Эдмунд Берк

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Досточтимый Эдмунд Берк
Портрет Джошуа Рейнольдса ок. 1769 г.
ректор Университета Глазго
В офисе 1783–1785
Предшественник	Генри Дандас
Преемник	Роберт Бонтин
казначей сил
В офисе 16 апреля 1783 г. - 8 января 1784 г.
премьер-министр	Герцог Портленда Уильям Питт Младший
Предшественник	Исаак Барре
Succeeded by	William Grenville
In office 10 April 1782 – 1 August 1782
Prime Minister	The Marquess of Rockingham
Preceded by	Richard Rigby
Succeeded by	Isaac Barré
Member of Parliament for Malton
In office 18 October 1780 – 20 June 1794 Serving with William Weddell Thomas Gascoigne George Damer
Preceded by	Savile Finch
Succeeded by	Richard Burke Jr.
Member of Parliament for Bristol
In office 4 November 1774 – 6 September 1780 Serving with Henry Cruger
Preceded by	Matthew Brickdale
Succeeded by	Henry Lippincott
Member of Parliament for Wendover
In office December 1765 – 5 October 1774 Serving with Richard Chandler-Cavendish Robert Darling Joseph Bullock
Preceded by	Verney Lovett
Succeeded by	John Adams
Personal details
Born	(1729-01-12)12 January 1729 Dublin, Ireland
Died	9 July 1797(1797-07-09) (aged 68) Beaconsfield, England
Political party	Whig (Rockinghamite)
Spouse	Jane Mary Nugent ​ (m. 1757)​
Children	Richard Burke Jr.
Education	Trinity College Dublin Middle Temple
Occupation	Writer, politician, journalist, philosopher
Philosophy career
Notable work	A Vindication of Natural Society (1756) On the Sublime and Beautiful (1757) On American Taxation (1774) Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (1791)
Era	Age of Enlightenment
Region	Western philosophy British philosophy
School	Classical liberalism Conservatism Counter-Enlightenment Romanticism
Institutions	Literary Club (co-founder)
Main interests	Politics Society Aesthetics
Notable ideas	Aesthetic sublime Literary sublime Traditionalist conservatism Intergenerationality Religious thought
Signature

Эдмунд Берк ( / b ɜːr k / ; 12 января [ NS ] 1729 г. — 9 июля 1797) — англо-ирландский государственный деятель и философ , большую часть своей карьеры проведший в Великобритании. Берк родился в Дублине и был членом парламента (МП) между 1766 и 1794 годами в Палате общин Великобритании от партии вигов .

Берк был сторонником подкрепления добродетелей манерами в обществе и важности религиозных институтов для моральной стабильности и блага государства. Эти взгляды были выражены в его книге «Защита естественного общества» (1756). Он раскритиковал действия британского правительства по отношению к американским колониям , в том числе его налоговую политику. Берк также поддерживал право колонистов на сопротивление столичной власти, хотя и выступал против попытки добиться независимости. Его помнят за поддержку католической эмансипации , импичмент Уоррену Гастингсу из Ост-Индской компании и его стойкую оппозицию Французской революции .

В своих «Размышлениях о революции во Франции » (1790 г.) Берк утверждал, что революция разрушала ткань «хорошего» общества и традиционные институты государства и общества, и осуждал преследования католической церкви последовавшие за ней . Это привело к тому, что он стал ведущей фигурой в консервативной фракции Партии вигов , которую он назвал « Старыми вигами» , в отличие от сторонников Французской революции «Новых вигов» во главе с Чарльзом Джеймсом Фоксом .

In the 19th century, Burke was praised by both conservatives and liberals. Subsequently, in the 20th century, he became widely regarded, especially in the United States, as the philosophical founder of conservatism, along with his more conservative counterpart, Joseph de Maistre.

Early life

Edmund Burke

Burke was born in Dublin, Ireland. His mother Mary, née Nagle, was a Roman Catholic who hailed from a County Cork family and a cousin of the Catholic educator Nano Nagle, whereas his father Richard, a successful solicitor, was a member of the Church of Ireland. It remains unclear whether this is the same Richard Burke who converted from Catholicism. The Burgh (Burke) dynasty descends from the Anglo-Norman knight, William de Burgh, who arrived in Ireland in 1185 following Henry II of England's 1171 invasion of Ireland and is among the "chief Gall or Old English families that assimilated into Gaelic society" (the surname de Burgh (Latinised as de Burgo) was gaelicised in Irish as de Búrca or Búrc which over the centuries became Burke).

Burke adhered to his father's faith and remained a practising Anglican throughout his life, unlike his sister Juliana, who was brought up as and remained a Roman Catholic. Later, his political enemies repeatedly accused him of having been educated at the Jesuit College of St. Omer, near Calais, France; and of harbouring secret Catholic sympathies at a time when membership in the Catholic Church would disqualify him from public office per Penal Laws in Ireland. As Burke told Frances Crewe:

Mr. Burke's Enemies often endeavoured to convince the World that he had been bred up in the Catholic Faith, & that his Family were of it, & that he himself had been educated at St. Omer—but this was false, as his father was a regular practitioner of the Law at Dublin, which he could not be unless of the Established Church: & it so happened that though Mr. B was twice at Paris, he never happened to go through the Town of St. Omer.

