massachusetts Bay Colony in the 1630s, and slavery was legally sanctioned by the Puritans in 1641.^[102] Massachusetts residents participated in the slave trade, and laws were passed regulating the movement and marriage among slaves.^[102] In 1700, Samuel Sewall, Puritan abolitionist and associate justice of the Massachusetts Superior Court of Judicature, wrote The Selling of Joseph, within which he condemned slavery and the slave trade and refuted many of the era's typical justifications for slavery.^[103]^[104] The Puritan influence on slavery was still strong at the time of the American Revolution and up until the Civil War. Of America's first seven presidents, the two who did not own slaves, John Adams and his son John Quincy Adams, came from Puritan New England. They were wealthy enough to own slaves, but they chose not to because they believed that it was morally wrong to do so. In 1765, colonial leader Samuel Adams and his wife were given a slave girl as a gift. They immediately freed her. Just after the Revolution, in 1787, the Northwest Territory (which became the states of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and part of Minnesota) was opened up for settlement. The two men responsible for establishing this territory were Manasseh Cutler and Rufus Putnam. They came from Puritan New England, and they insisted that this new territory, which doubled the size of the United States, was going to be "free soil" – no slavery. This was to prove crucial in the coming decades. If those states had become slave states, and their electoral votes had gone to Abraham Lincoln's main opponent, Lincoln would not have been elected president.^[51]^[52]^[53]

In the decades leading up to the Civil War, the abolitionists, such as Theodore Parker, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau and Frederick Douglass, repeatedly used the Puritan heritage of the country to bolster their cause. The most radical anti-slavery newspaper, The Liberator, invoked the Puritans and Puritan values over a thousand times. Parker, in urging New England Congressmen to support the abolition of slavery, wrote that "The son of the Puritan ... is sent to Congress to stand up for Truth and Right ..."^[106]^[107]

Northerners predominated in the westward movement into the Midwestern territory after the American Revolution; as the states were organized, they voted to prohibit slavery in their constitutions when they achieved statehood: Ohio in 1803, Indiana in 1816 and Illinois in 1818. What developed was a Northern block of free states united into one contiguous geographic area that generally shared an anti-slavery culture. The exceptions were the areas along the Ohio River settled by Southerners: the southern portions of Indiana, Ohio and Illinois. Residents of those areas generally shared in Southern culture and attitudes. In addition, these areas were devoted to agriculture longer than the industrializing northern parts of these states, and some farmers used slave labor. In Illinois, for example, while the trade in slaves was prohibited, it was legal to bring slaves from Kentucky into Illinois and use them there, as long as the slaves left Illinois one day per year (they were "visiting"). The emancipation of slaves in the North led to the growth in the population of Northern free blacks, from several hundred in the 1770s to nearly 50,000 by 1810.^[108]

Simon Legree and Uncle Tom: a scene from *Uncle Tom's Cabin* (1852), an influential abolitionist novel

Throughout the first half of the 19th century, abolitionism, a movement to end slavery, grew in strength; most abolitionist societies and supporters were in the North. They worked to raise awareness about the evils of slavery, and to build support for abolition. After 1830, abolitionist and newspaper publisher William Lloyd Garrison promoted emancipation, characterizing slaveholding as a personal sin. He demanded that slaveowners repent and start the process of emancipation. His position increased defensiveness on the part of some Southerners, who noted the long history of slavery among many cultures. A few abolitionists, such as John Brown, favored the use of armed force to foment uprisings among the slaves, as he attempted to do at Harper's Ferry. Most abolitionists tried to raise public support to change laws and to challenge slave laws. Abolitionists were active on the lecture circuit in the North, and often featured escaped slaves in their presentations. Writer and orator Frederick Douglass became an important abolitionist leader after escaping from slavery. Harriet Beecher Stowe's novel Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) was an international bestseller, and along with the non-fiction companion A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, aroused popular sentiment against slavery.^[109] It also provoked the publication of numerous anti-Tom novels by Southerners in the years before the American Civil War.

Map of known Underground Railroad routes, as mapped by a historian of 1898

This struggle took place amid strong support for slavery among white Southerners, who profited greatly from the system of enslaved labor. But slavery was entwined with the national economy; for instance, the banking, shipping, insurance, and manufacturing industries of New York City all had strong economic interests in slavery, as did similar industries in other major port cities in the North. The Northern textile mills in New York and New England processed Southern cotton and manufactured clothes to outfit slaves. By 1822, half of New York City's exports were related to cotton.^[110]

Slaveholders began to refer to slavery as the "peculiar institution" to differentiate it from other examples of forced labor. They justified it as less cruel than the free labor of the North.

The principal organized bodies to advocate abolition and anti-slavery reforms in the north were the Pennsylvania Abolition Society and the New York Manumission Society. Before the 1830s the antislavery groups called for gradual emancipation.^[111] By the late 1820s, under the impulse of religious evangelicals such as Beriah Green, the sense emerged that owning slaves was a sin and the owner had to immediately free himself from this grave sin by immediate emancipation.^[112]

Prohibiting the international trade

Under the Constitution, Congress could not prohibit the import slave trade that was allowed in South Carolina until 1808. However, the third Congress regulated against it in the Slave Trade Act of 1794, which prohibited American shipbuilding and outfitting for the trade. Subsequent acts in 1800 and 1803 sought to discourage the trade by banning American investment in the trade, and American employment on ships in the trade, as well as prohibiting importation into states that had abolished slavery, which all states except South Carolina had by 1807.^[114]^[115] The final Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves was adopted in 1807 and went into effect in 1808. However, illegal importation of African slaves (smuggling) was common.^[4] The Cuban slave trade between 1796 and 1807 was dominated by American slave ships. Despite the 1794 Act, Rhode Island slave ship owners found ways to continue supplying the slave-owning states. The overall U.S. slave-ship fleet in 1806 was estimated to be almost 75% the size of that of the British.^[116]^: 63, 65

After Great Britain and the United States outlawed the international slave trade in 1807, British slave trade suppression activities began in 1808 through diplomatic efforts and the formation of the Royal Navy's West Africa Squadron in 1809. The United States denied the Royal Navy the right to stop and search U.S. ships suspected as slave ships, so not only were American ships unhindered by British patrols, but slavers from other countries would fly the American flag to try to avoid being stopped. Co-operation between the United States and Britain was not possible during the War of 1812 or the period of poor relations in the following years. In 1820, the United States Navy sent USS Cyane under the command of Captain Edward Trenchard to patrol the slave coasts of West Africa. Cyane seized four American slave ships in her first year on station. Trenchard developed a good level of co-operation with the Royal Navy. Four additional U.S. warships were sent to the African coast in 1820 and 1821. A total of 11 American slave ships were taken by the U.S. Navy over this period. Then American enforcement activity reduced. There was still no agreement between the United States and Britain on a mutual right to board suspected slave traders sailing under each other's flag. Attempts to reach such an agreement stalled in 1821 and 1824 in the United States Senate. A U.S. Navy presence, however sporadic, did result in American slavers sailing under the Spanish flag, but still as an extensive trade. The Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 set a guaranteed minimum level of patrol activity by the U.S. Navy and the Royal Navy, and formalized the level of co-operation that had existed in 1820. Its effects, however, were minimal^[b] while opportunities for greater co-operation were not taken. The U.S. transatlantic slave trade was not effectively suppressed until 1861, during Lincoln's presidency, when a treaty with Britain was signed whose provisions included allowing the Royal Navy to board, search and arrest slavers operating under the American flag.^[116]^{: 399–400, 449, 1144, 1149}^[121]

War of 1812

During the War of 1812, British Royal Navy commanders of the blockading fleet were instructed to offer freedom to defecting American slaves, as the Crown had during the Revolutionary War. Thousands of escaped slaves went over to the Crown with their families.^[122] Men were recruited into the Corps of Colonial Marines on occupied Tangier Island, in the Chesapeake Bay. Many freed American slaves were recruited directly into existing West Indian regiments, or newly created British Army units. The British later resettled a few thousand freed slaves to Nova Scotia. Their descendants, together with descendants of the black people resettled there after the Revolution, have established the Black Loyalist Heritage Museum.^[123]

Slaveholders, primarily in the South, had considerable "loss of property" as thousands of slaves escaped to the British lines or ships for freedom, despite the difficulties.^[123] The planters' complacency about slave "contentment" was shocked by seeing that slaves would risk so much to be free.^[123] Afterward, when some freed slaves had been settled at Bermuda, slaveholders such as Major Pierce Butler of South Carolina tried to persuade them to return to the United States, to no avail.

The Americans protested that Britain's failure to return all slaves violated the Treaty of Ghent. After arbitration by the Tsar of Russia, the British paid $1,204,960 in damages (about $32.4 million in today's money) to Washington, which reimbursed the slaveowners.^[124]

Slave rebellions

According to Herbert Aptheker, "there were few phases of ante-bellum Southern life and history that were not in some way influenced by the fear of, or the actual outbreak of, militant concerted slave action."^[125]

Historians in the 20th century identified 250 to 311 slave uprisings in U.S. and colonial history.^[126] Those after 1776 include:

Gabriel's conspiracy (1800)
Igbo Landing slave escape and mass suicide (1803)
Chatham Manor Rebellion (1805)
1811 German Coast uprising, (1811)^[127]
George Boxley Rebellion (1815)
Denmark Vesey's conspiracy (1822)
Nat Turner's Rebellion (1831)
Black Seminole Slave Rebellion (1835–1838)^[128]
Amistad seizure (1839)^[129]
1842 Slave Revolt in the Cherokee Nation^[130]
Charleston Workhouse Slave Rebellion (1849)

In 1831, Nat Turner, a literate slave who claimed to have spiritual visions, organized a slave rebellion in Southampton County, Virginia; it was sometimes called the Southampton Insurrection. Turner and his followers killed nearly sixty white inhabitants, mostly women and children. Many of the men in the area were attending a religious event in North Carolina.^[131] Eventually Turner was captured with 17 other rebels, who were subdued by the militia.^[131] Turner and his followers were hanged, and Turner's body was flayed. In a frenzy of fear and retaliation, the militia killed more than 100 slaves who had not been involved in the rebellion. Planters whipped hundreds of innocent slaves to ensure resistance was quelled.^[131]

This rebellion prompted Virginia and other slave states to pass more restrictions on slaves and free people of color, controlling their movement and requiring more white supervision of gatherings. In 1835, North Carolina withdrew the franchise for free people of color, and they lost their vote.

There are four known mutinies on vessels involved in the coastwise slave trade: Decatur (1826), Governor Strong (1826), Lafayette (1829), and the Creole (1841).^[132]

Post-revolution Southern manumissions

Although Virginia, Maryland and Delaware were slave states, the latter two already had a high proportion of free blacks by the outbreak of war. Following the Revolution, the three legislatures made manumission easier, allowing it by deed or will. Quaker and Methodist ministers in particular urged slaveholders to free their slaves. The number and proportion of freed slaves in these states rose dramatically until 1810. More than half of the number of free blacks in the United States were concentrated in the Upper South. The proportion of free blacks among the black population in the Upper South rose from less than 1 percent in 1792 to more than 10 percent by 1810.^[101] In Delaware, nearly 75 percent of black people were free by 1810.^[133]

In the United States as a whole, the number of free blacks reached 186,446, or 13.5 percent of all black people by 1810.^[134] After that period, few slaves were freed, as the development of cotton plantations featuring short-staple cotton in the Deep South drove up the internal demand for slaves in the domestic slave trade and high prices being paid for them.^[135]

South Carolina made manumission more difficult, requiring legislative approval of every manumission.^{[citation needed]} Alabama banned free black people from the state beginning in 1834; free people of color who crossed the state line were subject to enslavement.^[136] Free black people in Arkansas after 1843 had to buy a $500 good-behavior bond, and no unenslaved black person was legally allowed to move into the state.^[137]

Female slave owners

Women exercised their right to own and control human property without their husbands' interference or permission, and they were active participants in the slave trade.^[138] For example, in South Carolina 40% of bills of sale for slaves from the 1700s to the present included a female buyer or seller.^[139] Women also governed their slaves in a manner similar to men, engaging in the same levels of physical disciplining. Like men, they brought lawsuits against those who jeopardized their ownership to their slaves.^[140]

Black slave owners

Despite the longstanding color line in the United States, some African Americans were slave owners themselves, some in cities and others as plantation owners in the country.^[141] Slave ownership signified both wealth and increased social status.^[141] Black slave owners were uncommon, however, as "of the two and a half million African Americans living in the United States in 1850, the vast majority [were] enslaved."^[141]

Native American slave owners

After 1800, some of the Cherokee and the other four civilized tribes of the Southeast started buying and using black slaves as labor. They continued this practice after removal to Indian Territory in the 1830s, when as many as 15,000 enslaved blacks were taken with them.^[142]

The nature of slavery in Cherokee society often mirrored that of white slave-owning society. The law barred intermarriage of Cherokees and enslaved African Americans, but Cherokee men had unions with enslaved women, resulting in mixed-race children.^[143]^[144] Cherokee who aided slaves were punished with one hundred lashes on the back. In Cherokee society, persons of African descent were barred from holding office even if they were also racially and culturally Cherokee. They were also barred from bearing arms and owning property. The Cherokee prohibited the teaching of African Americans to read and write.^[145]^[146]

By contrast, the Seminole welcomed into their nation African Americans who had escaped slavery (Black Seminoles). Historically, the Black Seminoles lived mostly in distinct bands near the Native American Seminole. Some were held as slaves of particular Seminole leaders. Seminole practice in Florida had acknowledged slavery, though not the chattel slavery model common elsewhere. It was, in fact, more like feudal dependency and taxation.^[147]^[148]^[149] The relationship between Seminole blacks and natives changed following their relocation in the 1830s to territory controlled by the Creek who had a system of chattel slavery. Pro slavery pressure from Creek and pro-Creek Seminole and slave raiding led to many Black Seminoles escaping to Mexico.^[150]^[151]^[152]^[153]^[154]

High demand and smuggling

The United States Constitution, adopted in 1787, prevented Congress from completely banning the importation of slaves until 1808, although Congress regulated against the trade in the Slave Trade Act of 1794, and in subsequent Acts in 1800 and 1803.^[114]^[155] During and after the Revolution, the states individually passed laws against importing slaves. By contrast, the states of Georgia and South Carolina reopened their trade due to demand by their upland planters, who were developing new cotton plantations: Georgia from 1800 until December 31, 1807, and South Carolina from 1804. In that period, Charleston traders imported about 75,000 slaves, more than were brought to South Carolina in the 75 years before the Revolution.^[156] Approximately 30,000 were imported to Georgia.

By January 1, 1808, when Congress banned further imports, South Carolina was the only state that still allowed importation of enslaved people. The domestic trade became extremely profitable as demand rose with the expansion of cultivation in the Deep South for cotton and sugar cane crops. Slavery in the United States became, more or less, self-sustaining by natural increase among the current slaves and their descendants. Maryland and Virginia viewed themselves as slave producers, seeing "producing slaves" as resembling animal husbandry. Workers, including many children, were relocated by force from the upper to the lower South.

Despite the ban, slave imports continued through smugglers bringing in slaves past the U.S. Navy's African Slave Trade Patrol to South Carolina, and overland from Texas and Florida, both under Spanish control.^[157] Congress increased the punishment associated with importing slaves, classifying it in 1820 as an act of piracy, with smugglers subject to harsh penalties, including death if caught. After that, "it is unlikely that more than 10,000 [slaves] were successfully landed in the United States."^[158] But, some smuggling of slaves into the United States continued until just before the start of the Civil War.

Colonization movement

In the early part of the 19th century, other organizations were founded to take action on the future of black Americans. Some advocated removing free black people from the United States to places where they would enjoy greater freedom; some endorsed colonization in Africa, while others advocated emigration, usually to Haiti. During the 1820s and 1830s, the American Colonization Society (ACS) was the primary organization to implement the "return" of black Americans to Africa.^[159] The ACS was made up mostly of Quakers and slaveholders, and they found uneasy common ground in support of what was incorrectly called "repatriation". By this time, however, most black Americans were native-born and did not want to emigrate, saying they were no more African than white Americans were British. Rather, they wanted full rights in the United States, where their families had lived and worked for generations.

In 1822, the ACS and affiliated state societies established what would become the colony of Liberia, in West Africa.^[160] The ACS assisted thousands of freedmen and free blacks (with legislated limits) to emigrate there from the United States. Many white people considered this preferable to emancipation in the United States. Henry Clay, one of the founders and a prominent slaveholder politician from Kentucky, said that blacks faced:

...unconquerable prejudice resulting from their color, they never could amalgamate with the free whites of this country. It was desirable, therefore, as it respected them, and the residue of the population of the country, to drain them off.^[161]

Deportation would also be a way to prevent reprisals against former slaveholders and white people in general, as had occurred in the 1804 Haiti massacre, which had contributed to a consuming fear amongst whites of retributive black violence, a phobia dubbed Haitianism.

Domestic slave trade and forced migration

The U.S. Constitution barred the federal government from prohibiting the importation of slaves for twenty years. Various states passed bans on the international slave trade during that period; by 1808, the only state still allowing the importation of African slaves was South Carolina. After 1808, legal importation of slaves ceased, although there was smuggling via Spanish Florida and the disputed Gulf Coast to the west.^[162]^: 48–49^[163]^: 138 This route all but ended after Florida became a U.S. territory in 1821 (but see slave ships Wanderer and Clotilda).

The replacement for the importation of slaves from abroad was increased domestic production. Virginia and Maryland had little new agricultural development, and their need for slaves was mostly for replacements for decedents. Normal reproduction more than supplied these: Virginia and Maryland had surpluses of slaves. Their tobacco farms were "worn out"^[164] and the climate was not suitable for cotton or sugar cane. The surplus was even greater because slaves were encouraged to reproduce (though they could not marry). The pro-slavery Virginian Thomas Roderick Dew wrote in 1832 that Virginia was a "negro-raising state"; i.e. Virginia "produced" slaves.^[165] According to him, in 1832 Virginia exported "upwards of 6,000 slaves" per year, "a source of wealth to Virginia".^[166]^: 198 A newspaper from 1836 gives the figure as 40,000, earning for Virginia an estimated $24,000,000 per year.^[167]^[166]^: 201 Demand for slaves was the strongest in what was then the southwest of the country: Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, and, later, Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri. Here there was abundant land suitable for plantation agriculture, which young men with some capital established. This was expansion of the white, monied population: younger men seeking their fortune.

The most valuable crop that could be grown on a plantation in that climate was cotton. That crop was labor-intensive, and the least-costly laborers were slaves. Demand for slaves exceeded the supply in the southwest; therefore slaves, never cheap if they were productive, went for a higher price. As portrayed in Uncle Tom's Cabin (the "original" cabin was in Maryland),^[168] "selling South" was greatly feared. A recently (2018) publicized example of the practice of "selling South" is the 1838 sale by Jesuits of 272 slaves from Maryland, to plantations in Louisiana, to benefit Georgetown University, which has been described as "ow[ing] its existence" to this transaction.^[169]^[170]^[171]

The growing international demand for cotton led many plantation owners further west in search of suitable land. In addition, the invention of the cotton gin in 1793 enabled profitable processing of short-staple cotton, which could readily be grown in the uplands. The invention revolutionized the cotton industry by increasing fifty-fold the quantity of cotton that could be processed in a day. At the end of the War of 1812, fewer than 300,000 bales of cotton were produced nationally. By 1820, the amount of cotton produced had increased to 600,000 bales, and by 1850 it had reached 4,000,000. There was an explosive growth of cotton cultivation throughout the Deep South and greatly increased demand for slave labor to support it.^[172] As a result, manumissions decreased dramatically in the South.^[173]

Most of the slaves sold from the Upper South were from Maryland, Virginia and the Carolinas, where changes in agriculture decreased the need for their labor and the demand for slaves. Before 1810, primary destinations for the slaves who were sold were Kentucky and Tennessee, but, after 1810, the Deep South states of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas received the most slaves. This is where cotton became "king".^[174] Meanwhile, the Upper South states of Kentucky and Tennessee joined the slave-exporting states.