After being elected to the House of Commons, Burke took the required oath of allegiance and abjuration, the oath of supremacy and the declaration against transubstantiation.

As a child, Burke sometimes spent time away from the unhealthy air of Dublin with his mother's family near Killavullen in the Blackwater Valley in County Cork. He received his early education at a Quaker school in Ballitore, County Kildare, some 67 kilometres (42 mi) from Dublin; and possibly like his cousin Nano Nagle at a Hedge school near Killavullen. He remained in correspondence with his schoolmate from there, Mary Leadbeater, the daughter of the school's owner, throughout his life.

In 1744, Burke started at Trinity College Dublin, a Protestant establishment which up until 1793 did not permit Catholics to take degrees. In 1747, he set up a debating society, Edmund Burke's Club, which in 1770 merged with TCD's Historical Club to form the College Historical Society, the oldest undergraduate society in the world. The minutes of the meetings of Burke's Club remain in the collection of the Historical Society. Burke graduated from Trinity in 1748. Burke's father wanted him to read Law and with this in mind, he went to London in 1750, where he entered the Middle Temple, before soon giving up legal study to travel in Continental Europe. After eschewing the Law, he pursued a livelihood through writing.

Early writing

The late Lord Bolingbroke's Letters on the Study and Use of History was published in 1752 and his collected works appeared in 1754. This provoked Burke into writing his first published work, A Vindication of Natural Society: A View of the Miseries and Evils Arising to Mankind, appearing in Spring 1756. Burke imitated Bolingbroke's style and ideas in a reductio ad absurdum of his arguments for deistic rationalism in order to demonstrate their absurdity.

In A Vindication of Natural Society, Burke argued: "The writers against religion, whilst they oppose every system, are wisely careful never to set up any of their own."

Burke claimed that Bolingbroke's arguments against revealed religion could apply to all social and civil institutions as well. Lord Chesterfield and Bishop Warburton as well as others initially thought that the work was genuinely by Bolingbroke rather than a satire. All the reviews of the work were positive, with critics especially appreciative of Burke's quality of writing. Some reviewers failed to notice the ironic nature of the book which led to Burke stating in the preface to the second edition (1757) that it was a satire.

Richard Hurd believed that Burke's imitation was near-perfect and that this defeated his purpose, arguing that an ironist "should take care by a constant exaggeration to make the ridicule shine through the Imitation. Whereas this Vindication is everywhere enforc'd, not only in the language, and on the principles of L. Bol., but with so apparent, or rather so real an earnestness, that half his purpose is sacrificed to the other". A minority of scholars have taken the position that in fact Burke did write the Vindication in earnest, later disowning it only for political reasons.

In 1757, Burke published a treatise on aesthetics titled A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful that attracted the attention of prominent Continental thinkers such as Denis Diderot and Immanuel Kant. It was his only purely philosophical work, completed in 1753. When asked by Sir Joshua Reynolds and French Laurence to expand it thirty years later, Burke replied that he was no longer fit for abstract speculation.

On 25 February 1757, Burke signed a contract with Robert Dodsley to write a "history of England from the time of Julius Caesar to the end of the reign of Queen Anne", its length being eighty quarto sheets (640 pages), nearly 400,000 words. It was to be submitted for publication by Christmas 1758. Burke completed the work to the year 1216 and stopped; it was not published until after Burke's death, in an 1812 collection of his works, An Essay Towards an Abridgement of the English History. G. M. Young did not value Burke's history and claimed that it was "demonstrably a translation from the French". On commenting on the story that Burke stopped his history because David Hume published his, Lord Acton said "it is ever to be regretted that the reverse did not occur".

During the year following that contract, Burke founded with Dodsley the influential Annual Register, a publication in which various authors evaluated the international political events of the previous year. The extent to which Burke contributed to the Annual Register is unclear. In his biography of Burke, Robert Murray quotes the Register as evidence of Burke's opinions, yet Philip Magnus in his biography does not cite it directly as a reference. Burke remained the chief editor of the publication until at least 1789 and there is no evidence that any other writer contributed to it before 1766.

On 12 March 1757, Burke married Jane Mary Nugent (1734–1812), daughter of Dr. Christopher Nugent, a Catholic physician who had provided him with medical treatment at Bath. Their son Richard was born on 9 February 1758 while a second son, Christopher (born that December), died in infancy. Burke also helped raise a ward, Edmund Nagle (later Admiral Sir Edmund Nagle), the son of a maternal cousin orphaned in 1763.

At about this same time, Burke was introduced to William Gerard Hamilton (known as "Single-speech Hamilton"). When Hamilton was appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, Burke accompanied him to Dublin as his private secretary, a position he held for three years. In 1765, Burke became private secretary to the liberal Whig politician Charles, Marquess of Rockingham, then Prime Minister of Great Britain, who remained Burke's close friend and associate until his death in 1782.

Member of Parliament

A literary party at Sir Joshua Reynolds's. Left to right: James Boswell, Samuel Johnson, Joshua Reynolds, David Garrick, Edmund Burke, Pasquale Paoli, Charles Burney, a servant (possibly Francis Barber), Thomas Warton, Oliver Goldsmith. (select a detail of the image for more information)

In December 1765, Burke entered the House of Commons of the British Parliament as Member for Wendover in Buckinghamshire, a pocket borough in the gift of Lord Fermanagh, later 2nd Earl Verney and a close political ally of Rockingham. After Burke delivered his maiden speech, William Pitt the Elder said he had "spoken in such a manner as to stop the mouths of all Europe" and that the Commons should congratulate itself on acquiring such a Member.

The first great subject Burke addressed was the controversy with the American colonies which soon developed into war and ultimate separation. In reply to the 1769 Grenvillite pamphlet The Present State of the Nation, he published his own pamphlet titled Observations on a Late State of the Nation. Surveying the finances of France, Burke predicts "some extraordinary convulsion in that whole system".

During the same year, with mostly borrowed money, Burke purchased Gregories, a 600-acre (2.4 km²) estate near Beaconsfield. Although the estate included saleable assets such as art works by Titian, Gregories proved a heavy financial burden in the following decades and Burke was never able to repay its purchase price in full. His speeches and writings, having made him famous, led to the suggestion that he was the author of the Letters of Junius.

At about this time, Burke joined the circle of leading intellectuals and artists in London of whom Samuel Johnson was the central luminary. This circle also included David Garrick, Oliver Goldsmith and Joshua Reynolds. Edward Gibbon described Burke as "the most eloquent and rational madman that I ever knew". Although Johnson admired Burke's brilliance, he found him a dishonest politician.

Burke took a leading role in the debate regarding the constitutional limits to the executive authority of the king. He argued strongly against unrestrained royal power and for the role of political parties in maintaining a principled opposition capable of preventing abuses, either by the monarch or by specific factions within the government. His most important publication in this regard was his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents of 23 April 1770. Burke identified the "discontents" as stemming from the "secret influence" of a neo-Tory group he labelled as the "king's friends", whose system "comprehending the exterior and interior administrations, is commonly called, in the technical language of the Court, Double Cabinet". Britain needed a party with "an unshaken adherence to principle, and attachment to connexion, against every allurement of interest". Party divisions, "whether operating for good or evil, are things inseparable from free government".

The Gregories estate purchased by Burke for £20,000 in 1768

During 1771, Burke wrote a bill that would have given juries the right to determine what was libel, if passed. Burke spoke in favour of the bill, but it was opposed by some, including Charles James Fox, not becoming law. When introducing his own bill in 1791 in opposition, Fox repeated almost verbatim the text of Burke's bill without acknowledgement. Burke was prominent in securing the right to publish debates held in Parliament.

Speaking in a Parliamentary debate on the prohibition on the export of grain on 16 November 1770, Burke argued in favour of a free market in corn: "There are no such things as a high, & a low price that is encouraging, & discouraging; there is nothing but a natural price, which grain brings at an universal market". In 1772, Burke was instrumental in the passing of the Repeal of Certain Laws Act 1772 which repealed various old laws against dealers and forestallers in corn.

In the Annual Register for 1772 (published in July 1773), Burke condemned the partition of Poland. He saw it as "the first very great breach in the modern political system of Europe" and as upsetting the balance of power in Europe.

On 3 November 1774, Burke was elected Member for Bristol, at the time "England's second city" with a large constituency in a genuine electoral contest. At the conclusion of the poll, he made his Speech to the Electors of Bristol at the Conclusion of the Poll, a remarkable disclaimer of the constituent-imperative form of democracy, for which he substituted his statement of the "representative mandate" form. He failed to win re-election for that seat in the subsequent 1780 general election.

In May 1778, Burke supported a Parliamentary motion revising restrictions on Irish trade. His constituents, citizens of the great trading city of Bristol, urged Burke to oppose free trade with Ireland. Burke resisted their protestations and said: "If, from this conduct, I shall forfeit their suffrages at an ensuing election, it will stand on record an example to future representatives of the Commons of England, that one man at least had dared to resist the desires of his constituents when his judgment assured him they were wrong."

Burke published Two Letters to Gentlemen of Bristol on the Bills relative to the Trade of Ireland in which he espoused "some of the chief principles of commerce; such as the advantage of free intercourse between all parts of the same kingdom ... the evils attending restriction and monopoly ... and that the gain of others is not necessarily our loss, but on the contrary an advantage by causing a greater demand for such wares as we have for sale."

Burke also supported the attempts of Sir George Savile to repeal some of the penal laws against Catholics. Burke also called capital punishment "the Butchery which we call justice" in 1776 and in 1780 condemned the use of the pillory for two men convicted for attempting to practice sodomy.

This support for unpopular causes, notably free trade with Ireland and Catholic emancipation, led to Burke losing his seat in 1780. For the remainder of his Parliamentary career, Burke represented Malton, another pocket borough under the Marquess of Rockingham's patronage.