By 1815, the domestic slave trade had become a major economic activity in the United States; it lasted until the 1860s.^[175] Between 1830 and 1840, nearly 250,000 slaves were taken across state lines.^[175] In the 1850s, more than 193,000 enslaved persons were transported, and historians estimate nearly one million in total took part in the forced migration of this new "Middle Passage". By 1860, the slave population in the United States had reached four million.^[175] Of the 1,515,605 free families in the fifteen slave states in 1860, nearly 400,000 held slaves (roughly one in four, or 25%),^[176] amounting to 8% of all American families.^[177]

The historian Ira Berlin called this forced migration of slaves the "Second Middle Passage" because it reproduced many of the same horrors as the Middle Passage (the name given to the transportation of slaves from Africa to North America). These sales of slaves broke up many families and caused much hardship. Characterizing it as the "central event" in the life of a slave between the American Revolution and the Civil War, Berlin wrote that, whether slaves were directly uprooted or lived in fear that they or their families would be involuntarily moved, "the massive deportation traumatized black people, both slave and free".^[178] Individuals lost their connection to families and clans. Added to the earlier colonists combining slaves from different tribes, many ethnic Africans lost their knowledge of varying tribal origins in Africa. Most were descended from families that had been in the United States for many generations.^[175]

The firm of Franklin and Armfield was a leader in this trade. In the 1840s, almost 300,000 slaves were transported, with Alabama and Mississippi receiving 100,000 each. During each decade between 1810 and 1860, at least 100,000 slaves were moved from their state of origin. In the final decade before the Civil War, 250,000 were transported. Michael Tadman wrote in Speculators and Slaves: Masters, Traders, and Slaves in the Old South (1989) that 60–70% of inter-regional migrations were the result of the sale of slaves. In 1820, a slave child in the Upper South had a 30 percent chance of being sold South by 1860.^[179] The death rate for the slaves on their way to their new destination across the American South was less than that suffered by captives shipped across the Atlantic Ocean, but mortality nevertheless was higher than the normal death rate.

Slave traders transported two-thirds of the slaves who moved West.^[180] Only a minority moved with their families and existing master. Slave traders had little interest in purchasing or transporting intact slave families; in the early years, planters demanded only the young male slaves needed for heavy labor. Later, in the interest of creating a "self-reproducing labor force", planters purchased nearly equal numbers of men and women. Berlin wrote:

The internal slave trade became the largest enterprise in the South outside the plantation itself, and probably the most advanced in its employment of modern transportation, finance, and publicity. The slave trade industry developed its own unique language, with terms such as "prime hands, bucks, breeding wenches, and "fancy girls" coming into common use.^[181]

The expansion of the interstate slave trade contributed to the "economic revival of once depressed seaboard states" as demand accelerated the value of slaves who were subject to sale.^[182] Some traders moved their "chattels" by sea, with Norfolk to New Orleans being the most common route, but most slaves were forced to walk overland. Others were shipped downriver from such markets as Louisville on the Ohio River, and Natchez on the Mississippi. Traders created regular migration routes served by a network of slave pens, yards and warehouses needed as temporary housing for the slaves. In addition, other vendors provided clothes, food and supplies for slaves. As the trek advanced, some slaves were sold and new ones purchased. Berlin concluded, "In all, the slave trade, with its hubs and regional centers, its spurs and circuits, reached into every cranny of southern society. Few southerners, black or white, were untouched."^[183]

Once the trip ended, slaves faced a life on the frontier significantly different from most labor in the Upper South. Clearing trees and starting crops on virgin fields was harsh and backbreaking work. A combination of inadequate nutrition, bad water and exhaustion from both the journey and the work weakened the newly arrived slaves and produced casualties. New plantations were located at rivers' edges for ease of transportation and travel. Mosquitoes and other environmental challenges spread disease, which took the lives of many slaves. They had acquired only limited immunities to lowland diseases in their previous homes. The death rate was so high that, in the first few years of hewing a plantation out of the wilderness, some planters preferred whenever possible to use rented slaves rather than their own.^[184]

The harsh conditions on the frontier increased slave resistance and led owners and overseers to rely on violence for control. Many of the slaves were new to cotton fields and unaccustomed to the "sunrise-to-sunset gang labor" required by their new life. Slaves were driven much harder than when they had been in growing tobacco or wheat back East. Slaves had less time and opportunity to improve the quality of their lives by raising their own livestock or tending vegetable gardens, for either their own consumption or trade, as they could in the East.^[185]

In Louisiana, French colonists had established sugar cane plantations and exported sugar as the chief commodity crop. After the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, Americans entered the state and joined the sugar cultivation. Between 1810 and 1830, planters bought slaves from the North and the number of slaves increased from fewer than 10,000 to more than 42,000. Planters preferred young males, who represented two-thirds of the slave purchases. Dealing with sugar cane was even more physically demanding than growing cotton. The largely young, unmarried male slave force made the reliance on violence by the owners "especially savage".^[186]

New Orleans became nationally important as a slave market and port, as slaves were shipped from there upriver by steamboat to plantations on the Mississippi River; it also sold slaves who had been shipped downriver from markets such as Louisville. By 1840, the New Orleans slave market was the largest in North America. It became the wealthiest and the fourth-largest city in the nation, based chiefly on the slave trade and associated businesses.^[66] The trading season was from September to May, after the harvest.^[187]

The notion that slave traders were social outcasts of low reputation, even in the South, was initially promulgated by defensive southerners and later by figures like historian Ulrich B. Phillips.^[188] Historian Frederic Bancroft, author of Slave-Trading in the Old South (1931) found — to the contrary of Phillips's position — that many traders were esteemed members of their communities.^[189] Contemporary researcher Steven Deyle argues that the "trader's position in society was not unproblematic and owners who dealt with the trader felt the need to satisfy themselves that they acted honorably," while Michael Tadman contends that "'trader as outcast' operated at the level of propaganda" whereas white slave owners almost universally professed a belief that slaves were not human like them, and thus dismissed the consequences of slave trading as beneath consideration.^[188] Similarly, historian Charles Dew read hundreds of letters to slave traders and found virtually zero narrative evidence for guilt, shame, or contrition about the slave trade: "If you begin with the absolute belief in white supremacy—unquestioned white superiority/unquestioned black inferiority—everything falls neatly into place: the African is inferior racial 'stock,' living in sin and ignorance and barbarism and heathenism on the 'Dark Continent' until enslaved...Slavery thus miraculously becomes a form of 'uplift' for this supposedly benighted and brutish race of people. And once notions of white supremacy and black inferiority are in place in the American South, they are passed on from one generation to the next with all the certainty and inevitability of a genetic trait."^[190]

In the 1828 presidential election, candidate Andrew Jackson was strongly criticized by opponents as a slave trader who transacted in slaves in defiance of modern standards or morality.^[191]

Treatment

The treatment of slaves in the United States varied widely depending on conditions, time, and place, but in general it was brutal, especially on plantations. Whippings and rape were routine. The power relationships of slavery corrupted many whites that had authority over slaves, with children showing their own cruelty. Masters and overseers resorted to physical punishments to impose their wills. Slaves were punished by whipping, shackling, hanging, beating, burning, mutilation, branding and imprisonment. Punishment was most often meted out in response to disobedience or perceived infractions, but sometimes abuse was carried out to re-assert the dominance of the master or overseer of the slave.^[195] Treatment was usually harsher on large plantations, which were often managed by overseers and owned by absentee slaveholders, conditions permitting abuses.

William Wells Brown, who escaped to freedom, reported that on one plantation, slave men were required to pick eighty pounds per day of cotton, while women were required to pick seventy pounds; if any slave failed in his or her quota, they were subject to whip lashes for each pound they were short. The whipping post stood next to the cotton scales.^[196] A New York man who attended a slave auction in the mid-19th century reported that at least three-quarters of the male slaves he saw at sale had scars on their backs from whipping.^[197] By contrast, small slave-owning families had closer relationships between the owners and slaves; this sometimes resulted in a more humane environment but was not a given.^[198]

Historian Lawrence M. Friedman wrote: "Ten Southern codes made it a crime to mistreat a slave. ... Under the Louisiana Civil Code of 1825 (art. 192), if a master was "convicted of cruel treatment", the judge could order the sale of the mistreated slave, presumably to a better master.^[199] Masters and overseers were seldom prosecuted under these laws. No slave could give testimony in the courts.

According to Adalberto Aguirre's research, 1,161 slaves were executed in the United States between the 1790s and 1850s.^[200] Quick executions of innocent slaves as well as suspects typically followed any attempted slave rebellions, as white militias overreacted with widespread killings that expressed their fears of rebellions, or suspected rebellions.

Although most slaves had lives that were very restricted in terms of their movements and agency, exceptions existed to virtually every generalization; for instance, there were also slaves who had considerable freedom in their daily lives: slaves allowed to rent out their labor and who might live independently of their master in cities, slaves who employed white workers, and slave doctors who treated upper-class white patients.^[201] After 1820, in response to the inability to import new slaves from Africa and in part to abolitionist criticism, some slaveholders improved the living conditions of their slaves, to encourage them to be productive and to try to prevent escapes.^[202] It was part of a paternalistic approach in the antebellum era that was encouraged by ministers trying to use Christianity to improve the treatment of slaves. Slaveholders published articles in Southern agricultural journals to share best practices in treatment and management of slaves; they intended to show that their system was better than the living conditions of northern industrial workers.

Medical care for slaves was limited in terms of the medical knowledge available to anyone. It was generally provided by other slaves or by slaveholders' family members, although sometimes "plantation physicians", like J. Marion Sims, were called by the owners to protect their investment by treating sick slaves. Many slaves possessed medical skills needed to tend to each other, and used folk remedies brought from Africa. They also developed new remedies based on American plants and herbs.^[203]

An estimated nine percent of slaves were disabled due to a physical, sensory, psychological, neurological, or developmental condition. However, slaves were often described as disabled if they were unable to work or bear a child, and were often subjected to harsh treatment as a result.^[204]

According to Andrew Fede, an owner could be held criminally liable for killing a slave only if the slave he killed was "completely submissive and under the master's absolute control".^[205] For example, in 1791 the North Carolina General Assembly defined the willful killing of a slave as criminal murder, unless done in resisting or under moderate correction (that is, corporal punishment).^[206]

While slaves' living conditions were poor by modern standards, Robert Fogel argued that all workers, free or slave, during the first half of the 19th century were subject to hardship.^[207] Unlike free individuals, however, enslaved people were far more likely to be underfed, physically punished, sexually abused, or killed, with no recourse, legal or otherwise, against those who perpetrated these crimes against them.

Commodification of human tissue

In a very grim fashion, the commodification of the human body was legal in the case of African slaves as they were not legally seen as fully human. The most popular means of commodifying slave tissues was through medical experimentation. Slaves were routinely used as medical specimens forced to take part in experimental surgeries, amputations, disease research, and developing medical techniques.^[208] In many cases, slave cadavers were used in demonstrations and dissection tables,^[209] oftentimes resulting in their tissues being sold for profit. For the reason of slave punishment, decoration, or self-expression, the skin of slaves was in many instances allowed to be made into leather for furniture, accessories, and clothing,^[210] a famous example of which being that of wealthy clientele sending cadaver skin to tanners and shoemakers under the guise of animal leather.^[211] Slave hair could be shaved and used for stuffing in pillows and furniture. In some instances, the inner body tissue of slaves (fat, bones, etc.) could be made into soap, trophies, and other commodities.^[212]

Sexual abuse, reproductive exploitation, and breeding farms

Because of the power relationships at work, slave women in the United States were at high risk for rape and sexual abuse.^[213]^[214] Their children were repeatedly taken away from them and sold as farm animals; usually they never saw each other again. Many slaves fought back against sexual attacks, and some died resisting. Others carried psychological and physical scars from the attacks.^[215] Sexual abuse of slaves was partially rooted in a patriarchal Southern culture that treated black women as property or chattel.^[214] Southern culture strongly policed against sexual relations between white women and black men on the purported grounds of racial purity but, by the late 18th century, the many mixed-race slaves and slave children showed that white men had often taken advantage of slave women.^[214] Wealthy planter widowers, notably such as John Wayles and his son-in-law Thomas Jefferson, took slave women as concubines; each had six children with his partner: Elizabeth Hemings and her daughter Sally Hemings (the half-sister of Jefferson's late wife), respectively. Both Mary Chesnut and Fanny Kemble, wives of planters, wrote about this issue in the antebellum South in the decades before the Civil War. Sometimes planters used mixed-race slaves as house servants or favored artisans because they were their children or other relatives.^[216] While publicly opposed to race mixing, in his Notes on the State of Virginia published in 1785, Jefferson wrote: "The improvement of the blacks in body and mind, in the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been observed by every one, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life".^[217] Historians estimate that 58% of enslaved women in the U.S. aged 15–30 years were sexually assaulted by their slave owners and other white men.^[218] As a result of centuries of slavery and such relationships, DNA studies have shown that the vast majority of African Americans also have historic European ancestry, generally through paternal lines.^[219]^[220]

Portrayals of black men as hypersexual and savage, along with ideals of protecting white women, were predominant during this time^[221] and masked the experiences of sexual violence faced by black male slaves, especially by white women. Subject not only to rape and sexual exploitation, slaves faced sexual violence in many forms. A black man could be forced by his slaveowner to rape another slave or even a free black woman.^[222] Forced pairings with other slaves, including forced breeding, which neither slave might desire, were common.^[222] Despite explicit bans on homosexuality and sodomy, it was not uncommon for male slaves and children to be sexually harassed and assaulted by their masters in secret.^[223] Through sexual and reproductive abuse slaveowners could further enforce their control over their slaves.

The prohibition on the importation of slaves into the United States after 1808 limited the supply of slaves in the United States. This came at a time when the invention of the cotton gin enabled the expansion of cultivation in the uplands of short-staple cotton, leading to clearing lands cultivating cotton through large areas of the Deep South, especially the Black Belt. The demand for labor in the area increased sharply and led to an expansion of the internal slave market. At the same time, the Upper South had an excess number of slaves because of a shift to mixed-crops agriculture, which was less labor-intensive than tobacco. To add to the supply of slaves, slaveholders looked at the fertility of slave women as part of their productivity, and intermittently forced the women to have large numbers of children. During this time period, the terms "breeders", "breeding slaves", "child bearing women", "breeding period", and "too old to breed" became familiar.^[224]

As it became popular on many plantations to breed slaves for strength, fertility, or extra labor, there grew many documented instances of "breeding farms" in the United States. Slaves were forced to conceive and birth as many new slaves as possible. The largest farms were located in Virginia and Maryland.^[225] Because the industry of slave breeding came from a desire for larger than natural population growth of slaves, slaveowners often turned towards systematic practices for creating more slaves. Female slaves "were subjected to repeated rape or forced sex and became pregnant again and again",^[226] even by incest. In horrific accounts of former slaves, some stated that hoods or bags were placed over their heads to prevent them from knowing who they were forced to have sex with. Journalist William Spivey wrote, "It could be someone they know, perhaps a niece, aunt, sister, or their own mother. The breeders only wanted a child that could be sold."^[227]

In the United States in the early 19th century, owners of female slaves could freely and legally use them as sexual objects. This follows free use of female slaves on slaving vessels by the crews.^[228]^: 83

The slaveholder has it in his power, to violate the chastity of his slaves. And not a few are beastly enough to exercise such power. Hence it happens that, in some families, it is difficult to distinguish the free children from the slaves. It is sometimes the case, that the largest part of the master's own children are born, not of his wife, but of the wives and daughters of his slaves, whom he has basely prostituted as well as enslaved.^[229]^: 38

"This vice, this bane of society, has already become so common, that it is scarcely esteemed a disgrace."^[230]

"Fancy" was a code word that indicated that the girl or young woman was suitable for or trained for sexual use.^[232]^: 56 In some cases, children were also abused in this manner. The sale of a 13-year-old "nearly a fancy" is documented.^[233] Zephaniah Kingsley, Jr., bought his wife when she was 13.^[234]^: 191

Furthermore, enslaved women who were old enough to bear children were encouraged to procreate, which raised their value as slaves, since their children would eventually provide labor or be sold, enriching the owners. Enslaved women were sometimes medically treated to enable or encourage their fertility.^[235] The variations in skin color found in the United States make it obvious how often black women were impregnated by whites.^[236] For example, in the 1850 Census, 75.4% of "free negros" in Florida were described as mulattos, of mixed race.^[237] Nevertheless, it is only very recently, with DNA studies, that any sort of reliable number can be provided, and the research has only begun. Light-skinned girls, who contrasted with the darker field workers, were preferred.^[233]^[238]

As Caroline Randall Williams was quoted in The New York Times: "You Want a Confederate Monument? My Body Is a Confederate Monument." "I have rape-colored skin," she added.^[239]

The sexual use of black slaves by either slave owners or by those who could purchase the temporary services of a slave took various forms. A slaveowner, or his teenage son, could go to the slave quarters area of the plantation and do what he wanted, with minimal privacy if any. It was common for a "house" female (housekeeper, maid, cook, laundress, or nanny) to be raped by one or more members of the household. Houses of prostitution throughout the slave states were largely staffed by female slaves providing sexual services, to their owners' profit. There were a small number of free black females engaged in prostitution, or concubinage, especially in New Orleans.^[232]^: 41

Slave owners who engaged in sexual activity with female slaves "were often the elite of the community. They had little need to worry about public scorn." These relationships "appear to have been tolerated and in some cases even quietly accepted". "Southern women ... do not trouble themselves about it".^[240] Franklin and Armfield, who were definitely the elite of the community, joked frequently in their letters about the black women and girls that they were raping. It never occurred to them that there was anything wrong in what they were doing.^[241]

Light-skinned young girls were sold openly for sexual use; their price was much higher than that of a field hand.^[232]^: 38, 55^[242] Special markets for the fancy girl trade existed in New Orleans^[232]^: 55 and Lexington, Kentucky.^[243]^[244] Historian Philip Shaw describes an occasion when Abraham Lincoln and Allen Gentry witnessed such sales in New Orleans in 1828:

Gentry vividly remembered a day in New Orleans when he and the nineteen-year-old Lincoln came upon a slave market. Pausing to watch, Gentry recalled looking down at Lincoln's hands and seeing that he "doubled his fists tightly; his knuckles went white". Men wearing black coats and white hats buy field hands, "black and ugly", for $500 to 800. And then the real horror begins: "When the sale of "fancy girls" began, Lincoln, "unable to stand it any longer", muttered to Gentry "Allen that's a disgrace. If I ever get a lick at that thing I'll hit it hard."^[245]

Those girls who were "considered educated and refined, were purchased by the wealthiest clients, usually plantation owners, to become personal sexual companions". "There was a great demand in New Orleans for 'fancy girls'."^[246]

The issue that did come up frequently was the threat of sexual intercourse between black males and white females. Just as the black women were perceived as having "a trace of Africa, that supposedly incited passion and sexual wantonness",^[232]^: 39 the men were perceived as savages, unable to control their lust, given an opportunity.^[247]

Another approach to the question was offered by Quaker and Florida planter Zephaniah Kingsley, Jr. He advocated, and personally practiced, deliberate racial mixing through marriage, as part of his proposed solution to the slavery issue: racial integration, called "amalgamation" at the time. In an 1829 Treatise, he stated that mixed-race people were healthier and often more beautiful, that interracial sex was hygienic, and slavery made it convenient.^[234]^: 190 Because of these views, tolerated in Spanish Florida, he found it impossible to remain long in Territorial Florida, and moved with his slaves and multiple wives to a plantation, Mayorasgo de Koka, in Haiti (now in the Dominican Republic). There were many others who less flagrantly practiced interracial, common-law marriages with slaves (see Partus sequitur ventrem).

Slave Codes

To help regulate the relationship between slave and owner, including legal support for keeping the slave as property, states established slave codes, most based on laws existing since the colonial era. The code for the District of Columbia defined a slave as "a human being, who is by law deprived of his or her liberty for life, and is the property of another".^[248]

While each state had its own slave code, many concepts were shared throughout the slave states.^[249] According to the slave codes, some of which were passed in reaction to slave rebellions, teaching a slave to read or write was illegal. This prohibition was unique to American slavery, believed to reduce slaves forming aspirations that could lead to escape or rebellion.^[250] Informal education occurred when white children taught slave companions what they were learning; in other cases, adult slaves learned from free artisan workers, especially if located in cities, where there was more freedom of movement.

In Alabama, slaves were not allowed to leave their master's premises without written consent or passes. This was a common requirement in other states as well, and locally run patrols (known to slaves as pater rollers) often checked the passes of slaves who appeared to be away from their plantations. In Alabama slaves were prohibited from trading goods among themselves. In Virginia, a slave was not permitted to drink in public within one mile of his master or during public gatherings. Slaves were not permitted to carry firearms in any of the slave states.