American War of Independence

Burke expressed his support for the grievances of the American Thirteen Colonies under the government of King George III and his appointed representatives. On 19 April 1774, Burke made a speech, "On American Taxation" (published in January 1775), on a motion to repeal the tea duty:

Again and again, revert to your old principles—seek peace and ensue it; leave America, if she has taxable matter in her, to tax herself. I am not here going into the distinctions of rights, nor attempting to mark their boundaries. I do not enter into these metaphysical distinctions; I hate the very sound of them. Leave the Americans as they anciently stood, and these distinctions, born of our unhappy contest, will die along with it …. Be content to bind America by laws of trade; you have always done it …. Do not burthen them with taxes…. But if intemperately, unwisely, fatally, you sophisticate and poison the very source of government by urging subtle deductions, and consequences odious to those you govern, from the unlimited and illimitable nature of supreme sovereignty, you will teach them by these means to call that sovereignty itself in question …. If that sovereignty and their freedom cannot be reconciled, which will they take? They will cast your sovereignty in your face. No body of men will be argued into slavery.

On 22 March 1775, Burke delivered in the House of Commons a speech (published in May 1775) on reconciliation with America. Burke appealed for peace as preferable to civil war and reminded the House of Commons of America's growing population, its industry and its wealth. He warned against the notion that the Americans would back down in the face of force since most Americans were of British descent:

[T]he people of the colonies are descendants of Englishmen.... They are therefore not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to English ideas and on English principles. The people are Protestants ... a persuasion not only favourable to liberty, but built upon it .... My hold of the colonies is in the close affection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal protection. These are ties which, though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let the colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your government—they will cling and grapple to you, and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from their allegiance. But let it be once understood that your government may be one thing and their privileges another, that these two things may exist without any mutual relation—the cement is gone, the cohesion is loosened, and everything hastens to decay and dissolution. As long as you have the wisdom to keep the sovereign authority of this country as the sanctuary of liberty, the sacred temple consecrated to our common faith, wherever the chosen race and sons of England worship freedom, they will turn their faces towards you. The more they multiply, the more friends you will have; the more ardently they love liberty, the more perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they can have anywhere. It is a weed that grows in every soil. They may have it from Spain, they may have it from Prussia. But, until you become lost to all feeling of your true interest and your natural dignity, freedom they can have from none but you.

Burke prized peace with America above all else, pleading with the House of Commons to remember that the interest by way of money received from the American colonies was far more attractive than any sense of putting the colonists in their place:

The proposition is peace. Not peace through the medium of war, not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negotiations, not peace to arise out of universal discord ... [I]t is simple peace, sought in its natural course and in its ordinary haunts. It is peace sought in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles purely pacific.

Burke was not merely presenting a peace agreement to Parliament, but rather he stepped forward with four reasons against using force, carefully reasoned. He laid out his objections in an orderly manner, focusing on one before moving to the next. His first concern was that the use of force would have to be temporary and that the uprisings and objections to British governance in Colonial America would not be. Second, Burke worried about the uncertainty surrounding whether Britain would win a conflict in America. "An armament," Burke said, "is not a victory." Third, Burke brought up the issue of impairment, stating that it would do the British government no good to engage in a scorched earth war and have the object they desired (America) become damaged or even useless. The American colonists could always retreat into the mountains, but the land they left behind would most likely be unusable, whether by accident or design. The fourth and final reason to avoid the use of force was experience, as the British had never attempted to rein in an unruly colony by force and they did not know if it could be done, let alone accomplished thousands of miles away from home. Not only were all of these concerns reasonable, but some turned out to be prophetic—the American colonists did not surrender, even when things looked extremely bleak and the British were ultimately unsuccessful in their attempts to win a war fought on American soil.

It was not temporary force, uncertainty, impairment, or even experience that Burke cited as the primary reason for avoiding war with the American colonies. Rather, it was the character of the American people themselves: "In this character of Americans, a love of freedom is the predominating feature which marks and distinguishes the whole ... [T]his fierce spirit of liberty is stronger in the English colonies, probably, than in any other people of the earth ... [The] men [are] acute, inquisitive, dextrous, prompt in attack, ready in defence, full of resources." Burke concludes with another plea for peace and a prayer that Britain might avoid actions which in Burke's words "may bring on the destruction of this Empire."

Burke proposed six resolutions to settle the American conflict peacefully:

1. Allow the American colonists to elect their own representatives, settling the dispute about taxation without representation.
2. Acknowledge this wrongdoing and apologise for grievances caused.
3. Procure an efficient manner of choosing and sending these delegates.
4. Set up a General Assembly in America itself, with powers to regulate taxes.
5. Stop gathering taxes by imposition (or law) and start gathering them only when they are needed.
6. Grant needed aid to the colonies.

Had they been passed, though the effect of these resolutions can never be known, they might have quelled the colonials' revolutionary spirit. Unfortunately, Burke delivered this speech less than a month before the explosive conflict at Concord and Lexington. As these resolutions were not enacted, little was done that would help to prevent armed conflict.

Among the reasons this speech was so greatly admired was its passage on Lord Bathurst (1684–1775) in which Burke describes an angel in 1704 prophesying to Bathurst the future greatness of England and also of America: "Young man, There is America—which at this day serves little more than to amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncouth manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, shew itself equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts the envy of the world." Samuel Johnson was so irritated at hearing it continually praised that he made a parody of it, where the devil appears to a young Whig and predicts that in a short time Whiggism will poison even the paradise of America.