Slaves were generally prohibited by law from associating in groups, with the exception of worship services (a reason why the Black Church is such a notable institution in black communities today). Following Nat Turner's rebellion in 1831, which raised white fears throughout the South, some states also prohibited or restricted religious gatherings of slaves, or required that they be officiated by white men. Planters feared that group meetings would facilitate communication among slaves that could lead to rebellion.^[251] Slaves held private, secret "brush meetings" in the woods.

In Ohio, an emancipated slave was prohibited from returning to the state in which he or she had been enslaved. Other Northern states discouraged the settling of free blacks within their boundaries. Fearing the influence of free blacks, Virginia and other Southern states passed laws to require blacks who had been freed to leave the state within a year (or sometimes less time) unless granted a stay by an act of the legislature.

Religion

Africans brought their religions with them from Africa, including Islam,^[252] Catholicism,^[253] and traditional religions.

Prior to the American Revolution, masters and revivalists spread Christianity to slave communities, including Catholicism in Spanish Florida and California, and in French and Spanish Louisiana, and Protestantism in English colonies, supported by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. In the First Great Awakening of the mid-18th century, Baptists and Methodists from New England preached a message against slavery, encouraged masters to free their slaves, converted both slaves and free blacks, and gave them active roles in new congregations.^[254] The first independent black congregations were started in the South before the Revolution, in South Carolina and Georgia. Believing that, "slavery was contrary to the ethics of Jesus", Christian congregations and church clergy, especially in the North, played a role in the Underground Railroad, especially Wesleyan Methodists, Quakers and Congregationalists.^[255]^[256]

Over the decades and with the growth of slavery throughout the South, some Baptist and Methodist ministers gradually changed their messages to accommodate the institution. After 1830, white Southerners argued for the compatibility of Christianity and slavery, with a multitude of both Old and New Testament citations.^[257] They promoted Christianity as encouraging better treatment of slaves and argued for a paternalistic approach. In the 1840s and 1850s, the issue of accepting slavery split the nation's largest religious denominations (the Methodist, Baptist and Presbyterian churches) into separate Northern and Southern organizations (see Methodist Episcopal Church, South, Southern Baptist Convention, and Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States of America).^[258] Schisms occurred, such as that between the Wesleyan Methodist Church and the Methodist Episcopal Church.^[259]

Southern slaves generally attended their masters' white churches, where they often outnumbered the white congregants. They were usually permitted to sit only in the back or in the balcony. They listened to white preachers, who emphasized the obligation of slaves to keep in their place, and acknowledged the slave's identity as both person and property.^[257] Preachers taught the master's responsibility and the concept of appropriate paternal treatment, using Christianity to improve conditions for slaves, and to treat them "justly and fairly" (Col. 4:1). This included masters having self-control, not disciplining under anger, not threatening, and ultimately fostering Christianity among their slaves by example.^[257]

Slaves also created their own religious observances, meeting alone without the supervision of their white masters or ministers. The larger plantations with groups of slaves numbering 20, or more, tended to be centers of nighttime meetings of one or several plantation slave populations.^[257] These congregations revolved around a singular preacher, often illiterate with limited knowledge of theology, who was marked by his personal piety and ability to foster a spiritual environment. African Americans developed a theology related to Biblical stories having the most meaning for them, including the hope for deliverance from slavery by their own Exodus. One lasting influence of these secret congregations is the African American spiritual.^[260]

Mandatory illiteracy

In a feature unique to American slavery, legislatures across the South enacted new laws to curtail the already limited rights of African Americans. For example, Virginia prohibited blacks, free or slave, from practicing preaching, prohibited them from owning firearms, and forbade anyone to teach slaves or free blacks how to read.^[131] It specified heavy penalties for both student and teacher if slaves were taught, including whippings or jail.^[261]

[E]very assemblage of negroes for the purpose of instruction in reading or writing, or in the night time for any purpose, shall be an unlawful assembly. Any justice may issue his warrant to any office or other person, requiring him to enter any place where such assemblage may be, and seize any negro therein; and he, or any other justice, may order such negro to be punished with stripes.^[262]

Slave owners saw literacy as a threat to the institution of slavery and their financial investment in it; as a North Carolina statute passed in 1830-1831 stated, "Teaching slaves to read and write, tends to excite dissatisfaction in their minds, and to produce insurrection and rebellion."^[263]^[264] Literacy enabled the enslaved to read the writings of abolitionists, which discussed the abolition of slavery and described the slave revolution in Haiti of 1791–1804 and the end of slavery in the British Empire in 1833. It also allowed slaves to learn that thousands of enslaved individuals had escaped, often with the assistance of the Underground Railroad. Literacy also was believed to make the enslaved unhappy at best, insolent and sullen at worst. As put by prominent Washington lawyer Elias B. Caldwell in 1822:

The more you improve the condition of these people, the more you cultivate their minds, the more miserable you make them, in their present state. You give them a higher relish for those privilegies which they can never attain, and turn what we intend for a blessing [slavery] into a curse. No, if they must remain in their present situation, keep them in the lowest state of degradation and ignorance. The nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy.^[265]

Unlike in the South, slave owners in Utah were required to send their slaves to school.^[266] Black slaves did not have to spend as much time in school as Indian slaves.^[267]

Freedom suits and Dred Scott

With the development of slave and free states after the American Revolution, and far-flung commercial and military activities, new situations arose in which slaves might be taken by masters into free states. Most free states not only prohibited slavery, but ruled that slaves brought and kept there illegally could be freed. Such cases were sometimes known as transit cases.^[269] Dred Scott and his wife Harriet Scott each sued for freedom in St. Louis after the death of their master, based on their having been held in a free territory (the northern part of the Louisiana Purchase from which slavery was excluded under the terms of the Missouri Compromise). (Later the two cases were combined under Dred Scott's name.) Scott filed suit for freedom in 1846 and went through two state trials, the first denying and the second granting freedom to the couple (and, by extension, their two daughters, who had also been held illegally in free territories). For 28 years, Missouri state precedent had generally respected laws of neighboring free states and territories, ruling for freedom in such transit cases where slaves had been held illegally in free territory. But in the Dred Scott case, the Missouri Supreme Court ruled against the slaves.^[270]

After Scott and his team appealed the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, in a sweeping decision, denied Scott his freedom. The 1857 decision, decided 7–2, held that a slave did not become free when taken into a free state; Congress could not bar slavery from a territory; and people of African descent imported into the United States and held as slaves, or their descendants, could never be citizens and thus had no status to bring suit in a U.S. court. A state could not bar slaveowners from bringing slaves into that state. Many Republicans, including Abraham Lincoln, considered the decision unjust and evidence that the Slave Power had seized control of the Supreme Court. Anti-slavery groups were enraged and slave owners encouraged, escalating the tensions that led to civil war.^[271]

1850 to the firing on Fort Sumter

In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act, as part of the Compromise of 1850, which required law enforcement and citizens of free states to cooperate in the capture and return of slaves. This met with considerable overt and covert resistance in free states and cities such as Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. Refugees from slavery continued to flee the South across the Ohio River and other parts of the Mason–Dixon line dividing North from South, to the North and Canada via the Underground Railroad. Some white Northerners helped hide former slaves from their former owners or helped them reach freedom in Canada.^[272]

As part of the Compromise of 1850, Congress abolished the slave trade (though not the ownership of slaves) in the District of Columbia; fearing this would happen, Alexandria, regional slave trading center and port, successfully sought its removal from the District of Columbia and devolution to Virginia. After 1854, Republicans argued that the "Slave Power", especially the pro-slavery Democratic Party in the South, controlled two of the three branches of the Federal government.^[273]

The abolitionists, realizing that the total elimination of slavery was unrealistic as an immediate goal, worked to prevent the expansion of slavery into the western territories that eventually would become new states. The Missouri Compromise, the Compromise of 1850, and the Bleeding Kansas period dealt with whether new states would be slave or free, or how that was to be decided. Both sides were anxious about effects of these decisions on the balance of power in the Senate.

After the passage of the Kansas–Nebraska Act in 1854, border fighting broke out in the Kansas Territory, where the question of whether it would be admitted to the Union as a slave or free state was left to the inhabitants. Migrants from both free and slave states moved into the territory to prepare for the vote on slavery. Abolitionist John Brown, the most famous of the anti-slavery immigrants, was active in the fighting in "Bleeding Kansas", but so too were many white Southerners (many from adjacent Missouri) who opposed abolition.

Abraham Lincoln's and the Republicans' political platform in 1860 was to stop slavery's expansion. Historian James M. McPherson says that in his famous "House Divided" speech in 1858, Lincoln said American republicanism can be purified by restricting the further expansion of slavery as the first step to putting it on the road to 'ultimate extinction.' Southerners took Lincoln at his word. When he won the presidency, they left the Union to escape the 'ultimate extinction' of slavery."^[274]

The divisions became fully exposed with the 1860 presidential election. The electorate split four ways. The Southern Democrats endorsed slavery, while the Republican Party denounced it. The Northern Democrats said democracy required the people to decide on slavery locally, state by state and territory by territory. The Constitutional Union Party said the survival of the Union was at stake and everything else should be compromised.^[275]

Lincoln, the Republican, won with a plurality of popular votes and a majority of electoral votes. Lincoln, however, did not appear on the ballots of ten southern slave states. Many slave owners in the South feared that the real intent of the Republicans was the abolition of slavery in states where it already existed, and that the sudden emancipation of four million slaves would be disastrous for the slave owners and for the economy that drew its greatest profits from the labor of people who were not paid. The slave owners feared that ending the balance could lead to the domination of the federal government by the northern free states. This led seven southern states to secede from the Union. When the Confederate Army attacked a U.S. Army installation at Fort Sumter, the American Civil War began and four additional slave states seceded. Northern leaders had viewed the slavery interests as a threat politically, but with secession, they viewed the prospect of a new Southern nation, the Confederate States of America, with control over the Mississippi River and parts of the West, as politically unacceptable. Most of all, they could not accept this repudiation of American nationalism.^[276]

Civil War and emancipation

American Civil War

The consequent American Civil War, beginning in 1861, led to the end of chattel slavery in America. Not long after the war broke out, through a legal maneuver by Union General Benjamin F. Butler, a lawyer by profession, slaves who fled to Union lines were considered "contraband of war". General Butler ruled that they were not subject to return to Confederate owners as they had been before the war. "Lincoln and his Cabinet discussed the issue on May 30 and decided to support Butler's stance".^[277] Soon word spread, and many slaves sought refuge in Union territory, desiring to be declared "contraband". Many of the "contrabands" joined the Union Army as workers or troops, forming entire regiments of the U.S. Colored Troops. Others went to refugee camps such as the Grand Contraband Camp near Fort Monroe or fled to northern cities. General Butler's interpretation was reinforced when Congress passed the Confiscation Act of 1861, which declared that any property used by the Confederate military, including slaves, could be confiscated by Union forces.

At the beginning of the war, some Union commanders thought they were supposed to return escaped slaves to their masters. By 1862, when it became clear that this would be a long war, the question of what to do about slavery became more general. The Southern economy and military effort depended on slave labor. It began to seem unreasonable to protect slavery while blockading Southern commerce and destroying Southern production. As Congressman George W. Julian of Indiana put it in an 1862 speech in Congress, the slaves "cannot be neutral. As laborers, if not as soldiers, they will be allies of the rebels, or of the Union."^[278] Julian and his fellow Radical Republicans put pressure on Lincoln to rapidly emancipate the slaves, whereas moderate Republicans came to accept gradual, compensated emancipation and colonization.^[279] Copperheads, the border states and War Democrats opposed emancipation, although the border states and War Democrats eventually accepted it as part of total war needed to save the Union.

Emancipation Proclamation

The Emancipation Proclamation was an executive order issued by President Abraham Lincoln on January 1, 1863. In a single stroke it changed the legal status, as recognized by the U.S. government, of three million slaves in designated areas of the Confederacy from "slave" to "free". It had the practical effect that as soon as a slave escaped the control of his or her owner, by running away or through advances of federal troops, the slave's proclaimed freedom became actual. Plantation owners, realizing that emancipation would destroy their economic system, sometimes moved their slaves as far as possible out of reach of the Union army. By June 1865, the Union Army controlled all of the Confederacy and had liberated all of the designated slaves.^[280]

In 1861, Lincoln expressed the fear that premature attempts at emancipation would mean the loss of the border states. He believed that "to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game."^[281] At first, Lincoln reversed attempts at emancipation by Secretary of War Simon Cameron and Generals John C. Frémont (in Missouri) and David Hunter (in South Carolina, Georgia and Florida) to keep the loyalty of the border states and the War Democrats.

On July 22, 1862, Lincoln told his cabinet of his plan to issue a preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. Secretary of State William H. Seward advised Lincoln to wait for a victory before issuing the proclamation, as to do otherwise would seem like "our last shriek on the retreat".^[282] On September 17, 1862, the Battle of Antietam provided this opportunity, and on September 22, 1862, Lincoln issued his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, which provided that enslaved people in the states in rebellion against the United States on January 1, 1863, "shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free".^[283] On September 24 and 25, the War Governors' Conference added support for the proclamation.^[284] Lincoln issued his final Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863. In his letter to Albert G. Hodges, Lincoln explained his belief that

If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong ... And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling ... I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me.^[285]

Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation promised freedom for slaves in the Confederate states and authorized the enlistment of African Americans in the Union Army. The Emancipation Proclamation did not free slaves in the border states, which were the slaveholding states that that remained in the Union. As a practical matter, the proclamation freed only those slaves who escaped to Union lines. But the proclamation made the abolition of slavery an official war goal and was implemented as the Union took territory from the Confederacy. According to the Census of 1860, this policy would free nearly four million slaves, or over 12 percent of the total population of the United States.

Because the Emancipation Proclamation was issued under the president's war powers, it might not have continued in force after the war ended. Therefore, Lincoln played a leading role in getting the constitutionally required two-thirds majority of both houses of Congress to vote for the Thirteenth Amendment,^[286] which made emancipation universal and permanent.

Enslaved African Americans had not waited for Lincoln before escaping and seeking freedom behind Union lines. From the early years of the war, hundreds of thousands of African Americans escaped to Union lines, especially in Union-controlled areas such as Norfolk and the Hampton Roads region in 1862 Virginia, Tennessee from 1862 on, and the line of Sherman's march. So many African Americans fled to Union lines that commanders created camps and schools for them, where both adults and children learned to read and write. The American Missionary Association entered the war effort by sending teachers south to such contraband camps, for instance, establishing schools in Norfolk and on nearby plantations.

In addition, nearly 200,000 African-American men served with distinction in the Union forces as soldiers and sailors; most were escaped slaves. The Confederacy was outraged by armed black soldiers and refused to treat them as prisoners of war. They murdered many, as at the Fort Pillow massacre, and re-enslaved others.^[287]

On February 24, 1863, the Arizona Organic Act abolished slavery in the newly formed Arizona Territory. Tennessee and all of the border states (except Kentucky and Delaware) abolished slavery by early 1865. Thousands of slaves were freed by the operation of the Emancipation Proclamation as Union armies marched across the South. Emancipation came to the remaining Southern slaves after the surrender of all the Confederate troops in spring 1865.

In spite of the South's shortage of manpower, until 1865, most Southern leaders opposed arming slaves as soldiers. However, a few Confederates discussed arming slaves. Finally, in early 1865, General Robert E. Lee said that black soldiers were essential, and legislation was passed. The first black units were in training when the war ended in April.^[288]

End of slavery

Booker T. Washington remembered Emancipation Day in early 1863, when he was a boy of nine in Virginia:^[289]

As the great day drew nearer, there was more singing in the slave quarters than usual. It was bolder, had more ring, and lasted later into the night. Most of the verses of the plantation songs had some reference to freedom. ... Some man who seemed to be a stranger (a United States officer, I presume) made a little speech and then read a rather long paper – the Emancipation Proclamation, I think. After the reading we were told that we were all free, and could go when and where we pleased. My mother, who was standing by my side, leaned over and kissed her children, while tears of joy ran down her cheeks. She explained to us what it all meant, that this was the day for which she had been so long praying, but fearing that she would never live to see.

The war ended on June 22, 1865, and following that surrender, the Emancipation Proclamation was enforced throughout remaining regions of the South that had not yet freed the slaves. Slavery officially continued for a couple of months in other locations.^[290] Federal troops arrived in Galveston, Texas, on June 19, 1865, to enforce the emancipation. The commemoration of that event, Juneteenth National Independence Day, has been declared a national holiday in 2021.^[291]

The Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing slavery except as punishment for a crime, had been passed by the Senate in April 1864, and by the House of Representatives in January 1865.^[292]

The amendment did not take effect until it was ratified by three-fourths of the states, which occurred on December 6, 1865, when Georgia ratified it. On that date, the last 40,000–45,000 enslaved Americans in the remaining two slave states of Kentucky and Delaware, as well as the 200 or so perpetual apprentices in New Jersey left from the very gradual emancipation process begun in 1804, were freed.^[293] The last Americans known to have been born into legal slavery died in the 1970s.

Reconstruction to the present

Journalist Douglas A. Blackmon reported in his Pulitzer Prize-winning book Slavery By Another Name that many black persons were virtually enslaved under convict leasing programs, which started after the Civil War. Most Southern states had no prisons; they leased convicts to businesses and farms for their labor, and the lessee paid for food and board. Incentives for abuse were present.

The continued involuntary servitude took various forms, but the primary forms included convict leasing, peonage and sharecropping, with the latter eventually encompassing poor whites as well. By the 1930s, whites constituted most of the sharecroppers in the South. Mechanization of agriculture had reduced the need for farm labor, and many black people left the South in the Great Migration. Jurisdictions and states created fines and sentences for a wide variety of minor crimes and used these as an excuse to arrest and sentence black people. Under convict-leasing programs, African-American men, often guilty of petty crimes or even no crime at all, were arrested, compelled to work without pay, repeatedly bought and sold, and coerced to do the bidding of the leaseholder. Sharecropping, as it was practiced during this period, often involved severe restrictions on the freedom of movement of sharecroppers, who could be whipped for leaving the plantation. Both sharecropping and convict leasing were legal and tolerated by both the North and South. However, peonage was an illicit form of forced labor. Its existence was ignored by authorities while thousands of African Americans and poor white Americans were subjugated and held in bondage until the mid-1960s to the late 1970s. With the exception of cases of peonage, beyond the period of Reconstruction, the federal government took almost no action to enforce the 13th Amendment until December 1941, when President Franklin Delano Roosevelt summoned his attorney general. Five days after the attack on Pearl Harbor, at the request of the President, Attorney General Francis Biddle issued Circular No. 3591 to all federal prosecutors, instructing them to investigate actively and try any case of involuntary servitude or slavery. Several months later, convict leasing was officially abolished. But aspects have persisted in other forms. Historians argue that other systems of penal labor were all created in 1865, and convict leasing was simply the most oppressive form. Over time, a large civil rights movement arose to bring full civil rights and equality under the law to all Americans. ^[294]

Convict leasing

With emancipation a legal reality, white Southerners were concerned with both controlling the newly freed slaves and keeping them in the labor force at the lowest level. The system of convict leasing began during Reconstruction and was fully implemented in the 1880s, officially ending in the last state, Alabama, in 1928. It persisted in various forms until it was abolished in 1942 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt during World War II, several months after the attack on Pearl Harbor involved the U.S. in the conflict. This system allowed private contractors to purchase the services of convicts from the state or local governments for a specific time period. African Americans, due to "vigorous and selective enforcement of laws and discriminatory sentencing", made up the vast majority of the convicts leased.^[298] Writer Douglas A. Blackmon writes of the system:

It was a form of bondage distinctly different from that of the antebellum South in that for most men, and the relatively few women drawn in, this slavery did not last a lifetime and did not automatically extend from one generation to the next. But it was nonetheless slavery – a system in which armies of free men, guilty of no crimes and entitled by law to freedom, were compelled to labor without compensation, were repeatedly bought and sold, and were forced to do the bidding of white masters through the regular application of extraordinary physical coercion.^[299]

The constitutional basis for convict leasing is that the Thirteenth Amendment, while abolishing slavery and involuntary servitude generally, expressly permits it as a punishment for crime.

Educational issues

Historian Mark Summers Wahlgren notes that the estimated literacy rate among formerly enslaved southern blacks at the time of emancipation was five to 10 percent, but had reached a baseline of 40 to 50 percent (and higher in cities) by the turn of the century, representing a "great advance".^[300] As W. E. B. Du Bois noted, the black colleges were not perfect, but "in a single generation they put thirty thousand black teachers in the South" and "wiped out the illiteracy of the majority of black people in the land".^[301]

Northern philanthropists continued to support black education in the 20th century, for example of a major donor to Hampton Institute and Tuskegee was George Eastman, who also helped fund health programs at colleges and in communities.^[302]

Apologies

In the 21st century, various legislative bodies have issued public apologies for slavery in the United States.

Political legacy

A 2016 study, published in The Journal of Politics, finds that "[w]hites who currently live in Southern counties that had high shares of slaves in 1860 are more likely to identify as a Republican, oppose affirmative action, and express racial resentment and colder feelings toward blacks." The study contends that "contemporary differences in political attitudes across counties in the American South in part trace their origins to slavery's prevalence more than 150 years ago. "^[303] The authors argue that their findings are consistent with the theory that "following the Civil War, Southern whites faced political and economic incentives to reinforce existing racist norms and institutions to maintain control over the newly freed African American population. This amplified local differences in racially conservative political attitudes, which in turn have been passed down locally across generations."^[303]

A 2017 study in the British Journal of Political Science argued that the British American colonies without slavery adopted better democratic institutions to attract migrant workers to their colonies.^[304]

An article published in the Journal of Economic History in 2022 finds that former slave owners remained politically dominant long after the abolition of slavery. Using data from Texas, the authors find that "[i]n 1900, still around 50 percent of all state legislators came from a slave-owning background."^[305]

Economics

Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman, in their 1974 book Time on the Cross, argued that the rate of return of slavery at the market price was close to ten percent, a number close to investment in other assets. The transition from indentured servants to slaves is cited to show that slaves offered greater profits to their owners. A qualified consensus among economic historians and economists is that "Slave agriculture was efficient compared with free agriculture. Economies of scale, effective management, and intensive utilization of labor and capital made southern slave agriculture considerably more efficient than nonslave southern farming",^[307] and it is the near-universal consensus among economic historians and economists that slavery was not "a system irrationally kept in existence by plantation owners who failed to perceive or were indifferent to their best economic interests".^[308]

The relative price of slaves and indentured servants in the antebellum period did decrease. Indentured servants became more costly with the increase in the demand of skilled labor in England.^[309] At the same time, slaves were mostly supplied from within the United States and thus language was not a barrier, and the cost of transporting slaves from one state to another was relatively low. However, as in Brazil and Europe, slavery at its end in the United States tended to be concentrated in the poorest regions of the United States,^[310] with a qualified consensus among economists and economic historians concluding that the "modern period of the South's economic convergence to the level of the North only began in earnest when the institutional foundations of the southern regional labor market were undermined, largely by federal farm and labor legislation dating from the 1930s."^[311]

In the decades preceding the Civil War, the black population of the United States experienced a rapid natural increase.^[312] Unlike the trans-Saharan slave trade with Africa, the slave population transported by the Atlantic slave trade to the United States was sex-balanced.^[313] The slave population multiplied nearly fourfold between 1810 and 1860, despite the passage of the Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves signed into law by President Thomas Jefferson in 1807 banning the international slave trade.^[314] Thus, it is also the universal consensus among modern economic historians and economists that slavery in the United States was not "economically moribund on the eve of the Civil War".^[315] In the 2010s, several historians, among them Edward E. Baptist, Sven Beckert, Walter Johnson and Calvin Schermerhorn, have posited that slavery was integral in the development of American capitalism.^[316]^[317]^[318]^[319] Johnson wrote in River of Dark Dreams (2013): "The cords of credit and debt—of advance and obligation—that cinched the Atlantic economy together were anchored with the mutually defining values of land and slaves: without land and slaves, there was no credit, and without slaves, land itself was valueless. Promises made in the Mississippi Valley were backed by the value of slaves and fulfilled in their labor."^[318] Other economic historians have rejected that thesis.^[320]^[321]^[322]^[323]^[324]

A 2023 study estimates that prior to the onset of the US Civil War, the enslaved population produced 12.6% of US national product.^[325]

Slavery had a long-lasting impact on wealth and racial inequality in the United States. Black families whose ancestors were freed before the start of the Civil War have substantially better socio-economic outcomes than families who were freed in the Civil War.^[326]

Efficiency of slaves

Scholars disagree on how to quantify the efficiency of slavery. In Time on the Cross Fogel and Engerman equate efficiency to total factor productivity (TFP), the output per average unit of input on a farm. Using this measurement, Southern farms that enslaved black people using the gang system were 35% more efficient than Northern farms, which used free labor. Under the gang system, groups of slaves perform synchronized tasks under the constant vigilance of an overseer. Each group was like a part of a machine. If perceived to be working below his capacity, a slave could be punished. Fogel argues that this kind of negative enforcement was not frequent and that slaves and free laborers had a similar quality of life; however, there is controversy on this last point.^[328] A critique of Fogel and Engerman's view was published by Paul A. David in 1976.^[329]

In 1995, a random survey of 178 members of the Economic History Association sought to study the views of economists and economic historians on the debate. The study found that 72 percent of economists and 65 percent of economic historians would generally agree that "Slave agriculture was efficient compared with free agriculture. Economies of scale, effective management, and intensive utilization of labor and capital made southern slave agriculture considerably more efficient than nonslave southern farming." 48 percent of the economists agreed without provisos, while 24 percent agreed when provisos were included in the statement. On the other hand, 58 percent of economic historians and 42 percent of economists disagreed with Fogel and Engerman's "proposition that the material (not psychological) conditions of the lives of slaves compared favorably with those of free industrial workers in the decades before the Civil War".^[307]

Prices of slaves

The U.S. has a capitalist economy so the price of slaves was determined by the law of supply and demand. For example, following bans on the import of slaves after the UK's Slave Trade Act 1807 and the American 1807 Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves, the prices for slaves increased. The markets for the products produced by slaves also affected the price of slaves (e.g. the price of slaves fell when the price of cotton fell in 1840). Anticipation of slavery's abolition also influenced prices. During the Civil War the price for slave men in New Orleans dropped from $1,381 in 1861 to $1,116 by 1862 (the city was captured by U.S. forces in the Spring of 1862).^[330]

Controlling for inflation, prices of slaves rose dramatically in the six decades prior to the Civil War, reflecting demand due to commodity cotton, as well as use of slaves in shipping and manufacturing. Although the prices of slaves relative to indentured servants declined, both got more expensive. Cotton production was rising and relied on the use of slaves to yield high profits. Fogel and Engeman initially argued that if the Civil War had not happened, the slave prices would have increased even more, an average of more than fifty percent by 1890.^[328]^: 96

Prices reflected the characteristics of the slave; such factors as sex, age, nature, and height were all taken into account to determine the price of a slave. Over the life-cycle, the price of enslaved women was higher than their male counterparts up to puberty age, as they would likely bear children who their masters could sell as slaves and could be used as slave laborers. Men around the age of 25 were the most valued, as they were at the highest level of productivity and still had a considerable life-span.^{[citation needed]} If slaves had a history of fights or escapes, their price was lowered reflecting what planters believed was risk of repeating such behavior. Slave traders and buyers would examine a slave's back for whipping scars; a large number of injuries would be seen as evidence of laziness or rebelliousness, rather than the previous master's brutality, and would lower the slave's price.^[197] Taller male slaves were priced at a higher level, as height was viewed as a proxy for fitness and productivity.^[328]

Effects on Southern economic development

While slavery brought profits in the short run, discussion continues on the economic benefits of slavery in the long run. In 1995, a random anonymous survey of 178 members of the Economic History Association found that out of the forty propositions about American economic history that were surveyed, the group of propositions most disputed by economic historians and economists were those about the postbellum economy of the American South (along with the Great Depression). The only exception was the proposition initially put forward by historian Gavin Wright that the "modern period of the South's economic convergence to the level of the North only began in earnest when the institutional foundations of the southern regional labor market were undermined, largely by federal farm and labor legislation dating from the 1930s." 62 percent of economists (24 percent with and 38 percent without provisos) and 73 percent of historians (23 percent with and 50 percent without provisos) agreed with this statement.^[332]^[311] Wright has also argued that the private investment of monetary resources in the cotton industry, among others, delayed development in the South of commercial and industrial institutions. There was little public investment in railroads or other infrastructure. Wright argues that agricultural technology was far more developed in the South, representing an economic advantage of the South over the North of the United States.^[333]

In Democracy in America, Alexis de Tocqueville noted that "the colonies in which there were no slaves became more populous and more rich than those in which slavery flourished".^[334] In 1857, in The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It, Hinton Rowan Helper made the same point.^[335] Economists Peter H. Lindert and Jeffrey G. Williamson, in a pair of articles published in 2012 and 2013, found that, despite the American South initially having per capita income roughly double that of the North in 1774, incomes in the South had declined 27% by 1800 and continued to decline over the next four decades, while the economies in New England and the Mid-Atlantic states vastly expanded. By 1840, per capita income in the South was well behind the Northeast and the national average (Note: this is also true in the early 21st century).^[336]^[337]

Lindert and Williamson argue that this antebellum period is an example of what economists Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson call "a reversal of fortune".^[338] In his essay "The Real History of Slavery", economist Thomas Sowell reiterated and augmented the observation made by de Tocqueville by comparing slavery in the United States to slavery in Brazil. He notes that slave societies reflected similar economic trends in those and other parts of the world, suggesting that the trend Lindert and Williamson identify may have continued until the American Civil War:

Both in Brazil and in the United States – the countries with the two largest slave populations in the Western Hemisphere – the end of slavery found the regions in which slaves had been concentrated poorer than other regions of these same countries. For the United States, a case could be made that this was due to the Civil War, which did so much damage to the South, but no such explanation would apply to Brazil, which fought no Civil War over this issue. Moreover, even in the United States, the South lagged behind the North in many ways even before the Civil War. Although slavery in Europe died out before it was abolished in the Western Hemisphere, as late as 1776 slavery had not yet died out all across the continent when Adam Smith wrote in The Wealth of Nations that it still existed in some eastern regions. But, even then, Eastern Europe was much poorer than Western Europe. The slavery of North Africa and the Middle East, over the centuries, took more slaves from sub-Saharan Africa than the Western Hemisphere did ... But these remained largely poor countries until the discovery and extraction of their vast oil deposits.^[310]

Sowell also notes in Ethnic America: A History, citing historians Clement Eaton and Eugene Genovese, that three-quarters of Southern white families owned no slaves at all.^[339] Most slaveholders lived on farms rather than plantations,^[340] and few plantations were as large as the fictional ones depicted in Gone with the Wind.^[341] In "The Real History of Slavery", Sowell also notes in comparison to slavery in the Arab world and the Middle East (where slaves were seldom used for productive purposes) and China (where the slaves consumed the entire output they created), Sowell observes that many commercial slaveowners in the antebellum South tended to be spendthrift and many lost their plantations due to creditor foreclosures, and in Britain, profits by British slave traders only amounted to two percent of British domestic investment at the height of the Atlantic slave trade in the 18th century.^[342]^[343] Sowell draws the following conclusion regarding the macroeconomic value of slavery:

In short, even though some individual slaveowners grew rich and some family fortunes were founded on the exploitation of slaves, that is very different from saying that the whole society, or even its non-slave population as a whole, was more economically advanced than it would have been in the absence of slavery. What this means is that, whether employed as domestic servants or producing crops or other goods, millions suffered exploitation and dehumanization for no higher purpose than the ... aggrandizement of slaveowners.^[344]

Eric Hilt noted that, while some historians have suggested slavery was necessary for the Industrial Revolution (on the grounds that American slave plantations produced most of the raw cotton for the British textiles market and the British textiles market was the vanguard of the Industrial Revolution), it is not clear if this is actually true; there is no evidence that cotton could not have been mass-produced by yeoman farmers rather than slave plantations if the latter had not existed (as their existence tended to force yeoman farmers into subsistence farming) and there is some evidence that they certainly could have. The soil and climate of the American South were excellent for growing cotton, so it is not unreasonable to postulate that farms without slaves could have produced substantial amounts of cotton; even if they did not produce as much as the plantations did, it could still have been enough to serve the demand of British producers.^[345] Similar arguments have been made by other historians.^[346]

Sexual economy of American slavery

Scholar Adrienne Davis articulates how the economics of slavery also can be defined as a sexual economy, specifically focusing on how black women were expected to perform physical, sexual and reproductive labor to provide a consistent enslaved workforce and increase the profits of white slavers. Davis writes that black women were needed for their "sexual and reproductive labor to satisfy the economic, political, and personal interest of white men of the elite class"^[347] articulating that black women's reproductive capacity was important in the maintenance of the system of slavery due to its ability to perpetuate an enslaved workforce. She is also drawing attention to black women's labor being needed to maintain the aristocracy of a white ruling class, due to the intimate nature of reproduction and its potential for producing more enslaved peoples.

Due to the institution of partus sequitur ventrem, black women's wombs became the site where slavery was developed and transferred,^[348] meaning that black women were not only used for their physical labor, but for their sexual and reproductive labor as well.

"The rule that the children's status follows their mothers' was a foundational one for our economy. It converted enslaved women's reproductive capacity into market capital"^[349]

This articulation by Davis illustrates how black women's reproductive capacity was commodified under slavery, and that an analysis of the economic structures of slavery requires an acknowledgment of how pivotal black women's sexuality was in maintaining slavery's economic power. Davis writes how black women performed labor under slavery, writing: "[black women were] male when convenient and horrifically female when needed".^[350] The fluctuating expectations of black women's gendered labor under slavery disrupted the white normative roles that were assigned to white men and white women. This ungendering black women received under slavery contributed to the systemic dehumanization experienced by enslaved black women, as they were unable to receive the expectations or experiences of either gender within the white binary.

Davis's arguments address the fact that, under slavery, black women's sexuality became linked to the economic and public sphere, making their intimate lives into public institutions. Black women's physical labor was gendered as masculine under slavery when they were needed to yield more profit, but their reproductive capacities and sexual labor were equally as important in maintaining white power over black communities and perpetuating an enslaved workforce.^[350]

Geography and demography

Slave importation

About 600,000 slaves were transported to the United States, or five percent of the 12 million slaves taken from Africa. About 310,000 of these persons were imported into the Thirteen Colonies before 1776: 40 percent directly, and the rest from the Caribbean.

Slaves trafficked to the British colonies and United States:^[351]
Time period	Quantity
1620–1700	21,000
1701–1760	189,000
1761–1770	63,000
1771–1790	56,000
1791–1800	79,000
1801–1810	124,000^[352]
1810–1865	51,000
Total	597,000

The great majority of enslaved Africans were transported to sugar plantations in the Caribbean and to Portuguese Brazil. As life expectancy was short, their numbers had to be continually replenished. Life expectancy was much higher in the United States, and the enslaved population was successful in reproduction, which was called "natural increase" by enslavers. The population of enslaved people in the United States grew to 4 million by the 1860 census. Historian J. David Hacker conducted research that estimated that the cumulative number of slaves in colonial America and the United States (1619–1865) was 10 million.^[353]

Origins of American slaves

Origins and percentages of Africans imported into British North America and Louisiana (1700–1820)^[354]^[355]	Amount % (exceeds 100%)
West-central Africa (Kongo, N. Mbundu, S. Mbundu)	26.1
Bight of Biafra (Igbo, Tikar, Ibibio, Bamileke, Bubi)	24.4
Sierra Leone (Mende, Temne)	15.8
Senegambia (Mandinka, Fula, Wolof)	14.5
Gold Coast (Akan, Fon)	13.1
Windward Coast (Mandé, Kru)	5.2
Bight of Benin (Yoruba, Ewe, Fon, Allada and Mahi)	4.3
Southeast Africa (Macua, Malagasy)	1.8

Distribution of slaves

*Map showing the distribution of the slave population of the southern states of the United States* (1861) created by Edwin Hergesheimer of the United States Coast Survey; Lincoln kept a copy of this map in the White House and studied it often, using it to track Union troop movements^[356]

Census Year	# Slaves	# Free Africans	Total Africans	% Free Africans	Total US population	% Africans of total
1790	697,681	59,527	757,208	8%	3,929,214	19%
1800	893,602	108,435	1,002,037	11%	5,308,483	19%
1810	1,191,362	186,446	1,377,808	14%	7,239,881	19%
1820	1,538,022	233,634	1,771,656	13%	9,638,453	18%
1830	2,009,043	319,599	2,328,642	14%	12,860,702	18%
1840	2,487,355	386,293	2,873,648	13%	17,063,353	17%
1850	3,204,313	434,495	3,638,808	12%	23,191,876	16%
1860	3,953,760	488,070	4,441,830	11%	31,443,321	14%
1870	0	4,880,009	4,880,009	100%	38,558,371	13%
Source:"Distribution of Slaves in U.S. History". Retrieved May 13, 2010.

Evolution of the enslaved population of the United States as a percentage of the population of each state, 1790–1860

**Total Slave Population in U.S., 1790–1860, by State and Territory**^[357]^[358]
Census Year	1790	1800	1810	1820	1830	1840	1850	1860
All States	694,207	893,308	1,191,338	1,531,490	2,009,079	2,487,392	3,204,215	3,953,820
Alabama	–	494	2,565	41,879	117,549	253,532	342,844	435,080
Arkansas	–	–	136	1,617	4,576	19,935	47,100	111,115
California	–	–	–	–	–	–	0	0
Connecticut	2,648	951	310	97	25	54	0	0
Delaware	8,887	6,153	4,177	4,509	3,292	2,605	2,290	1,798
District of Columbia	–	2,072	3,554	4,520	4,505	3,320	3,687	3,185
Florida	–	–	–	–	15,501	25,717	39,310	61,745
Georgia	29,264	59,699	105,218	149,656	217,531	280,944	381,682	462,198
Illinois	–	107	168	917	747	331	0	0
Indiana	–	28	237	190	3	3	0	0
Iowa	–	–	–	–	–	16	0	0
Kansas	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	2
Kentucky	12,430	40,343	80,561	126,732	165,213	182,258	210,981	225,483
Louisiana	–	–	34,660	69,064	109,588	168,452	244,809	331,726
Maine	–	–	–	–	2	0	0	0
Maryland	103,036	105,635	111,502	107,398	102,994	89,737	90,368	87,189
Massachusetts	0	0	0	0	1	0	0	0
Michigan	–	–	24	0	1	0	0	0
Minnesota	–	–	–	–	–	–	0	0
Mississippi	–	2,995	14,523	32,814	65,659	195,211	309,878	436,631
Missouri	–	–	–	10,222	25,096	58,240	87,422	114,931
Nebraska	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	15
Nevada	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	0
New Hampshire	157	8	0	0	3	1	0	0
New Jersey	11,423	12,422	10,851	7,557	2,254	674	236	18
New York	21,193	20,613	15,017	10,088	75	4	0	0
North Carolina	100,783	133,296	168,824	205,017	245,601	245,817	288,548	331,059
Ohio	–	0	0	0	6	3	0	0
Oregon	–	–	–	–	–	–	0	0
Pennsylvania	3,707	1,706	795	211	403	64	0	0
Rhode Island	958	380	108	48	17	5	0	0
South Carolina	107,094	146,151	196,365	251,783	315,401	327,038	384,984	402,406
Tennessee	3,417	13,584	44,535	80,107	141,603	183,059	239,459	275,719
Texas	–	–	–	–	–	–	58,161	182,566
Utah	–	–	–	–	–	–	26	29
Vermont	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
Virginia	287,959	339,499	383,521	411,886	453,698	431,873	452,028	472,494
West Virginia	4,668	7,172	10,836	15,178	17,673	18,488	20,428	18,371
Wisconsin	–	–	–	–	–	11	4	0

For various reasons, the census did not always include all of the slaves, especially in the West. California was admitted as a free state and reported no slaves. However, there were many slaves that were brought to work in the mines during the California Gold Rush.^[359] Some Californian communities openly tolerated slavery, such as San Bernardino, which was mostly made up of transplants from the neighboring slave territory of Utah.^[360] New Mexico Territory never reported any slaves on the census, yet sued the government for compensation for 600 slaves that were freed when Congress outlawed slavery in the territory.^[361] Utah was actively trying to hide its slave population from Congress^[362]^[363] and did not report slaves in several communities.^[364] Additionally, the census did not traditionally include Native Americans, and hence did not include Native American slaves or Native African slaves owned by Native Americans. There were hundreds of Native American slaves in California,^[365] Utah^[366] and New Mexico^[361] that were never recorded in the census.