The administration of Lord North (1770–1782) tried to defeat the colonist rebellion by military force. British and American forces clashed in 1775 and in 1776 came the United States Declaration of Independence. Burke was appalled by celebrations in Britain of the defeat of the Americans in New York and Pennsylvania. He claimed the English national character was being changed by this authoritarianism. Burke wrote: "As to the good people of England, they seem to partake every day more and more of the Character of that administration which they have been induced to tolerate. I am satisfied, that within a few years there has been a great Change in the National Character. We seem no longer that eager, inquisitive, jealous, fiery people, which we have been formerly."

In Burke's view, the British government was fighting "the American English" ("our English Brethren in the Colonies"), with a Germanic king employing "the hireling sword of German boors and vassals" to destroy the English liberties of the colonists. On American independence, Burke wrote: "I do not know how to wish success to those whose Victory is to separate from us a large and noble part of our Empire. Still less do I wish success to injustice, oppression and absurdity."

During the Gordon Riots in 1780, Burke became a target of hostility and his home was placed under armed guard by the military.

Paymaster of the Forces

In Cincinnatus in Retirement (1782), James Gillray caricatured Burke's support of rights for Catholics.

The fall of North led to Rockingham being recalled to power in March 1782. Burke was appointed Paymaster of the Forces and a Privy Counsellor, but without a seat in Cabinet. Rockingham's unexpected death in July 1782 and replacement with Shelburne as Prime Minister put an end to his administration after only a few months, but Burke did manage to introduce two Acts.

The Paymaster General Act 1782 ended the post as a lucrative sinecure. Previously, Paymasters had been able to draw on money from HM Treasury at their discretion. Instead, now they were required to put the money they had requested to withdraw from the Treasury into the Bank of England, from where it was to be withdrawn for specific purposes. The Treasury would receive monthly statements of the Paymaster's balance at the Bank. This Act was repealed by Shelburne's administration, but the Act that replaced it repeated verbatim almost the whole text of the Burke Act.

The Civil List and Secret Service Money Act 1782 was a watered-down version of Burke's original intentions as outlined in his famous Speech on Economical Reform of 11 February 1780. However, he managed to abolish 134 offices in the royal household and civil administration. The third Secretary of State and the Board of Trade were abolished and pensions were limited and regulated. The Act was anticipated to save £72,368 a year.

In February 1783, Burke resumed the post of Paymaster of the Forces when Shelburne's government fell and was replaced by a coalition headed by North that included Charles James Fox. That coalition fell in 1783 and was succeeded by the long Tory administration of William Pitt the Younger which lasted until 1801. Accordingly, having supported Fox and North, Burke was in opposition for the remainder of his political life.

Representative government

In 1774, Burke's Speech to the Electors at Bristol at the Conclusion of the Poll was noted for its defence of the principles of representative government against the notion that those elected to assemblies like Parliament are, or should be, merely delegates:

Certainly, Gentlemen, it ought to be the happiness and glory of a Representative, to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion, high respect; their business, unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs; and above all, ever, and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his own. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any sett of men living. These he does not derive from your pleasure; no, nor from the Law and the Constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your Representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.

My worthy Colleague says, his Will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all, the thing is innocent. If Government were a matter of Will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But Government and Legislation are matters of reason and judgement, and not of inclination; and, what sort of reason is that, in which the determination precedes the discussion; in which one sett of men deliberate, and another decide; and where those who form the conclusion are perhaps three hundred miles distant from those who hear the arguments?

To deliver an opinion is the right of all men; that of constituents is a weighty and respectable opinion which a Representative ought always to rejoice to hear; and which he ought always most seriously to consider. But authoritative instructions; mandates issued, which the member is bound blindly and implicitly to obey, to vote, and to argue for, though contrary to the clearest conviction of his judgment and conscience; these are things utterly unknown to the laws of this land, and which arise from a fundamental mistake of the whole order and tenour of our constitution.

Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different and hostile interests; which interests each must maintain, as an agent and advocate, against other agents and advocates; but Parliament is a deliberative assembly of one nation, with one interest, that of the whole; where, not local purposes, not local prejudices ought to guide, but the general good, resulting from the general reason of the whole. You choose a member, indeed; but when you have chosen him, he is not a member of Bristol, but he is a member of Parliament.

It is often forgotten in this connection that Burke, as detailed below, was an opponent of slavery, and therefore his conscience was refusing to support a trade in which many of his Bristol electors were lucratively involved.

Political scientist Hanna Pitkin points out that Burke linked the interest of the district with the proper behaviour of its elected official, explaining: "Burke conceives of broad, relatively fixed interest, few in number and clearly defined, of which any group or locality has just one. These interests are largely economic or associated with particular localities whose livelihood they characterize, in his over-all prosperity they involve".

Burke was a leading sceptic with respect to democracy. While admitting that theoretically in some cases it might be desirable, he insisted a democratic government in Britain in his day would not only be inept, but also oppressive. He opposed democracy for three basic reasons. First, government required a degree of intelligence and breadth of knowledge of the sort that occurred rarely among the common people. Second, he thought that if they had the vote, common people had dangerous and angry passions that could be aroused easily by demagogues, fearing that the authoritarian impulses that could be empowered by these passions would undermine cherished traditions and established religion, leading to violence and confiscation of property. Third, Burke warned that democracy would create a tyranny over unpopular minorities, who needed the protection of the upper classes.