Distribution of slaveholders

As of the 1860 Census, one may compute the following statistics on slaveholding:^[367]

Enumerating slave schedules by county, 393,975 named persons held 3,950,546 unnamed slaves, for an average of about ten slaves per holder. As some large holders held slaves in multiple counties and are thus multiply counted, this slightly overestimates the number of slaveholders.
Excluding slaves, the 1860 U.S. population was 27,167,529; therefore, approximately 1.45% of free persons (roughly one in 69) was a named slaveholder (393,975 named slaveholders among 27,167,529 free persons). By counting only named slaveholders, this approach does not acknowledge people who benefited from slavery by being in a slaveowning household, e.g., the wife and children of an owner; in 1850, there was an average of 5.55 people per household,^[368] so on average, around 8.05% of free persons lived in a slave-owning household. In the South, 33% of families owned at least one slave.^{[citation needed]} According to historian Joseph Glatthaar, the number of soldiers of the Confederacy's Army of Northern Virginia who either owned slaves or came from slave owning households is "almost one of every two 1861 recruits". In addition he notes that, "Untold numbers of enlistees rented land from, sold crops to, or worked for slaveholders. In the final tabulation, the vast majority of the volunteers of 1861 had a direct connection to slavery."^[369]
It is estimated by the transcriber Tom Blake, that holders of 200 or more slaves, constituting less than 1% of all U.S. slaveholders (fewer than 4,000 persons, one in 7,000 free persons, or 0.015% of the population) held an estimated 20–30% of all slaves (800,000 to 1,200,000 slaves). Nineteen holders of 500 or more slaves have been identified.^[370] The largest slaveholder was Joshua John Ward, of Georgetown, South Carolina, who in 1850 held 1,092 slaves,^[371] and whose heirs in 1860 held 1,130 or 1,131 slaves^[370]^[371] – he was dubbed "the king of the rice planters",^[371] and one of his plantations is now part of Brookgreen Gardens.
The percentage of families that owned slaves in 1860 in various groupings of states was as follows:^[372]

Group of States	States in Group	Slave-Owning Families
15 states where slavery was legal	Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia	26%
11 states that seceded	Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia	31%
7 states that seceded before Lincoln's inauguration	Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, Texas	37%
4 states that seceded later	Arkansas, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia	25%
4 slave states that did not secede	Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri	16%

Historiography

The historian Peter Kolchin, writing in 1993, noted that until the latter decades of the 20th century, historians of slavery had primarily concerned themselves with the culture, practices and economics of the slaveholders, not with the slaves. This was in part due to the circumstance that most slaveholders were literate and left behind written records, whereas slaves were largely illiterate and not in a position to leave written records. Scholars differed as to whether slavery should be considered a benign or a "harshly exploitive" institution.^[373]

Much of the history written prior to the 1950s had a distinctive racist slant to it.^[373] By the 1970s and 1980s, historians were using archaeological records, black folklore and statistical data to develop a much more detailed and nuanced picture of slave life. Individuals were shown to have been resilient and somewhat autonomous in many of their activities, within the limits of their situation and despite its precariousness. Historians who wrote in this era include John Blassingame (Slave Community), Eugene Genovese (Roll, Jordan, Roll), Leslie Howard Owens (This Species of Property), and Herbert Gutman (The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom).^[374]

Notes

^ Slaves were considered personal property in all slave states except Louisiana, which deemed them real estate.^[77]
^ The United States continued to prohibit Royal Navy ships from investigating U.S.-flagged vessels – even in instances when the U.S. flag was being used fraudulently. The British still insisted on the right to impress (i.e. force to serve in the Royal Navy) British citizens found on American ships – something that was a continued cause of grievance. Despite the intent of the treaty, the opportunity for additional co-operation was missed.

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^ Hacker, J. David (October 1, 2020). "From '20. and odd' to 10 million: the growth of the slave population in the United States". Slavery & Abolition. 41 (4): 840–855. doi:10.1080/0144039X.2020.1755502. ISSN 0144-039X. PMC 7716878. PMID 33281246.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1999. pages=90 ("miraculous things"), 228 (property law status)
^ Stowe, Harriet Beecher (1853). A key to Uncle Tom's cabin: presenting the original facts and documents upon which the story is founded. Boston: J. P. Jewett & Co. pp. 291–292. LCCN 02004230. OCLC 317690900. OL 21879838M.
^ Ford, Lacy K. Jr. (November 1, 2009), "Chapter Five Paternalism Emerges", Deliver Us from Evil: The Slavery Question in the Old South, Oxford University PressNew York, pp. 143–172, doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195118094.003.0006, ISBN 978-0-19-511809-4, retrieved August 22, 2023
^ Broussard, Joyce L. (2018). "Paternalism". Mississippi Encyclopedia. Retrieved August 22, 2023.
^ Cole, Josh. "THE EXCUSE OF PATERNALISM IN THE ANTEBELLUM SOUTH: IDEOLOGY OR PRACTICE?" (PDF).
^ Jefferson, Thomas. "Like a fire bell in the night". Library of Congress. Retrieved October 24, 2007.
^ de Tocqueville, Alexise (2007). "Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races In The United States". Democracy in America (Volume 1). Digireads.com. ISBN 978-1-4209-2910-2.
^ Lee, Robert E. "Robert E. Lee's opinion regarding slavery". Shotgun's Home of the American Civil War. Retrieved October 24, 2007.
^ Thomas, Emory M. (1997). Robert E. Lee. W. W. Norton & Co. p. 173. ISBN 978-0-393-31631-5.
^ McCauley, Byron. "The Confederacy was about preserving slavery. The proof? It's on the money". The Enquirer. Retrieved August 24, 2023.
^ Levin, Kevin M. (April 21, 2016). "When Dixie Put Slaves on the Money". The Daily Beast. Retrieved August 24, 2023.
^ Johnson, Soul by Soul
^ Schermerhorn, Calvin (2020). "Chapter 2: 'Cash for Slaves' The African American Trail of Tears". In Bond, Beverly Greene; O'Donovan, Susan Eva (eds.). Remembering the Memphis Massacre: An American Story. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 978-0-8203-5649-5.
^ Beard, Charles A.; Beard, Mary R. (1921). History of the United States. New York: The Macmillan Company. p. 316.
^ McInnis, Maurie D. (Fall 2013). "Mapping the slave trade in Richmond and New Orleans". Building & Landscapes. 20 (2): 102–125. doi:10.5749/buildland.20.2.0102. JSTOR 10.5749/buildland.20.2.0102. S2CID 160472953.
^ Richards, Leonard L. (2007). The California Gold Rush and the Coming of the Civil War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 125. ISBN 978-0-307-26520-3.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Hammond, James Henry (March 4, 1858). "The 'Mudsill' Theory". PBS. Retrieved December 10, 2017.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Fitzhugh, George. "The Universal Law of Slavery". PBS. Retrieved December 10, 2017.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Schott, Thomas E. Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia: A Biography, 1996, p. 334.
^ Davis, William C. (2002). "Men but Not Brothers". Look Away!: A History of the Confederate States of America. Simon & Schuster. pp. 130–162.
^ Cartwright, Samuel A. (May 1851). "Report on the Diseases and Physical Peculiarities of the Negro Race". New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal: 691–715. Retrieved May 15, 2018.
^ Cartwright, Samuel A. (1851). "Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race". DeBow's Review. XI. Retrieved November 16, 2011.
^ "The Slave Trade Meeting". Charleston Daily Courier (Charleston, South Carolina). October 22, 1859. p. 1 – via newspapers.com.
^ Wells, Tom Henderson (2009). The Slave Ship Wanderer. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 9-780-8203-3457-8.
^ Rabun, James (October 1970). "Review of The Slave Power Conspiracy and the Paranoid Style, by David Brion Davis". Florida Historical Quarterly. 49 (2): 174–175. JSTOR 30140388.
^ Sanborn, Franklin Benjamin (c. 1900). John Brown and His Friends. p. 2.
^ Grimké, Archibald (February 1909). "Abraham Lincoln and the Fruitage of his Proclamation". American Missionary. 63 (2): 51–53.
^ Nye, Russel B. (Summer 1946). "The Slave Power Conspiracy: 1830–1860". Science & Society. 10 (3): 262–274. JSTOR 40399768.
^ Williams, James (1838). Narrative of James Williams, an American slave: who was for several years a driver on a cotton plantation in Alabama. Authentic narrative of James Williams, an American slave. Isaac Knapp coordinated the publication. Boston: Published by the American Anti-Slavery Society. p. iv.
^ Arthur Zilversmit, The First Emancipation: The Abolition of Slavery in the North (1967).
^ Rodriguez, Junius P., ed. (2015). Encyclopedia of Emancipation and Abolition in the Transatlantic World. Routledge. pp. 34–35. ISBN 978-1-317-47180-6.
^ David Nathaniel Gellman, Emancipating New York: The politics of slavery and freedom, 1777-1827 (LSU Press, 2006) pp. 1–11.
^ J. D. B. DeBow, Superintendent of the United States Census (1854). "Slave Population of the United States" (PDF). Statistical View of the United States. United States Senate. p. 82.
^ Stewart, Alvan (1845). A legal argument before the Supreme court of the state of New Jersey, at the May term, 1845, at Trenton, for the deliverance of four thousand persons from bondage. New York: Finch & Weed.
^ Miller, Randall M.; Smith, John David (1997). "Gradual abolition". Dictionary of Afro-American Slavery. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 471. ISBN 978-0-275-95799-5.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Peter Kolchin (1993), American Slavery, pp. 77–78, 81.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b "Massachusetts Constitution and the Abolition of Slavery". Mass.gov. Retrieved February 8, 2024.
^ Sewall, Samuel. The Selling of Joseph, pp. 1–3, Bartholomew Green & John Allen, Boston, Massachusetts, 1700.
^ McCullough, David. John Adams, pp. 132–133, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2001. ISBN 0-684-81363-7.
^ "The House Censured Rashida Tlaib for Political Speech Plain and Simple". Esquire. Retrieved November 10, 2023.
^ Gradert, Kenyon. Puritan Spirits in the Abolitionist Imagination, pp. 1–3, 14–15, 24, 29–30, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, and London, 2020. ISBN 978-0-226-69402-3.
^ Commager, Henry Steele. Theodore Parker, pp. 206, 208–209, 210, The Beacon Press, Boston, Massachusetts, 1947.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, p. 104.
^ Reynolds, David S. Mightier Than the Sword: Uncle Tom's Cabin and the Battle for America. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2011.
^ "New York Divided: King Cotton". nydivided.org. Retrieved December 29, 2022.
^ Gilbert Hobbs Barnes, The antislavery impulse: 1830–1844 (1933)
^ Loveland, Anne C. (1966). "Evangelicalism and "Immediate Emancipation" in American Antislavery Thought". The Journal of Southern History. 32 (2): 172–188. doi:10.2307/2204556. JSTOR 2204556.
^ Kelley, Sean M. (2018). "American Rum, African Consumers, and the Transatlantic Slave Trade". African Economic History. 46 (2): 1–29. doi:10.1353/aeh.2018.0004. ISSN 2163-9108.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b "Regulation of the Trade". New York Public Library. Archived from the original on July 8, 2018. Retrieved June 23, 2014.
^ Finkelman, Paul (2004). "Suppressing American Slave Traders in the 1790s". OAH Magazine of History. Vol. 18, no. 3. pp. 51–55. ISSN 0882-228X.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Grindal, Peter (2016). Opposing the Slavers. The Royal Navy's Campaign against the Atlantic Slave Trade (Kindle ed.). London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd. ISBN 978-0-85773-938-4.
^ Bonham, Milledge L. (1921). "A Rare Abolitionist Document". The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 8 (3): 266–273. doi:10.2307/1889086. JSTOR 1889086.
^ Hopkins, Geraldine (June 1931). "A Rare Abolitionist Document". The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 18 (1): 60–64. doi:10.2307/1897437. JSTOR 1897437.
^ "Seeger Tribute: Pete, Mike and Peggy Seeger with the Short Sisters in concert". Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. Starts timestamp 23:40. Retrieved July 12, 2024.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
^ "Songs Related to the Abolition of Slavery". Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. Retrieved July 12, 2024.
^ "Potomac Books – University of Nebraska Press – University of Nebraska Press". Archived from the original on October 15, 2007.
^ Gene Allen Smith, The Slaves' Gamble: Choosing Sides in the War of 1812 (St. Martin's Press, 2013) pp. 1–11.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Schama, Simon (2006). "Endings, Beginnings". Rough Crossings: Britain, the Slaves and the American Revolution. New York: HarperCollins. pp. 406–407. ISBN 978-0-06-053916-0.
^ Lindsay, Arnett G. (1920). "Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Great Britain Bearing on the Return of Negro Slaves, 1783–1828". Journal of Negro History. 5 (4): 391–419. doi:10.2307/2713676. JSTOR 2713676. S2CID 149894983.
^ Aptheker, Herbert (1993), American Negro Slave Revolts (50th Anniversary ed.), New York: International Publishers, p. 368, ISBN 978-0-7178-0605-8
^ Gates, Henry Louis (January 12, 2013). "The Five Greatest Slave Rebellions in the United States | African American History Blog | The African Americans: Many Rivers to Cross". The African Americans: Many Rivers to Cross. WTTW. Retrieved October 11, 2016.
^ Rasmussen, Daniel (2011). American Uprising: The Untold Story of America's Largest Slave Revolt. HarperCollins. p. 288. ISBN 978-0-06-199521-7.
^ J.B. Bird. "The slave rebellion the country tried to forget". John Horse. Retrieved October 4, 2013.
^ "Unidentified Young Man". World Digital Library. 1839–1840. Retrieved July 28, 2013.
^ "Slave Revolt of 1842 | The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture". www.okhistory.org.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c ^d Foner, Eric (2009). Give Me Liberty. London: Seagull Edition. pp. 406–407.
^ Williams, Jennie K. (April 2, 2020). "Trouble the water: The Baltimore to New Orleans coastwise slave trade, 1820–1860". Slavery & Abolition. 41 (2): 275–303. doi:10.1080/0144039X.2019.1660509. ISSN 0144-039X. S2CID 203494471.
^ Kolchin (1993), American Slavery, p. 78.
^ Peter Kolchin (1993), American Slavery, p. 81.
^ Kolchin (1993), American Slavery, p. 87.
^ MADEO. "Jan. 17, 1834 | Alabama Legislature Bans Free Black People from Living in the State". calendar.eji.org. Retrieved August 22, 2023.
^ Cathey, Clyde W. (1944). "Slavery in Arkansas". The Arkansas Historical Quarterly. 3 (1): 66–90. doi:10.2307/40027465. ISSN 0004-1823. JSTOR 40027465.
^ Jones-Rogers, Stephanie E. (2019). They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners in the American South. New Haven London: Yale University Press. pp. 37, 134. ISBN 978-0-300-25183-8. "Throughout the antebellum period, married women consistently asserted their rights to own and control human property without their husband's interference, and they exercised those rights as well." "White women were not anomalies at local slave auctions, either, and no group could testify more powerfully to white women's presence at and involvement in slave auctions than the enslaved people who were there.
^ McDonald, Soraya Nadia (March 15, 2019). "In 'They Were Her Property,' a historian shows that white women were deeply involved in the slave economy". Andscape. Retrieved July 14, 2020. South Carolina has bills of sale for property transactions from the 1700s to pretty recently. I looked at a sample of 3,000 bills of sale involving enslaved people being purchased or sold. Close to 40 percent of the bills of sale included either a female buyer or a female seller.
^ Jones-Rogers, Stephanie E. (2019). They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners in the American South. New Haven London: Yale University Press. pp. xv–xvi. ISBN 978-0-300-25183-8. When we listen to what enslaved people had to say about white women and slave mastery, we find that articulated quite clearly their belief that slave-owning women governed their slaves in the same ways that white men did, sometimes they were more effective at slave management or they used more brutal methods of discipline than their husbands did...White southern women conducted transactions with slave traders...and they were not meek in their bargaining...slave-owning women brought legal suits against individuals, both male and female, who jeopardized their claims to human property, and others sued them in kind. They bought and sold slaves for profit, and, on rare occasions owned slave yards.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c "Class". Encyclopedia of African American History, 1619–1895: From the Colonial Period to the Age of Frederick Douglass. January 1, 2006. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195167771.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-516777-1.
^ A history of the descendants of the slaves of Cherokee can be found at Sturm, Circe (1998). "Blood Politics, Racial Classification, and Cherokee National Identity: The Trials and Tribulations of the Cherokee Freedmen". American Indian Quarterly. 22 (1/2): 230–258. JSTOR 1185118. In 1835, 7.4% of Cherokee families held slaves. In comparison, nearly one-third of white families living in Confederate states owned slaves in 1860. Further analysis of the 1835 Federal Cherokee Census can be found in McLoughlin, W. G.; Conser, W. H. (1977). "The Cherokees in Transition: a Statistical Analysis of the Federal Cherokee Census of 1835". The Journal of American History. 64 (3): 678–703. doi:10.2307/1887236. JSTOR 1887236. A discussion on the total number of Slave holding families can be found in Olsen, Otto H. (December 2004). "Historians and the extent of slave ownership in the Southern United States". Civil War History. Archived from the original on July 20, 2007. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
^ Perdue, Theda (1979). Slavery and the Evolution of Cherokee Society, 1540–1866. University of Tennessee Press. p. 207. ISBN 978-0-87049-530-4.
^ Katz, William Loren (January 3, 2012). Black Indians: A Hidden Heritage. Simon and Schuster. p. 254. ISBN 978-1-4424-4637-3. Retrieved March 1, 2019. black indians.
^ Duncan, J. W. (1928). "Interesting ante-bellum laws of the Cherokee, now Oklahoma history". Chronicles of Oklahoma. 6 (2): 178–180. Archived from the original on December 19, 2007. Retrieved July 13, 2007.
^ Davis, J. B. (1933). "Slavery in the Cherokee nation". Chronicles of Oklahoma. 11 (4): 1056–1072. Archived from the original on March 10, 2015. Retrieved July 13, 2007.
^ Jennison, Watson W. (2012). Cultivating Race: The Expansion of Slavery in Georgia, 1750–1860. University Press of Kentucky. p. 132. ISBN 978-0-8131-4021-6.
^ McCall, George A. (1868). Letters from the Frontiers. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott. p. 160. ISBN 978-1-4290-2158-6.
^ Mulroy, Kevin (2016). The Seminole Freedmen: A History. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 25. ISBN 978-0-8061-5588-3.
^ Deloria, Philip; Salisbury, Neal (2008). A Companion to American Indian History. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 348–349. ISBN 978-1-4051-4378-3.
^ Trigger, Bruce G.; Washburn, Wilcomb E. (1996). The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas. Cambridge University Press. p. 525. ISBN 978-0-521-57392-4.
^ Binder, Wolfgang (1987). Westward Expansion in America (1803–1860). Palm & Enke. p. 147. ISBN 978-3-7896-0171-2.
^ James Shannon Buchanan (1955). Chronicles of Oklahoma. Oklahoma Historical Society. p. 522.
^ Mulroy, Kevin (2007). The Seminole Freedmen: A History. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-8061-3865-7.
^ Finkelman, Paul (2004). "Suppressing American Slave Traders in the 1790s". OAH Magazine of History. Vol. 18, no. 3. pp. 51–55. ISSN 0882-228X.
^ James A. McMillin, The Final Victims: Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783–1810, Volume 2, Univ of South Carolina Press, 2004, p. 86
^ Thomas, Hugh (1997). The Slave Trade. The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade: 1440–1870. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 568. ISBN 978-0-684-81063-8.
^ Finkelman, Paul (2007). "The Abolition of the Slave Trade". New York Public Library. Retrieved February 14, 2012.
^ "Background on Conflict in Liberia". Archived from the original on January 8, 2011. Paul Cuffe, a successful New England black shipping man, financed and captained a voyage for American blacks in 1815–1816 to British-ruled Sierra Leone. Cuffe believed that African Americans could more easily "rise to be a people" in Africa than in the United States because of the latter's slavery, racial discrimination, and limits on black rights. Although Cuffee died in 1817, his early efforts encouraged the ACS to promote further settlements. The Quakers opposed slavery, but they believed that blacks would face better chances for freedom in Africa than in the United States. Slaveholders opposed abolition, but they wanted to get rid of freedmen, whom they saw as potential leaders of rebellions and people who encouraged slaves to run away.
^ "Map of Liberia, West Africa". World Digital Library. 1830. Retrieved June 3, 2013.
^ Sale, Maggie Montesinos (1997). The Slumbering Volcano: American Slave Ship Revolts and the Production of Rebellious Masculinity. Duke University Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-8223-1992-4.
^ Hall, Robert L. (1995). "African Religious Retentions in Florida". In Colburn, David R.; Landers, Jane L. (eds.). The African American Heritage of Florida. University Press of Florida. pp. 42–70. ISBN 978-0-8130-1332-9.
^ Wasserman, Adam (2010). A People's History of Florida 1513–1876. How Africans, Seminoles, Women, and Lower Class Whites Shaped the Sunshine State (Revised 4th ed.). Adam Wasserman. ISBN 978-1-4421-6709-4.
^ Sweig, Donald (October 2014). "Alexandria to New Orleans: The Human Tragedy of the Interstate Slave Trade" (PDF). Alexandria Gazette-Packet. Retrieved February 13, 2018.
^ Dew, Charles B. (2016). The Making of a Racist. University of Virginia Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-8139-3887-5.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Curry, Richard O.; Cowden, Joanna Dunlop (1972). Slavery in America: Theodore Weld's American Slavery As It Is. Itasca, Illinois: F. E. Peacock. OCLC 699102217.
^ "(Untitled)". South Branch Intelligencer. Romney, West Virginia. December 10, 1836. p. 2 – via newspapers.com.
^ Elliot, Debbie (February 4, 2006). "A Visit to the Real 'Uncle Tom's Cabin'". All Things Considered. NPR. Retrieved February 28, 2018.
^ Swarns, Rachel (February 14, 2018). "272 Slaves Were Sold to Save Georgetown. What Does It Owe Their Descendants?". The New York Times. Archived from the original on April 16, 2016. Retrieved February 15, 2018.
^ Swarns, Rachel L. (March 12, 2017). "A Glimpse Into the Life of a Slave Sold to Save Georgetown". The New York Times. Archived from the original on March 12, 2017.
^ Hassan, Adeel (April 12, 2019). "Georgetown Students Agree to Create Reparations Fund". The New York Times. Archived from the original on April 12, 2019.
^ The People's Chronology, 1994, by James Trager.
^ Kolchin p. 96. Through the domestic slave trade, about one million enslaved African Americans were forcibly removed from the Upper South to the Deep South, with some transported by ship in the coastwise trade. In 1834, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana grew half the nation's cotton; by 1859, along with Georgia, they grew 78%. By 1859, cotton growth in the Carolinas had fallen to just 10% of the national total. Berlin p. 166.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 168–169. Kolchin p. 96.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c ^d Morgan, Marcyliena (July 4, 2002). Language, Discourse and Power in African American Culture. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-00149-6.
^ "Gun Reviews Archives". TheGunZone. Retrieved December 29, 2022.
^ "American Civil War Census Data". Civil-war.net. Archived from the original on March 22, 2016. Retrieved May 27, 2014.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 161–162.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 168–169. Kolchin p. 96. Kolchin notes that Fogel and Engerman maintained that 84% of slaves moved with their families but "most other scholars assign far greater weight ... to slave sales." Ransome (p. 582) notes that Fogel and Engerman based their conclusions on the study of some counties in Maryland in the 1830s and attempted to extrapolate that analysis as reflective of the entire South over the entire period.
^ Kulikoff, Allan (1992). The Agrarian Origins of American Capitalism. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. pp. 226–269. ISBN 978-0-8139-1388-9.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 166–169.
^ Kolchin, p. 98.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 168–171.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, p. 174.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 175–177.
^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 179–180.
^ Johnson (1999), Soul by Soul, p. 2.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Tadman, Michael (September 18, 2012). Smith, Mark M.; Paquette, Robert L. (eds.). Internal Slave Trades. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199227990.013.0029.
^ "Frederic Bancroft, Slave-Trading in the Old South". The Journal of Negro History. 16 (2): 240–241. April 1931. doi:10.2307/2714086. ISSN 0022-2992. JSTOR 2714086. S2CID 153885388.
^ Dew, Charles B. (2016). The making of a racist: a southerner reflects on family, history, and the slave trade. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-8139-3888-2. LCCN 2015043815. OCLC 956713856.
^ "Frontiersman or Southern Gentleman? Newspaper Coverage of Andrew Jackson during the 1828 Presidential Campaign | Readex". www.readex.com. Retrieved December 29, 2022.
^ Bostonian (December 3, 1863) [1863-11-12]. "The Realities of Slavery: To the Editor of the N.Y. Tribune". New-York Tribune. p. 4. ISSN 2158-2661. Retrieved July 27, 2023 – via Newspapers.com.
^ Dickman, Michael (2015). Honor, Control, and Powerlessness: Plantation Whipping in the Antebellum South (Thesis). Boston College. hdl:2345/bc-ir:104219.
^ Collins, Kathleen (January 9, 1985). "The Scourged Back". The New York Times. pp. 43–45.
^ Moore, p. 114.
^ Clinton, Catherine, Scholastic Encyclopedia of the Civil War, New York: Scholastic Inc., 1999, p. 8.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b McInnis, Maurie D. (2011). Slaves Waiting for Sale: Abolitionist Art and the American Slave Trade. University of Chicago Press. pp. 129–. ISBN 978-0-226-55933-9.
^ Moore, p. 118.
^ Lawrence M. Friedman (2005). A History of American Law: Third Edition. Simon and Schuster, p. 163. ISBN 0-7432-8258-2
^ A. Aguirre, Jr., "Slave executions in the United States," The Social Science Journal, vol. 36, issue 1 (1999), pp. 1–31.
^ Davis, p. 124.
^ Christian, Charles M., and Bennet, Sari, Black Saga: The African American Experience: A Chronology, Basic Civitas Books, 1998, p. 90.
^ Burke, p. 155.
^ Barclay, J. L. (2021). The Mark of Slavery: Disability, Race, and Gender in Antebellum America. University of Illinois Press.
^ Andrew Fede (2012). People Without Rights (Routledge Revivals): An Interpretation of the Fundamentals of the Law of Slavery in the U.S. South. Routledge, p. 79. ISBN 1-136-71610-6
^ Morris, Thomas D. (1999). Southern Slavery and the Law, 1619–1860. University of North Carolina Press. p. 172. ISBN 978-0-8078-6430-2.
^ Thomas Weiss, Review: Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery Archived December 20, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Project 2001: Significant Works in Economic History, EH.net (Economic History.net)
^ Kenney, Stephen (March 2015). "Power, opportunism, racism: Human experiments under American slavery". Endeavour. 39 (1): 10–20. doi:10.1016/j.endeavour.2015.02.002. PMID 25824012.
^ Savitt, Todd (August 1982). "The Use of Blacks for Medical Experimentation and Demonstration in the Old South". The Journal of Southern History. 48 (3): 331–348. doi:10.2307/2207450. JSTOR 2207450. PMID 11645888.
^ Berry, Daina (October 18, 2016). "Nat Turner's Skull and My Student's Purse of Skin". The New York Times. Retrieved October 16, 2022.
^ "Leather Made From Human Skin". Philadelphia News. The Mercury. March 17, 1888. Retrieved October 16, 2022.
^ Plaisance, Patrick (September 2, 1998). "A Museum for Nat Turner". Daily Press. Retrieved October 16, 2022.
^ Davis, Floyd James (2001). Who Is Black?: One Nation's Definition. Penn State Press. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-271-04463-7.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Moon, p. 234.
^ Marable, p. 74.
^ "Memoirs of Madison Hemings". PBS Frontline.
^ Higginbotham, A. Leon (1980). In the Matter of Color: Race and the American Legal Process. The Colonial Period. p. 10.
^ Prather, C.; Fuller, T. R.; Jeffries Wl, I. V.; Marshall, K. J.; Howell, A. V.; Belyue-Umole, A.; King, W. (2018). "Racism, African American Women, and Their Sexual and Reproductive Health: A Review of Historical and Contemporary Evidence and Implications for Health Equity". Health Equity. 2 (1). National Institutes of Health (NIH): 249–259. doi:10.1089/heq.2017.0045. PMC 6167003. PMID 30283874.
^ Bryc, Katarzyna; Durand, Eric Y.; Macpherson, J. Michael; Reich, David; Mountain, Joanna L. (January 8, 2015). "The Genetic Ancestry of African Americans, Latinos, and European Americans across the United States". The American Journal of Human Genetics. 96 (1): 37–53. doi:10.1016/j.ajhg.2014.11.010. PMC 4289685. PMID 25529636.
^ Zakharia, Fouad; Basu, Analabha; Absher, Devin; Assimes, Themistocles L; Go, Alan S; Hlatky, Mark A; Iribarren, Carlos; Knowles, Joshua W; Li, Jun; Narasimhan, Balasubramanian; Sidney, Steven; Southwick, Audrey; Myers, Richard M; Quertermous, Thomas; Risch, Neil; Tang, Hua (2009). "Characterizing the admixed African ancestry of African Americans". Genome Biology. 10 (R141): R141. doi:10.1186/gb-2009-10-12-r141. PMC 2812948. PMID 20025784.
^ Reis, Elizabeth, ed. (2012). American sexual histories. Blackwell readers in American social and cultural history (2. ed.). Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4443-3929-1.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Berry, Daina Ramey; Harris, Leslie Maria (2018). Sexuality and slavery: reclaiming intimate histories in the Americas. Gender and slavery. Athens, Ga: University of Georgia Press. ISBN 978-0-8203-5403-3.
^ Woodard, Vincent; Joyce, Justin A.; McBride, Dwight A. (2014). The delectable Negro: human consumption and homoeroticism within U.S. slave culture. Sexual cultures. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-9461-6.
^ Smith, Julia Floyd (1991) Slavery and Rice Culture in Low Country Georgia, 1750-1860 University of Tennessee Press, 104.
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^ Калониус, Эрик (2006). «Странник»: последний американский невольничий корабль и заговор, который поднял его паруса . Нью-Йорк, штат Нью-Йорк: Saint Martin's Press. С. 101–102 (португальско-африканский рынок), 125–126 (цены), 250–253 (происхождение, биография). ISBN 978-0-312-34347-7 .
^ Райт, Гэвин (лето 1987 г.). «Экономическая революция на Юге Америки». Журнал экономических перспектив . 1 (1): 161–178. дои : 10.1257/jep.1.1.161 . JSTOR 1942954 .
^ Райт, Гэвин (1978). Политическая экономия хлопкового юга: домашние хозяйства, рынки и богатство в девятнадцатом веке . Нью-Йорк: WW Norton & Company . ISBN 978-0-393-09038-3 .
^ де Токвиль, Алексис (2004) [1835]. «Том I, глава XVIII: Будущее состояние трех рас в Соединенных Штатах» . Демократия в Америке: полное и полное, тома I и II . Перевод Рива, Генри (переиздание). Нью-Йорк: Bantam Books . п. 419. ИСБН 978-0-553-21464-2 .
^ Кембридж, Массачусетс: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, издание 1968 года под редакцией Джорджа М. Фредриксона .
^ Линдерт, Питер Х.; Уильямсон, Джеффри Г. (2013). «Американские доходы до и после революции» (PDF) . Журнал экономической истории . 73 (3): 725–765. дои : 10.1017/S0022050713000594 .
^ Линдерт, Питер Х.; Уильямсон, Джеффри Г. (сентябрь 2012 г.). «Американские доходы 1774–1860» (PDF) . Серия рабочих документов NBER № 18396 . дои : 10.3386/w18396 . S2CID 153965760 .
^ Аджемоглу, Дарон ; Джонсон, Саймон ; Робинсон, Джеймс А. (2002). «Переворот судьбы: география и институты в формировании распределения доходов в современном мире» (PDF) . Ежеквартальный экономический журнал . 117 (4): 1231–1294. дои : 10.3386/w18396 . S2CID 153965760 .
^ Итон, Клемент (1964). Борьба за свободу мысли на Старом Юге . Нью-Йорк: Харпер и Роу . стр. 39–40.
^ Дженовезе, Юджин Д. (1974). Ролл, Джордан, Ролл: мир, созданный рабами . Нью-Йорк: Пантеон . п. 7. ISBN 978-0-394-71652-7 .
^ Соуэлл, Томас (1981). Этническая Америка: История . Нью-Йорк: Основные книги . п. 190 . ISBN 978-0-465-02075-1 .
^ Соуэлл, Томас (2005). «Реальная история рабства». Черные деревенщины и белые либералы . Нью-Йорк: Книги встреч . п. 158 . ISBN 978-1-59403-086-4 .
^ Ансти, Роджер (1975). «Объем и прибыльность британской работорговли, 1675–1800 гг.». В Энгермане, Стэнли ; Дженовезе, Юджин (ред.). Раса и рабство в Западном полушарии . Принстон, Нью-Джерси : Издательство Принстонского университета . стр. 22–23. ISBN 978-0-691-04625-9 .
^ Соуэлл, Томас (2005). «Реальная история рабства». Черные деревенщины и белые либералы . Нью-Йорк: Книги встреч . стр. 158–159 . ISBN 978-1-59403-086-4 .
^ Хилт, Эрик (2017). «Экономическая история, исторический анализ и «новая история капитализма» » (PDF) . Журнал экономической истории . 77 (2). Издательство Кембриджского университета : 511–536. дои : 10.1017/S002205071700016X .
^ Олмстед, Алан Л.; Род, Пол В. (2018). «Хлопок, рабство и новая история капитализма» . Исследования по экономической истории . 67 . Эльзевир : 1–17. дои : 10.1016/j.eeh.2017.12.002 .
^ Дэвис, Адриенн (2002). « Принцип «Не позволяй никому беспокоить тебя»: Сексуальная экономика американского рабства» . Сестринский круг: черные женщины и работа . Издательство Университета Рутгерса. п. 107 . ISBN 978-0-8135-3061-1 .
^ Дэвис, Адриенн (2002). « Принцип «Не позволяй никому беспокоить тебя»: сексуальная экономика американского рабства» . Сестринский круг: черные женщины и работа . Издательство Университета Рутгерса. п. 108 . ISBN 978-0-8135-3061-1 .
^ Дэвис, Адриенн (2002). « Принцип «Не позволяй никому беспокоить тебя» Сексуальная экономика американского рабства» . Сестринский круг: черные женщины и работа . Издательство Университета Рутгерса. п. 109 . ISBN 978-0-8135-3061-1 .
^ Jump up to: ^а ^б Дэвис, Адриенн (2002). « Принцип «Не позволяй никому беспокоить тебя»: Сексуальная экономика американского рабства» . Сестринский круг: черные женщины и работа . Издательство Университета Рутгерса. п. 119 . ISBN 978-0-8135-3061-1 .
^ Источник: Миллер и Смит, ред. Словарь американского рабства (1988), стр. 678
^ Включает 10 000 жителей Луизианы до 1803 года.
^ Хакер, Дж. Дэвид (13 мая 2020 г.). «От «20 с лишним» до 10 миллионов: рост рабского населения в США» . Рабство и отмена . 41 (4). Информа Великобритания Лимитед: 840–855. дои : 10.1080/0144039x.2020.1755502 . ISSN 0144-039X . ПМЦ 7716878 . ПМИД 33281246 .
^ Гомес, Майкл А.: Обмен символами нашей страны: трансформация африканской идентичности на колониальном и довоенном Юге , с. 29. Чапел-Хилл, Северная Каролина: Университет Северной Каролины, 1998.
^ Ракер, Уолтер К. (2006). Река течет: сопротивление черных, культура и формирование идентичности в ранней Америке . ЛГУ Пресс. п. 126. ИСБН 978-0-8071-3109-1 .
^ Сьюзан Шультен (2010). «Картография рабства и авторитет статистики» . История гражданской войны . 56 (1): 5–32. дои : 10.1353/cwh.0.0141 . ISSN 1533-6271 . S2CID 144587155 .
^ «Глава V: Рабское население Соединенных Штатов (до 1850 г.)» (PDF) . census.gov .
^ «Население рабов в 1860 году: Введение» (PDF) . census.gov .
^ Джонсон, Джейсон Б. (27 января 2007 г.). «САН-ФРАНЦИСКО / Рабство во времена золотой лихорадки / Новые открытия побуждают к выставке и пересмотру участия государства» . СФГЕЙТ . Проверено 29 декабря 2022 г.
^ Гутглюк, Марк. «Мормоны создали, а затем покинули Сан-Бернардино» . Страж округа Сан-Бернардино.
^ Jump up to: ^а ^б Мэри Эллен Снодграсс (2015). Эпоха гражданской войны и реконструкция: Энциклопедия социальной, политической, культурной и экономической истории . Рутледж. п. 556. ИСБН 978-1-317-45791-6 .
^ Рикс, Натаниэль Р. (2007). Особое место для своеобразного института: рабство и суверенитет в ранней территориальной Юте (магистерская диссертация). Университет Бригама Янга. hdl : 1877/etd1909 .
^ Рив, В. Пол ; Паршалл, Ардис Э (2010). Мормонизм: Историческая энциклопедия . Академик Блумсбери. п. 26. ISBN 978-1-59884-107-7 .
^ Коулман, Рональд Г. Блэкс в истории Юты: неизвестное наследие (PDF) .
^ Кастильо, ED 1998. «Краткий обзор истории калифорнийских индейцев. Архивировано 14 декабря 2006 года в Wayback Machine , Комиссия по наследию коренных американцев Калифорнии , 1998. Проверено 24 октября 2007 года.
^ Соединенные Штаты. Конгресс (1857 г.). Глобус Конгресса, Часть 2 . Блэр и Ривс. стр. 287–288 .
^ Крупные рабовладельцы 1860 года и совпадения фамилий афроамериканцев 1870 года. Архивировано 5 сентября 2015 года в Wayback Machine Томом Блейком, 2001–2005 годы.
^ Фрай, Ричард (октябрь 2019 г.). «Число людей в средней семье в США растет впервые за более чем 160 лет» .
^ Глаттаар, Джозеф (2009). Армия генерала Ли: от победы к краху . Нью-Йорк: Свободная пресса. стр. 20, 474. ISBN. 978-1-4165-9697-4 .
^ Jump up to: ^а ^б Шестнадцать крупнейших американских рабовладельцев из графиков переписи рабов 1860 года, заархивированные 19 июля 2013 года в Wayback Machine , расшифровка Тома Блейка, апрель-июль 2001 года (обновлено в октябре 2001 года и декабре 2004 года; теперь включает 19 владельцев)
^ Jump up to: ^а ^б ^с Паргас, Дамиан Алан (2008). «Границы и возможности: сравнение формирования рабских семей на довоенном Юге» (PDF) . Журнал семейной истории . 33 (3): 316–345. дои : 10.1177/0363199008318919 . ПМИД 18831111 . S2CID 22302394 . ^{[ постоянная мертвая ссылка ]}
^ Бонекемпер III, Эдвард Х. (2015). Миф о проигранном деле: почему Юг вел гражданскую войну и почему Север победил . Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Издательство Regnery. п. 39.
^ Jump up to: ^а ^б Колчин п. 134.
^ Колчин с. 137–143. Хортон и Хортон с. 9.