Opposition to the slave trade

Burke proposed a bill to ban slaveholders from being able to sit in the House of Commons, claiming they were a danger incompatible with traditional notions of British liberty. He described slavery as a "weed that grows on every soil. While Burke did believe that Africans were "barbaric" and needed to be "civilised" by Christianity, Gregory Collins argues that this was not an unusual attitude amongst abolitionists at the time. Furthermore, Burke seemed to believe that Christianity would provide a civilising benefit to any group of people, as he believed Christianity had "tamed" European civilisation and regarded Southern European peoples as equally savage and barbarous. Collins also suggests that Burke viewed the "uncivilised" behaviour of African slaves as being partially caused by slavery itself, as he believed that making someone a slave stripped them of any virtues and rendered them mentally deficient, regardless of race. Burke proposed a gradual program of emancipation called Sketch of a Negro Code, which Collins argues was quite detailed for the time. Collins concludes that Burke's "gradualist" position on the emancipation of slaves, while perhaps seeming ridiculous to some modern-day readers, was nonetheless sincere.

India and the impeachment of Warren Hastings

Main article: Impeachment of Warren Hastings

For years, Burke pursued impeachment efforts against Warren Hastings, formerly Governor-General of Bengal, that resulted in the trial during 1786. His interaction with the British dominion of India began well before Hastings' impeachment trial. For two decades prior to the impeachment, Parliament had dealt with the Indian issue. This trial was the pinnacle of years of unrest and deliberation. In 1781, Burke was first able to delve into the issues surrounding the East India Company when he was appointed Chairman of the Commons Select Committee on East Indian Affairs—from that point until the end of the trial, India was Burke's primary concern. This committee was charged "to investigate alleged injustices in Bengal, the war with Hyder Ali, and other Indian difficulties". While Burke and the committee focused their attention on these matters, a second secret committee was formed to assess the same issues. Both committee reports were written by Burke. Among other purposes, the reports conveyed to the Indian princes that Britain would not wage war on them, along with demanding that the East India Company should recall Hastings. This was Burke's first call for substantive change regarding imperial practices. When addressing the whole House of Commons regarding the committee report, Burke described the Indian issue as one that "began 'in commerce' but 'ended in empire'".

On 28 February 1785, Burke delivered a now-famous speech, The Nabob of Arcot's Debts, wherein he condemned the damage to India by the East India Company. In the province of the Carnatic, the Indians had constructed a system of reservoirs to make the soil fertile in a naturally dry region, and centred their society on the husbandry of water:

These are the monuments of real kings, who were the fathers of their people; testators to a posterity which they embraced as their own. These are the grand sepulchres built by ambition; but by the ambition of an insatiable benevolence, which, not contented with reigning in the dispensation of happiness during the contracted term of human life, had strained, with all the reachings and graspings of a vivacious mind, to extend the dominion of their bounty beyond the limits of nature, and to perpetuate themselves through generations of generations, the guardians, the protectors, the nourishers of mankind.

Burke claimed that the advent of East India Company domination in India had eroded much that was good in these traditions and that as a consequence of this and the lack of new customs to replace them the Indian populace under Company rule was needlessly suffering. He set about establishing a set of imperial expectations, whose moral foundation would in his opinion warrant an overseas empire.

On 4 April 1786, Burke presented the House of Commons with the Article of Charge of High Crimes and Misdemeanors against Hastings. The impeachment in Westminster Hall which did not begin until 14 February 1788 would be the "first major public discursive event of its kind in England", bringing the morality of imperialism to the forefront of public perception. Burke was already known for his eloquent rhetorical skills and his involvement in the trial only enhanced its popularity and significance. Burke's indictment, fuelled by emotional indignation, branded Hastings a "captain-general of iniquity" who never dined without "creating a famine", whose heart was "gangrened to the core" and who resembled both a "spider of Hell" and a "ravenous vulture devouring the carcasses of the dead". The House of Commons eventually impeached Hastings, but subsequently the House of Lords acquitted him of all charges.

French Revolution: 1688 versus 1789

Smelling out a Rat;—or—The Atheistical-Revolutionist disturbed in his Midnight "Calculations" (1790) by Gillray, depicting a caricature of Burke holding a crown and a cross while the seated man Richard Price is writing "On the Benefits of Anarchy Regicide Atheism" beneath a picture of the execution of Charles I of England

Reflections on the Revolution in France, And on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to that Event. In a Letter Intended to Have Been Sent to a Gentleman in Paris. By the Right Honourable Edmund Burke.

Initially, Burke did not condemn the French Revolution. In a letter of 9 August 1789, he wrote: "England gazing with astonishment at a French struggle for Liberty and not knowing whether to blame or to applaud! The thing indeed, though I thought I saw something like it in progress for several years, has still something in it paradoxical and Mysterious. The spirit it is impossible not to admire; but the old Parisian ferocity has broken out in a shocking manner". The events of 5–6 October 1789, when a crowd of Parisian women marched on Versailles to compel King Louis XVI to return to Paris, turned Burke against it. In a letter to his son Richard Burke dated 10 October, he said: "This day I heard from Laurence who has sent me papers confirming the portentous state of France—where the Elements which compose Human Society seem all to be dissolved, and a world of Monsters to be produced in the place of it—where Mirabeau presides as the Grand Anarch; and the late Grand Monarch makes a figure as ridiculous as pitiable". On 4 November, Charles-Jean-François Depont wrote to Burke, requesting that he endorse the Revolution. Burke replied that any critical language of it by him should be taken "as no more than the expression of doubt", but he added: "You may have subverted Monarchy, but not recover'd freedom". In the same month, he described France as "a country undone". Burke's first public condemnation of the Revolution occurred during the debate in Parliament on the army estimates on 9 February 1790 provoked by praise of the Revolution by Pitt and Fox:

Since the House had been prorogued in the summer much work was done in France. The French had shewn themselves the ablest architects of ruin that had hitherto existed in the world. In that very short space of time they had completely pulled down to the ground, their monarchy; their church; their nobility; their law; their revenue; their army; their navy; their commerce; their arts; and their manufactures...[There was a danger of] an imitation of the excesses of an irrational, unprincipled, proscribing, confiscating, plundering, ferocious, bloody and tyrannical democracy...[In religion] the danger of their example is no longer from intolerance, but from Atheism; a foul, unnatural vice, foe to all the dignity and consolation of mankind; which seems in France, for a long time, to have been embodied into a faction, accredited, and almost avowed.

In January 1790, Burke read Richard Price's sermon of 4 November 1789 entitled A Discourse on the Love of Our Country to the Revolution Society. That society had been founded to commemorate the Glorious Revolution of 1688. In this sermon, Price espoused the philosophy of universal "Rights of Men". Price argued that love of our country "does not imply any conviction of the superior value of it to other countries, or any particular preference of its laws and constitution of government". Instead, Price asserted that Englishmen should see themselves "more as citizens of the world than as members of any particular community".

A debate between Price and Burke ensued that was "the classic moment at which two fundamentally different conceptions of national identity were presented to the English public". Price claimed that the principles of the Glorious Revolution included "the right to choose our own governors, to cashier them for misconduct, and to frame a government for ourselves".

Immediately after reading Price's sermon, Burke wrote a draft of what eventually became Reflections on the Revolution in France. On 13 February 1790, a notice in the press said that shortly Burke would publish a pamphlet on the Revolution and its British supporters, but he spent the year revising and expanding it. On 1 November, he finally published the Reflections and it was an immediate best-seller. Priced at five shillings, it was more expensive than most political pamphlets, but by the end of 1790, it had gone through ten printings and sold approximately 17,500 copies. A French translation appeared on 29 November and on 30 November the translator Pierre-Gaëton Dupont wrote to Burke saying 2,500 copies had already been sold. The French translation ran to ten printings by June 1791.

What the Glorious Revolution had meant was as important to Burke and his contemporaries as it had been for the last one hundred years in British politics. In the Reflections, Burke argued against Price's interpretation of the Glorious Revolution and instead, gave a classic Whig defence of it. Burke argued against the idea of abstract, metaphysical rights of humans and instead advocated national tradition:

The Revolution was made to preserve our antient indisputable laws and liberties, and that antient constitution of government which is our only security for law and liberty...The very idea of the fabrication of a new government, is enough to fill us with disgust and horror. We wished at the period of the Revolution, and do now wish, to derive all we possess as an inheritance from our forefathers. Upon that body and stock of inheritance we have taken care not to inoculate any cyon [scion] alien to the nature of the original plant...Our oldest reformation is that of Magna Charta. You will see that Sir Edward Coke, that great oracle of our law, and indeed all the great men who follow him, to Blackstone, are industrious to prove the pedigree of our liberties. They endeavour to prove that the ancient charter...were nothing more than a re-affirmance of the still more ancient standing law of the kingdom...In the famous law...called the Petition of Right, the parliament says to the king, "Your subjects have inherited this freedom", claiming their franchises not on abstract principles "as the rights of men", but as the rights of Englishmen, and as a patrimony derived from their forefathers.

Burke said: "We fear God, we look up with awe to kings; with affection to Parliaments; with duty to magistrates; with reverence to priests; and with respect to nobility. Why? Because when such ideas are brought before our minds, it is natural to be so affected". Burke defended this prejudice on the grounds that it is "the general bank and capital of nations, and of ages" and superior to individual reason, which is small in comparison. "Prejudice", Burke claimed, "is of ready application in the emergency; it previously engages the mind in a steady course of wisdom and virtue, and does not leave the man hesitating in the moment of decision, sceptical, puzzled, and unresolved. Prejudice renders a man's virtue his habit". Burke criticised social contract theory by claiming that society is indeed a contract, although it is "a partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born".

The most famous passage in Burke's Reflections was his description of the events of 5–6 October 1789 and the part of Marie-Antoinette in them. Burke's account differs little from modern historians who have used primary sources. His use of flowery language to describe it provoked both praise and criticism. Philip Francis wrote to Burke saying that what he wrote of Marie-Antoinette was "pure foppery". Edward Gibbon reacted differently: "I adore his chivalry". Burke was informed by an Englishman who had talked with the Duchesse de Biron that when Marie-Antoinette was reading the passage she burst into tears and took considerable time to finish reading it. Price had rejoiced that the French king had been "led in triumph" during the October Days, but to Burke, this symbolised the opposing revolutionary sentiment of the Jacobins and the natural sentiments of those who shared his own view with horror—that the ungallant assault on Marie-Antoinette was a cowardly attack on a defenceless woman.