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—— и Элизабет Фокс-Дженовезе (1983). Плоды торгового капитала: рабство и буржуазная собственность в условиях возникновения и расширения капитализма . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 0-19-503157-1 . Предварительный просмотр.
Харрольд, Стэнли. Американский аболиционизм: его прямое политическое влияние от колониальных времен до реконструкции (U of Virginia Press, 2019) онлайн .
Хэшоу, Тим (2007). Рождение черной Америки: первые афроамериканцы и стремление к свободе в Джеймстауне . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Кэрролл и Граф. ISBN 978-0-7867-1718-7 . Предварительный просмотр.
Хиггинботэм, А. Леон-младший. По вопросу цвета кожи: раса и американский юридический процесс: колониальный период. Издательство Оксфордского университета, 1978, ISBN 0-19-502745-0 . Предварительный просмотр.
Хортон, Джеймс Оливер и Хортон, Лоис Э. Рабство и создание Америки , 2005 г., ISBN 0-19-517903-X . Предварительный просмотр.
Джонсон, Уолтер (2013). Река темных снов: Рабство и империя в Хлопковом королевстве . Кембридж, Массачусетс: Belknap Press издательства Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-04555-2 . Предварительный просмотр.
Каплан, Сидней (1973). Присутствие чернокожих в эпоху американской революции, 1770–1800 гг . Гринвич, Коннектикут: Нью-Йоркское графическое общество. ISBN 0-8212-0541-2 . Предварительный просмотр.
Колчин, Петр (1999) [1992]. Американское рабство, 1619–1877 гг . Нью-Йорк: Хилл и Ван. ISBN 0-8090-1554-4 . Предварительный просмотр.
Литвак, Леон Ф. Так долго был в шторме: последствия рабства (1979), социальная история того, как рабство закончилось в Конфедерации. Предварительный просмотр.
—— (1961). К северу от рабства: негры в Свободных Штатах, 1790–1860 гг . Чикаго: Издательство Чикагского университета. Предварительный просмотр.
Мейсон, Мэтью. Рабство и политика в Ранней Американской республике , 2006, ISBN 978-0-8078-3049-9 . Предварительный просмотр.
Миллер, Джеймс, изд. (2001). Полная история американского рабства . Сан-Диего, Калифорния: Greenhaven Press . ISBN 0737704241 .
Мун, Даннелл, «Рабство», статья в Энциклопедии изнасилований , Меррил Д. Смит (ред.), Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004.
Мур, Уилберт Эллис , Рабство и отмена рабства американских негров: социологическое исследование , Ayer Publishing, 1980. Предварительный просмотр.
Морган, Эдмунд С. Американское рабство, Американская свобода : испытание колониальной Вирджинии , WW Norton, 1975. Предварительный просмотр.
Моррис, Томас Д. (1996). Южное рабство и закон, 1619–1860 гг . Чапел-Хилл: Издательство Университета Северной Каролины. ISBN 0-8078-4817-4 . Предварительный просмотр.
Оукс, Джеймс . Правящая раса: история американских рабовладельцев , 1982, ISBN 0-393-31705-6 . Предварительный просмотр.
Палмер, Колин А. , изд. (1998). Миры несвободного труда: от кабального рабства к рабству . Брукфилд, Вирджиния: Издательская компания Ashgate. ISBN 0-86078-515-7 . Предварительный просмотр.
Робинсон, Дональд Л. (1970). Рабство в структуре американской политики, 1765–1820 гг . Нью-Йорк: Харкорт Брейс Йованович. ISBN 0-15-182972-1 . Предварительный просмотр.
Родригес, Юниус П. , изд. Энциклопедия эмансипации и отмены смертной казни в трансатлантическом мире , Армонк, Нью-Йорк: М. Е. Шарп, 2007.
——, изд. Энциклопедия сопротивления и восстания рабов , издательская группа Greenwood, 2007.
Скарборо, Уильям К. Надзиратель: Управление плантациями на Старом Юге , 1984. Предварительный просмотр.
Шермерхорн, Кальвин. Рабский бизнес и рост американского капитализма, 1815–1860 гг. , Издательство Йельского университета, 2015 г.
Скотт, Дэрил Майкл (2020). «Социальные и интеллектуальные истоки 13-го движения». Огонь!!! . 5 (2): 2–39. Предварительный просмотр.
Снайдер, Терри Л. Сила умереть: рабство и самоубийство в Британской Северной Америке , University of Chicago Press, 2015.
Стэмпп, Кеннет М. Особое учреждение: рабство на довоенном Юге , 1956. Предварительный просмотр.
Тадман, Майкл. Спекулянты и рабы: хозяева, торговцы и рабы на Старом Юге , University of Wisconsin Press, 1989. Предварительный просмотр.
Танненбаум, Франк (1946). Раб и гражданин, негр в Америке . Нью-Йорк: Альфред А. Кнопф. Предварительный просмотр.
Бюро переписи населения США . Негритянское население США, 1790–1915 гг ., Нью-Йорк: Arno Press, 1968. Превью.
Вицек, Уильям М. (1977). Источники конституционализма против рабства в Америке, 1760–1848 гг . Итака, Нью-Йорк: Издательство Корнельского университета. ISBN 0-8014-1089-4 . Предварительный просмотр.
Уильямс, Эрик Юстас (1966). Капитализм и рабство . Нью-Йорк: Сыновья ГП Патнэма. Предварительный просмотр.
Райт, «Историки WD и рабство»; Критический анализ перспектив и иронии американского рабства и других недавних работ , Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: University Press of America, 1978.
Яфа, Стивен (2006). Большой хлопок . Викинг Пингвин. ISBN 0-670-03367-7 . Переиздано как «Хлопок: биография революционного волокна» (2006). Предварительный просмотр

Журнальные статьи

Коэн, Уильям (1969). «Томас Джефферсон и проблема рабства». Журнал американской истории . 56 (3): 503–526. дои : 10.2307/1904203 . JSTOR 1904203 . Предварительный просмотр.
Кушинг, Джон Д. (1961). «Суд Кушинга и отмена рабства в Массачусетсе: дополнительные заметки по делу Квока Уокера» . Американский журнал истории права . 5 (2): 118–144. дои : 10.2307/844116 . JSTOR 844116 . Предварительный просмотр.
Дэвид, Пол А. и Темин, Питер . «Обзор: Рабство: прогрессивный институт?», Журнал экономической истории . Том. 34, № 3 (сентябрь 1974 г.)
Финкельман, Пол (2001). «Основатели и рабство: мало рискнули, мало получили». Йельский журнал права и гуманитарных наук . 13 (2): 413–449. Предварительный просмотр.
Линд, Стоутон (октябрь 1963 г.). «О Тернере, бороде и рабстве». Журнал истории негров . 48 (4). Издательство Чикагского университета: 235–250. дои : 10.2307/2716327 . JSTOR 2716327 . S2CID 149624479 . Предварительный просмотр.
Олин, Ховард А. (октябрь 1971 г.). «Республиканизм и рабство: истоки статьи о трех пятых в Конституции Соединенных Штатов». Ежеквартальный журнал Уильяма и Мэри . 28 (4). Институт ранней американской истории и культуры Омохундро: 563–584. дои : 10.2307/1922187 . JSTOR 1922187 . Предварительный просмотр.
Рэнсом, Роджер Л. «Было ли так здорово быть рабом?» История сельского хозяйства , Vol. 48, № 4, 1974. Превью.
Стэмпп, Кеннет М. «Интерпретация мира рабовладельцев: обзор». История сельского хозяйства 1970 44 (4): 407–412, ISSN 0002-1482 . Предварительный просмотр.

Видео

Хан, Стивен . Величайшее восстание рабов в современной истории: южные рабы в гражданской войне в США , Южные пространства , 2004.

Рабство и Конституция

Фонер, Эрик . Второе основание: как гражданская война и реконструкция изменили Конституцию (WW Norton & Company, 2019).
Голдстоун, Лоуренс (2005). Темная сделка: рабство, прибыль и борьба за конституцию . Нью-Йорк: Уокер и компания. ISBN 0-8027-1460-9 . Предварительный просмотр.
Дрейк, Чарльз Э. (17 сентября 1862 г.). Война рабства против Конституции: обращение Чарльза Э. Дрейка по случаю годовщины принятия Конституции, произнесенное в Сент-Луисе . Предварительный просмотр.
Голдвин, Роберт А .; Кауфман, Искусство, ред. (1988). Рабство и его последствия: Конституция, равенство и раса . Вашингтон, округ Колумбия: Американский институт предпринимательства по исследованиям государственной политики. ISBN 0-8447-3649-Х .
Камински, Джон П., изд. (1995). Необходимое зло?: Рабство и дебаты по Конституции . Мэдисон, Висконсин: Мэдисон Хаус. п. 256. ИСБН 978-0945-61216-2 .
Оукс, Джеймс . Кривой путь к отмене смертной казни: Авраам Линкольн и Конституция против рабства (WW Norton & Company, 2021).
Ван Клив, Джордж Уильям. Союз рабовладельцев: рабство, политика и конституция в ранней Американской республике (University of Chicago Press, 2019). онлайн
Виленц, Шон . Никакой собственности у человека: рабство и антирабство при основании нации (2-е изд. Harvard University Press, 2019).
Уильямсон, Джоэл (1990). После рабства: негры в Южной Каролине во время реконструкции, 1861–1877 гг . Ганновер, Нью-Хэмпшир: Университетское издательство Новой Англии. ISBN 0-8195-6236-Х . Предварительный просмотр.

Журнальные статьи

Дэвид, CWA (январь 1924 г.). «Закон о беглых рабах 1793 года и его предшественники». Журнал истории негров . 9 (1). Издательство Чикагского университета от имени Ассоциации изучения жизни и истории афроамериканцев: 18–25. дои : 10.2307/2713433 . JSTOR 2713433 . S2CID 149160543 . Предварительный просмотр.
Догерти, Кейт Л.; Хекельман, Жак К. (2008). «Голосование по рабству на Конституционном съезде» . Общественный выбор . 136 (3/4): 293–313. дои : 10.1007/s11127-008-9297-7 . JSTOR 40270762 . S2CID 14103553 . Предварительный просмотр.
Финкельман, Пол (апрель 2011 г.). «Рабство, конституция и истоки гражданской войны». Исторический журнал OAH . 25 (2). Издательство Оксфордского университета: 14–18. дои : 10.1093/oahmag/oar004 . JSTOR 23210240 . Предварительный просмотр.
—— (зима 2000 г.). «Конституция гарнизона: Завет со смертью и как он был заключен». Журнал «Пролог» . 32 (4): 14–18. Предварительный просмотр.
Фрилинг, Уильям В. (февраль 1972 г.). «Отцы-основатели и рабство». Американский исторический обзор . 77 (1). Издательство Оксфордского университета: 81–93. дои : 10.2307/1856595 . JSTOR 1856595 . Предварительный просмотр.
Ноулз, Хелен Дж. (август 2013 г.). «Видеть свет: все более популярный конституционализм Лисандра Спунера». Обзор права и истории . 31 (3). Американское общество истории права: 531–558. дои : 10.1017/S0738248013000242 . JSTOR 23489502 . S2CID 146391068 . Предварительный просмотр.
Мальц, Эрл М. (октябрь 1992 г.). «Рабство, федерализм и структура конституции». Американский журнал истории права . 36 (4). Издательство Оксфордского университета: 466–498. дои : 10.2307/845555 . JSTOR 845555 . Предварительный просмотр.
Паттерсон, Орландо (осень 1987 г.). «Несвятая троица: свобода, рабство и американская конституция». Социальные исследования . 54 (3). Издательство Университета Джонса Хопкинса: 543–577. JSTOR 40970472 . Предварительный просмотр.

Государство и краеведение

Берк, Дайан Мутти (2010). На границе рабства: мелкие рабовладельческие хозяйства Миссури, 1815–1865 гг . Издательство Университета Джорджии. ISBN 978-0-8203-3683-1 . Предварительный просмотр.
Феде, Эндрю (1992). Люди без прав: интерпретация основ закона о рабстве на юге США . Garland Publishing, Inc. Нью-Йорк: ISBN 0-8153-0894-9 . Предварительный просмотр.
Филдс, Барбара Дж. Рабство и свобода на золотой середине: Мэриленд в девятнадцатом веке , издательство Йельского университета, 1985. Предварительный просмотр.
Фрилинг, Элис Гудиер (1982). Дрейф к роспуску: дебаты о рабстве в Вирджинии в 1831–1832 годах . Батон-Руж, Луизиана: Издательство Университета штата Луизиана. ISBN 0-8071-1035-3 . Предварительный просмотр.
Холтон, Вуди (1999). Принудительные основатели: индейцы, должники, рабы и создание американской революции в Вирджинии . Чапел-Хилл: Издательство Университета Северной Каролины (издано для Института ранней американской истории и культуры Омохундро, Вильямсбург, Вирджиния). ISBN 0-8078-2501-8 . Предварительный просмотр.
Дженнисон, Уотсон В. Культивирование расы: расширение рабства в Джорджии, 1750–1860 гг ., Университетское издательство Кентукки, 2012. Предварительный просмотр.
Джуэтт, Клейтон Э. и Джон О. Аллен; Рабство на Юге: история штата Greenwood Press, 2004. Предварительный просмотр.
Куликофф, Алан. Табак и рабы: развитие южных культур в Чесапике, 1680–1800 гг., University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Предварительный просмотр.
Мингес, Патрик Н .; Рабство в нации чероки: Общество Китуа и определение народа, 1855–1867 , 2003. Предварительный просмотр.
Мор, Кларенс Л. На пороге свободы: господа и рабы в гражданской войне, Университет Джорджии, издательство Джорджии, 1986. Предварительный просмотр.
Муни, Чейз К. Рабство в Теннесси , издательство Индианского университета, 1957.
Морган, Эдмунд С. (1995) [1975]. Американское рабство, американская свобода: испытание колониальной Вирджинии . Нью-Йорк: WW Norton & Company, Inc. ISBN 0-393-31288-7 . Предварительный просмотр.
Нэш, Гэри Б. (1991). Свобода по степеням: эмансипация в Пенсильвании и ее последствия . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 0-19-504583-1 . Предварительный просмотр.
Олуэлл, Роберт. Хозяева, рабы и субъекты: культура власти в Лоу-Кантри Южной Каролины, 1740–1790 Издательство Корнельского университета, 1998.
Рейди, Джозеф П. От рабства к аграрному капитализму на юге хлопковых плантаций, Центральная Джорджия, 1800–1880 гг., University of North Carolina Press, 1992. Предварительный просмотр.
Рипли, К. Питер. Рабы и свободные люди в гражданской войне, Издательство Государственного университета Луизианы, Луизиана, 1976.
Риверс, Ларри Юджин. Рабство во Флориде: территориальные дни до освобождения , Университетское издательство Флориды, 2000. Предварительный просмотр.
Селлерс, Джеймс Бенсон; Рабство в Алабаме, University of Alabama Press, 1950. Предварительный просмотр.
Сиднор, Чарльз С. Рабство в Миссисипи , 1933 год. Предварительный просмотр.
Такаги, Мидори. Выращивание волков ради собственного уничтожения: рабство в Ричмонде, Вирджиния, 1782–1865 гг. Университетское издательство Вирджинии, 1999. Предварительный просмотр.
Тейлор, Джо Грей. Рабство негров в Луизиане . Историческое общество Луизианы, 1963. Предварительный просмотр.
Трекслер, Харрисон Энтони. Рабство в Миссури, 1804–1865 гг ., Издательство Университета Джона Хопкинса, 1914 г. Предварительный просмотр.
Вуд, Питер Х. Черное большинство: негры в колониальной Южной Каролине с 1670 года до восстания Стоно. WW Norton & Company, 1974. Предварительный просмотр.

Видео

Дженкинс, Гэри (режиссер). «Негры на работу» (Жизненные документальные фильмы, 2010) ; 52-минутный DVD; о рабстве в Миссури
Гэннон, Джеймс (25 октября 2018 г.). Моральный долг: наследие рабства в США . Аль-Джазира . Архивировано из оригинала 22 июля 2019 года . Проверено 28 октября 2018 г. Гэннон является потомком Роберта Э. Ли.

Историография и память

Айерс, Эдвард Л. «Гражданская война, эмансипация и реконструкция в США на мировой арене», исторический журнал OAH , январь 2006 г., том. 20, выпуск 1, стр. 54–60.
Берлин, Ира . «Американское рабство в истории и памяти и в поисках социальной справедливости», Журнал американской истории , март 2004 г., Том. 90, выпуск 4, стр. 1251–1268. Предварительный просмотр.
Боулс, Джон Б. и Эвелин Т. Нолен, ред., «Интерпретация истории Юга: историографические очерки в честь Сэнфорда В. Хиггинботэма» (1987). Предварительный просмотр.
Браун, Винсент . «Социальная смерть и политическая жизнь в изучении рабства», American Historical Review , декабрь 2009 г., Vol. 114, выпуск 5, стр. 1231–1249, исследуются исторические и социологические исследования, начиная с влиятельной книги 1982 года «Рабство и социальная смерть » американского социолога Орландо Паттерсона . Предварительный просмотр.
Кэмпбелл, Гвин. «Дети и рабство в новом мире: обзор», « Рабство и отмена» , август 2006 г., Том. 27, выпуск 2, стр. 261–285.
Коллинз, Брюс. «Обзор: американское рабство и его последствия» Исторический журнал (1979), 33 № 4, стр. 997–1015 , онлайн.
Дирк, Брайан. «Изменение взглядов на Линкольна, расу и рабство», исторический журнал OAH , октябрь 2007 г., том. 21, выпуск 4, стр. 9–12. Предварительный просмотр.
Фэрроу, Энн; Ланг, Джоэл; Фрэнк, Дженифер. Соучастие: как Север продвигал, продлевал рабство и получал прибыль от него , Ballantine Books, 2006, ISBN 0-345-46783-3 . Предварительный просмотр.
Фогель, Роберт В. Дебаты о рабстве, 1952–1990: ретроспектива , 2007.
Форд, Лейси К. (2009). Избавь нас от зла. Вопрос рабства на Старом Юге . Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-511809-4 . Предварительный просмотр.
Фокс-Амато, Мэтью. Разоблачение рабства: фотография, человеческое рабство и рождение современной визуальной политики в Америке (Oxford University Press, 2019).
Фрей, Сильвия Р. «Видимая церковь: историография афроамериканской религии со времен Работо», « Рабство и отмена» , январь 2008 г., Том. 29 Выпуск 1, стр. 83–110.
Хеттл, Уоллес. «Белое общество на Старом Юге: пересмотренные литературные свидетельства», « Южные исследования: междисциплинарный журнал Юга» , осень/зима 2006 г., Vol. 13, выпуск 3/4, стр. 29–44.
Кинг, Ричард Х. «Обзор: марксизм и рабовладельческий Юг», American Quarterly 29 (1977), 117–131. сосредоточьтесь на Дженовезе. Предварительный просмотр.
Кларман, Майкл Дж. (2016). Неоконченное дело: расовое равенство в американской истории . Нью-Йорк: Издательство Оксфордского университета. ISBN 978-0-19-994203-9 . Предварительный просмотр
Колчин, Петр . «Американские историки и довоенное южное рабство, 1959–1984», в книге Уильяма Дж. Купера , Майкла Ф. Холта и Джона Маккарделла , ред., « Причитание магистра: эссе в честь Дэвида Герберта Дональда» (1985), 87–111.
Лори, Брюс. «Рабочие, аболиционисты и историки: историографическая перспектива», Лейбористская партия: исследования по истории рабочего класса Америки , зима 2008 г., Vol. 5, выпуск 4, стр. 17–55.
Нили-младший, Марк Э. «Линкольн, рабство и нация», Журнал американской истории , сентябрь 2009 г., Vol. 96 Выпуск 2, стр. 456–458. Предварительный просмотр.
Приход; Питер Дж. Рабство: история и историки Westview Press. 1989. Превью.
Пеннингрот, Дилан . «Написание истории рабства», исторический журнал OAH , апрель 2009 г., том. 23 Выпуск 2, стр. 13–20. Предварительный просмотр.
Раэль, Патрик. Восемьдесят восемь лет: долгая смерть рабства в Соединенных Штатах, 1777–1865 гг. Афины, Джорджия: Издательство Университета Джорджии, 2015.
Сидбери, Джеймс. «Глобализация, креолизация и необычные институты», Journal of Southern History , август 2007 г., Vol. 73, выпуск 3, стр. 617–630, о колониальной эпохе. Предварительный просмотр.
Стаки, П. Стерлинг. «Размышления об изучении африканского происхождения и влиянии на американское рабство», Журнал афроамериканской истории , осень 2006 г., Vol. 91 Выпуск 4, стр. 425–443. Предварительный просмотр.
Мило, Джон Вуд. «Предмет работорговли: последние события в истории Атлантики, Великобритании и Западной Африки», Ранние американские исследования, Междисциплинарный журнал , весна 2009 г., Том. 7 Выпуск 1, стр. 1–45.
Тадман, Майкл. «Репутация работорговца в истории Юга и социальной памяти Юга», История Америки девятнадцатого века , сентябрь 2007 г., Том. 8, выпуск 3, стр. 247–271.
Таллок, Хью. Дебаты об эпохе гражданской войны в США (1998), гл. 2–4

Первоисточники

Альберт, Октавия В. Роджерс . Дом рабства, или Шарлотта Брукс и другие рабыни . Oxford University Press, 1991. Первоисточники с комментариями. ISBN 0-19-506784-3
Американец (1855 г.). Хлопок — король: или Культура хлопка и ее связь с сельским хозяйством, производством и торговлей; свободным цветным людям; и тем, кто считает, что рабство само по себе греховно . Цинциннати: Мур, Вильстах, Киз.
Баскер, Джеймс Г. (2002). Удивительная благодать: Антология стихов о рабстве, 1660–1810 гг . Нью-Хейвен, Коннектикут: Издательство Йельского университета. ISBN 0-300-09172-9 . Предварительный просмотр.
Берлин, Ира ; Филдс, Барбара Дж .; Миллер, Стивен Ф.; Рейди, Джозеф П .; Роуленд, Лесли С., ред. (1992). Наконец-то свободен: документальная история рабства, свободы и гражданской войны . Нью-Йорк: Новая пресса. ISBN 1-56584-120-4 . Предварительный просмотр.
——; Роуленд, Лесли С., ред. (1997). Семьи и свобода: документальная история афроамериканского родства в эпоху гражданской войны . Нью-Йорк: Новая пресса. ISBN 1-56584-026-7 . Предварительный просмотр.
——; Фавро, Марк; Миллер, Стивен Ф., ред. (1998). Вспоминая рабство: афроамериканцы рассказывают о своем личном опыте рабства и эмансипации . Нью-Йорк: Новая пресса. Предварительный просмотр .
Блассингейм, Джон В. , изд., Свидетельства рабов: два столетия писем, речей, интервью и автобиографий . Издательство государственного университета Луизианы, 1977.
Дуглас, Фредерик (2017) [1845]. Моррис, Кеннет Б. младший (ред.). Рассказ о жизни Фредерика Дугласа, американского раба (написанный им самим) . Атланта, Джорджия: Семейные инициативы Фредерика Дугласа. ISBN 978-0-9984730-2-4 . Предварительный просмотр.
——, « Героический раб ». «Автографы за свободу» , Джулия Гриффитс , изд., Бостон: Джон П. Джуэтт и компания, 1853. стр. 174–239. Доступно на веб-сайте «Документирование американского Юга».
——, Сборник статей Фредерика Дугласа, раба (Проект Гутенберг)
Музея истории Миссури Архивы Коллекция рабства
Морган, Кеннет, изд. Рабство в Америке: читатель и руководство (University of Georgia Press, 2005).
Равик, Джордж П. , изд., Американский раб: составная автобиография . 19 томов. Издательство Greenwood Publishing Company, 1972. Сборник интервью WPA, сделанных в 1930-х годах с бывшими рабами.

Научные книги

Эндрюс, Уильям Л. (2019) Рабство и класс на юге Америки: свидетельства поколения рабов, 1840–1865 (Oxford University Press).
Баптист, Эдвард Э. (2014). Половину никогда не рассказывали: рабство и становление американского капитализма . Основные книги . ISBN 978-0-465-00296-2 . Предварительный просмотр.
Беккерт, Свен (2014). Хлопковая империя: глобальная история . Кнопка «Двойной день» . ISBN 978-0-385-35325-0 . Предварительный просмотр.
Беккерт, Свен ; Рокман, Сет, ред. (2016). Капитализм рабства: новая история американского экономического развития . Издательство Пенсильванского университета . ISBN 978-0-8122-4841-8 . Предварительный просмотр.
Брэди, Стивен Дж. (2022) Прикованный к истории: рабство и международные отношения США до 1865 года (Итака, Нью-Йорк: издательство Корнельского университета). Интернет-обзоры.
Финкельман, Пол (1996). Рабство и основатели: раса и свобода в эпоху Джефферсона . Армонк, Нью-Йорк: М. Е. Шарп. ISBN 978-1-56324-590-9 . Предварительный просмотр.
Финкельман, Пол, изд. (2002). Рабство и закон . Лэнхэм, доктор медицины: Роуман и Литтлфилд. ISBN 0-945612-36-2 . Предварительный просмотр.
Форрет, Джефф (2015). Новые направления в исследованиях рабства: коммодификация, сообщество и сравнение . Издательство Университета штата Луизиана . ISBN 978-0-8071-6115-9 .
Геллман, Дэвид Натаниэль. Эмансипация Нью-Йорка: политика рабства и свободы, 1777–1827 (LSU Press, 2006) Онлайн.
Джонсон, Уолтер (2013). Река темных снов: Рабство и империя в Хлопковом королевстве . Издательство Гарвардского университета. ISBN 978-0-674-04555-2 . Предварительный просмотр.
Ларсон, Эдвард Дж. (2023) Американское наследие: свобода и рабство при рождении нации, 1765–1795 (WW Norton, 2023) Отрывок.
Морган, Кеннет О. (2000) Рабство и подневольное состояние в Северной Америке, 1607–1800 (Эдинбург, Шотландия: Издательство Эдинбургского университета). Предварительный просмотр.
Пэриш, Питер Дж. (2022) Рабство: история и историки (Нью-Йорк: Harper & Row). Предварительный просмотр.
Ресендес, Андрес (2016). Другое рабство: раскрытая история порабощения индейцев в Америке . Нью-Йорк: Хоутон Миффлин Харкорт. ISBN 978-0-544-94710-8 .
Шермерхорн, Кальвин (2015). Рабский бизнес и рост американского капитализма, 1815–1860 гг . Издательство Йельского университета . ISBN 978-0-300-19200-1 .
Швальм, Лесли А. (1997) Тяжелая высота для нас: переход женщин от рабства к свободе в Южной Каролине (Чикаго: University of Illinois Press). Предварительный просмотр.

Научные статьи

Бейкер, Регина С. (2022) «Исторический расовый режим и расовое неравенство в бедности на юге Америки». Американский журнал социологии 127.6 (2022): 1721–1781. онлайн
Хилт, Эрик. (2010). «Возвращение к времени на кресте через 45 лет: дебаты о рабстве и новая экономическая история». Капитализм: журнал истории и экономики , том 1, номер 2, стр. 456–483. два : 10.1353/кап.2020.0000
Линдси, Трева Б.; Джонсон, Джессика Мари (осень 2014 г.). «В поисках кульминации: черные эротики живут в рабстве и свободе» . Меридианы: феминизм, раса, транснационализм . 12 (2): 169+ . Проверено 25 марта 2018 г. ^{[ постоянная мертвая ссылка ]}
Логан, Тревон Д. (2022) «Американское порабощение и восстановление черной экономической истории». Журнал экономических перспектив 36.2 (2022): 81–98. онлайн
Маккарти, Томас (декабрь 2004 г.). «Примирившись с нашим прошлым, Часть II: О морали и политике возмещения ущерба за рабство». Политическая теория . 32 (6): 750–772. дои : 10.1177/0090591704268924 . S2CID 32786606 .
Найду, С. (2020). «Американское рабство и власть на рынке труда». Экономическая история развивающихся регионов , 35 (1), 3–22. дои : 10.1080/20780389.2020.1734312
Синглтон, Тереза А. (1995). «Археология рабства в Северной Америке». Ежегодный обзор антропологии . 24 : 119–140. дои : 10.1146/annurev.an.24.100195.001003 .
Тернер, Эдвард Рэймонд (1912). «Первое общество отмены смертной казни в Соединенных Штатах» . Пенсильванский журнал истории и биографии . 36 : 92–109.

Устные истории и автобиографии бывших рабов

Эндрюс, Уильям Л.; Мейсон, Регина Э., ред. (2008). Жизнь Уильяма Граймса, беглого раба . Издательство Оксфордского университета . ISBN 978-0-19-534331-1 .
Блайт, Дэвид В. (2009). Раба больше нет: двое мужчин, сбежавших на свободу, включая их собственные рассказы об освобождении . Бостон и Нью-Йорк: Mariner Books, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN 978-0-15-101-232-9 .
Гоингс, Генри (2012). Шермерхорн, Кальвин; Планкетт, Майкл; Гейнор, Эдвард (ред.). Блуждание беглеца из южного рабства . Университет Вирджинии Пресс . ISBN 978-0-8139-3240-8 .
Хурменс, Белинда, изд. (1989). До свободы, когда я только могу вспомнить: двадцать семь устных историй бывших рабов Южной Каролины . Блэр . ISBN 978-0-89587-069-8 .
Хурменс, Белинда, изд. (1990). До свободы: сорок восемь устных историй бывших рабов Северной и Южной Каролины . Книги наставников . ISBN 978-0-451-62781-0 .
Хурменс, Белинда, изд. (1990). Мои люди не хотят, чтобы я говорил о рабстве: двадцать одна устная история бывших рабов Северной Каролины .
Хурменс, Белинда, изд. (1997). Время рабства, когда я был Чиллуном . Сыновья ГП Патнэма . ISBN 978-0-399-23194-0 .
Хурменс, Белинда, изд. (1994). Мы жили в маленькой хижине во дворе: личные рассказы о рабстве в Вирджинии . Блэр . ISBN 978-0-89587-118-3 .
Джейкобс, Харриет (1861). Чайлд, Лидия Мария (ред.). Происшествия из жизни рабыни, написанные ею самой . Тайер и Элдридж .
Джонсон, Клифтон Х. (1993). Бог поразил меня насмерть: голоса бывших рабов . Пилигрим Пресс . ISBN 978-0-8298-0945-9 .

Библиографии

Миллер, Джозеф К. (1993). Рабство и рабство в мировой истории: Библиография, том I, 1900–1991 . Миллвуд, Нью-Йорк: Kraus International Publications. ISBN 0-527-63660-6 .
—— (1999). Рабство и рабство в мировой истории: Библиография, Том II, 1992–1996 гг . Армонк, Нью-Йорк: ISBN ME Sharpe, Inc. 0-765-60279-2 .

Обсуждения иностранцев

Диккенс, Чарльз (1913). "Рабство". Американские банкноты общего обращения . Впервые опубликовано в 1842 году. См. Луизу Х. Джонсон, «Источник главы о рабстве в американских записках Диккенса », American Literature, vol. 14 января 1943 г., стр. 427–430. Лондон: Чепмен и Холл .

Литературная и культурная критика

Райан, Тим А. Звонки и ответы: американский роман о рабстве со времен «Унесенных ветром». Батон-Руж : Издательство государственного университета Луизианы , 2008.
Ван Дебург, Уильям . Рабство и раса в американской популярной культуре . Мэдисон : Университет Висконсина , 1984.

Документальные фильмы

«Следы торговли» . Следы торговли . Проверено 19 марта 2019 г.

Внешние ссылки

Рабство в Америке: Справочник , Библиотека Конгресса.
«Рожденные в рабстве: рассказы рабов из проекта федеральных писателей, 1936–1938 годы» , Библиотека Конгресса.
«Голоса, помнящие рабство: освобожденные люди рассказывают свои истории» , аудиоинтервью бывших рабов, 1932–1975, Библиотека Конгресса.
Цифровая библиотека по американскому рабству Университета Северной Каролины в Гринсборо
Семинар аболиционистов , резюме, планы уроков, документы и иллюстрации для школ; сосредоточиться на Соединенных Штатах
Американский аболиционизм , резюме и документы; сосредоточиться на Соединенных Штатах
«Рабство и становление Америки» , WNET (серия из 4 частей)
Рабство в Америке на канале History
«Рабство в Соединенных Штатах» , Энциклопедия экономической истории , 26 марта 2008 г.
Рассказы о североамериканских рабах , Документирование юга Америки , Библиотека Луи Раунда Уилсона
В базе данных Трансатлантической работорговли содержится информация почти о 36 000 рейсах рабов.
1850: Женщина и ребенок из Нового Орлеана, которых она держала в рабстве.
Американский капитализм жесток. Вы можете проследить это до плантации . Журнал «Нью-Йорк Таймс» . 14 августа 2019 г.
Библиография рабства и мирового рабства , Университет Вирджинии : база данных с возможностью поиска, содержащая 25 000 научных работ о рабстве и работорговле на всех западноевропейских языках.

[78] Slaves were considered personal property in all slave states except Louisiana, which deemed them real estate.^[77]

[122] The United States continued to prohibit Royal Navy ships from investigating U.S.-flagged vessels – even in instances when the U.S. flag was being used fraudulently. The British still insisted on the right to impress (i.e. force to serve in the Royal Navy) British citizens found on American ships – something that was a continued cause of grievance. Despite the intent of the treaty, the opportunity for additional co-operation was missed.

[1] Abzug, Robert H. (1980). Passionate Liberator. Theodore Dwight Weld and the Dilemma of Reform. Oxford University Press. p. 87. ISBN 0-19-502771-X.

[2] Wood, Peter (2003). "The Birth of Race-Based Slavery". Slate. (May 19, 2015): Reprinted from Strange New Land: Africans in Colonial America by Peter H. Wood with permission from Oxford University Press. 1996, 2003.

[3] Douglass, Frederick (1849). "The Constitution and Slavery".

[Julia_Floyd_Smith_1973,_pp._44–46-4] Jump up to: ^a ^b Smith, Julia Floyd (1973). Slavery and Plantation Growth in Antebellum Florida, 1821–1860. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. pp. 44–46. ISBN 978-0-8130-0323-8.

[5] McDonough, Gary W. (1993). The Florida Negro. A Federal Writers' Project Legacy. University Press of Mississippi. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-87805-588-3.

[USCG1808-6] Chronology of U.S. Coast Guard history on the USCG official history website.

[WP-20220110-7] Weil, Julie Zauzmer; Blanco, Adrian; Dominguez, Leo (January 10, 2022). "More than 1,700 congressmen once enslaved Black people. This is who they were, and how they shaped the nation". The Washington Post. Retrieved January 11, 2022.

[Stephen1999-8] Appiah, Anthony; Gates, Henry Louis (1999). Africana: the encyclopedia of the African and African American experience. Internet Archive. New York : Basic Civitas Books. ISBN 978-0-465-00071-5.

[9] Introduction – Social Aspects of the Civil War Archived July 14, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, National Park Service. ^{[dead link]}

[10] "[I]n 1854, the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act ... overturned the policy of containment [of slavery] and effectively unlocked the gates of the Western territories (including both the old Louisiana Purchase lands and the Mexican Cession) to the legal expansion of slavery...." Guelzo, Allen C., Abraham Lincoln as a Man of Ideas, Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press (2009), p. 80.

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[62] Section 2 of Article I provides in part: "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states ...by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons."

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[108] Commager, Henry Steele. Theodore Parker, pp. 206, 208–209, 210, The Beacon Press, Boston, Massachusetts, 1947.

[109] Berlin, Generations of Captivity, p. 104.

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[135] Kolchin (1993), American Slavery, p. 78.

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[140] Jones-Rogers, Stephanie E. (2019). They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners in the American South. New Haven London: Yale University Press. pp. 37, 134. ISBN 978-0-300-25183-8. "Throughout the antebellum period, married women consistently asserted their rights to own and control human property without their husband's interference, and they exercised those rights as well." "White women were not anomalies at local slave auctions, either, and no group could testify more powerfully to white women's presence at and involvement in slave auctions than the enslaved people who were there.

[mcdonald2019-141] McDonald, Soraya Nadia (March 15, 2019). "In 'They Were Her Property,' a historian shows that white women were deeply involved in the slave economy". Andscape. Retrieved July 14, 2020. South Carolina has bills of sale for property transactions from the 1700s to pretty recently. I looked at a sample of 3,000 bills of sale involving enslaved people being purchased or sold. Close to 40 percent of the bills of sale included either a female buyer or a female seller.

[142] Jones-Rogers, Stephanie E. (2019). They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners in the American South. New Haven London: Yale University Press. pp. xv–xvi. ISBN 978-0-300-25183-8. When we listen to what enslaved people had to say about white women and slave mastery, we find that articulated quite clearly their belief that slave-owning women governed their slaves in the same ways that white men did, sometimes they were more effective at slave management or they used more brutal methods of discipline than their husbands did...White southern women conducted transactions with slave traders...and they were not meek in their bargaining...slave-owning women brought legal suits against individuals, both male and female, who jeopardized their claims to human property, and others sued them in kind. They bought and sold slaves for profit, and, on rare occasions owned slave yards.

[:5-143] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c "Class". Encyclopedia of African American History, 1619–1895: From the Colonial Period to the Age of Frederick Douglass. January 1, 2006. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195167771.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-516777-1.

[144] A history of the descendants of the slaves of Cherokee can be found at Sturm, Circe (1998). "Blood Politics, Racial Classification, and Cherokee National Identity: The Trials and Tribulations of the Cherokee Freedmen". American Indian Quarterly. 22 (1/2): 230–258. JSTOR 1185118. In 1835, 7.4% of Cherokee families held slaves. In comparison, nearly one-third of white families living in Confederate states owned slaves in 1860. Further analysis of the 1835 Federal Cherokee Census can be found in McLoughlin, W. G.; Conser, W. H. (1977). "The Cherokees in Transition: a Statistical Analysis of the Federal Cherokee Census of 1835". The Journal of American History. 64 (3): 678–703. doi:10.2307/1887236. JSTOR 1887236. A discussion on the total number of Slave holding families can be found in Olsen, Otto H. (December 2004). "Historians and the extent of slave ownership in the Southern United States". Civil War History. Archived from the original on July 20, 2007. Retrieved June 8, 2007.

[tperdue1-145] Perdue, Theda (1979). Slavery and the Evolution of Cherokee Society, 1540–1866. University of Tennessee Press. p. 207. ISBN 978-0-87049-530-4.

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[157] Finkelman, Paul (2004). "Suppressing American Slave Traders in the 1790s". OAH Magazine of History. Vol. 18, no. 3. pp. 51–55. ISSN 0882-228X.

[158] James A. McMillin, The Final Victims: Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783–1810, Volume 2, Univ of South Carolina Press, 2004, p. 86

[159] Thomas, Hugh (1997). The Slave Trade. The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade: 1440–1870. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 568. ISBN 978-0-684-81063-8.

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[AFP-161] "Background on Conflict in Liberia". Archived from the original on January 8, 2011. Paul Cuffe, a successful New England black shipping man, financed and captained a voyage for American blacks in 1815–1816 to British-ruled Sierra Leone. Cuffe believed that African Americans could more easily "rise to be a people" in Africa than in the United States because of the latter's slavery, racial discrimination, and limits on black rights. Although Cuffee died in 1817, his early efforts encouraged the ACS to promote further settlements. The Quakers opposed slavery, but they believed that blacks would face better chances for freedom in Africa than in the United States. Slaveholders opposed abolition, but they wanted to get rid of freedmen, whom they saw as potential leaders of rebellions and people who encouraged slaves to run away.

[WDLMap-162] "Map of Liberia, West Africa". World Digital Library. 1830. Retrieved June 3, 2013.

[ATH-163] Sale, Maggie Montesinos (1997). The Slumbering Volcano: American Slave Ship Revolts and the Production of Rebellious Masculinity. Duke University Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-8223-1992-4.

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Фон

Рабство во время американской революции и ранней республики

Рабы и свободные чернокожие, поддержавшие Континентальную армию

Черные лоялисты

Ранний аболиционизм в Соединенных Штатах

Constitution of the United States

Three-fifths Compromise

Slavery in the 19th century

Justifications in the South

American slavery as "a necessary evil"

American slavery as "a positive good"

Proposed expansion of slavery

Abolitionism in the North

Prohibiting the international trade

War of 1812

Slave rebellions

Post-revolution Southern manumissions

Female slave owners

Black slave owners

Native American slave owners

High demand and smuggling

Colonization movement

Domestic slave trade and forced migration

Treatment

Commodification of human tissue

Sexual abuse, reproductive exploitation, and breeding farms

Slave Codes

Religion

Mandatory illiteracy

Freedom suits and Dred Scott

1850 to the firing on Fort Sumter

Civil War and emancipation

American Civil War

Emancipation Proclamation

End of slavery

Reconstruction to the present

Convict leasing

Educational issues

Apologies

Political legacy

Economics

Efficiency of slaves

Prices of slaves

Effects on Southern economic development

Sexual economy of American slavery

Geography and demography

Slave importation

Origins of American slaves

Distribution of slaves

Distribution of slaveholders

Historiography

See also

Histories of slavery in the Western Hemisphere

Notes

References

Библиография

Национальные и сравнительные исследования

Журнальные статьи

Видео

Рабство и Конституция

Журнальные статьи

Государство и краеведение

Видео

Историография и память

Первоисточники

Научные книги

Научные статьи

Устные истории и автобиографии бывших рабов

Библиографии

Обсуждения иностранцев

Литературная и культурная критика

Документальные фильмы

Внешние ссылки