Louis XVI translated the Reflections "from end to end" into French. Fellow Whig MPs Richard Sheridan and Charles James Fox disagreed with Burke and split with him. Fox thought the Reflections to be "in very bad taste" and "favouring Tory principles". Other Whigs such as the Duke of Portland and Earl Fitzwilliam privately agreed with Burke, but they did not wish for a public breach with their Whig colleagues. Burke wrote on 29 November 1790: "I have received from the Duke of Portland, Lord Fitzwilliam, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord John Cavendish, Montagu (Frederick Montagu MP), and a long et cetera of the old Stamina of the Whiggs a most full approbation of the principles of that work and a kind indulgence to the execution". The Duke of Portland said in 1791 that when anyone criticised the Reflections to him, he informed them that he had recommended the book to his sons as containing the true Whig creed.

In the opinion of Paul Langford, Burke crossed something of a Rubicon when he attended a levee on 3 February 1791 to meet the King, later described by Jane Burke as follows:

On his coming to Town for the Winter, as he generally does, he went to the Levee with the Duke of Portland, who went with Lord William to kiss hands on his going into the Guards—while Lord William was kissing hands, The King was talking to The Duke, but his Eyes were fixed on [Burke] who was standing in the Crowd, and when He said His say to The Duke, without waiting for [Burke]'s coming up in his turn, The King went up to him, and, after the usual questions of how long have you been in Town and the weather, He said you have been very much employed of late, and very much confined. [Burke] said, no, Sir, not more than usual—You have and very well employed too, but there are none so deaf as those that w'ont hear, and none so blind as those that w'ont see—[Burke] made a low bow, Sir, I certainly now understand you, but was afraid my vanity or presumption might have led me to imagine what Your Majesty has said referred to what I have done—You cannot be vain—You have been of use to us all, it is a general opinion, is it not so Lord Stair? who was standing near. It is said Lord Stair;—Your Majesty's adopting it, Sir, will make the opinion general, said [Burke]—I know it is the general opinion, and I know that there is no Man who calls himself a Gentleman that must not think himself obliged to you, for you have supported the cause of the Gentlemen—You know the tone at Court is a whisper, but The King said all this loud, so as to be heard by every one at Court.

Burke's Reflections sparked a pamphlet war. Mary Wollstonecraft was one of the first into print, publishing A Vindication of the Rights of Men a few weeks after Burke. Thomas Paine followed with the Rights of Man in 1791. James Mackintosh, who wrote Vindiciae Gallicae, was the first to see the Reflections as "the manifesto of a Counter Revolution". Mackintosh later agreed with Burke's views, remarking in December 1796 after meeting him that Burke was "minutely and accurately informed, to a wonderful exactness, with respect to every fact relating to the French Revolution". Mackintosh later said: "Burke was one of the first thinkers as well as one of the greatest orators of his time. He is without parallel in any age, excepting perhaps Lord Bacon and Cicero; and his works contain an ampler store of political and moral wisdom than can be found in any other writer whatever".

Charles James Fox

In November 1790, François-Louis-Thibault de Menonville, a member of the National Assembly of France, wrote to Burke, praising Reflections and requesting more "very refreshing mental food" that he could publish. This Burke did in April 1791 when he published A Letter to a Member of the National Assembly. Burke called for external forces to reverse the Revolution and included an attack on the late French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau as being the subject of a personality cult that had developed in revolutionary France. Although Burke conceded that Rousseau sometimes showed "a considerable insight into human nature", he mostly was critical. Although he did not meet Rousseau on his visit to Britain in 1766–1767, Burke was a friend of David Hume, with whom Rousseau had stayed. Burke said Rousseau "entertained no principle either to influence of his heart, or to guide his understanding—but vanity"—which he "was possessed to a degree little short of madness". He also cited Rousseau's Confessions as evidence that Rousseau had a life of "obscure and vulgar vices" that was not "chequered, or spotted here and there, with virtues, or even distinguished by a single good action". Burke contrasted Rousseau's theory of universal benevolence and his having sent his children to a foundling hospital, stating that he was "a lover of his kind, but a hater of his kindred".

These events and the disagreements that arose from them within the Whigs led to its break-up and to the rupture of Burke's friendship with Fox. In a debate in Parliament on Britain's relations with Russia, Fox praised the principles of the Revolution, although Burke was not able to reply at this time as he was "overpowered by continued cries of question from his own side of the House". When Parliament was debating the Quebec Bill for a constitution for Canada, Fox praised the Revolution and criticised some of Burke's arguments such as hereditary power. On 6 May 1791, Burke used the opportunity to answer Fox during another debate in Parliament on the Quebec Bill and condemn the new French Constitution and "the horrible consequences flowing from the French idea of the Rights of Man". Burke asserted that those ideas were the antithesis of both the British and the American constitutions. Burke was interrupted and Fox intervened, saying that Burke should be allowed to carry on with his speech. However, a vote of censure was moved against Burke for noticing the affairs of France which was moved by Lord Sheffield and seconded by Fox. Pitt made a speech praising Burke and Fox made a speech—both rebuking and complimenting Burke. He questioned the sincerity of Burke, who seemed to have forgotten the lessons he had learned from him, quoting from Burke's own speeches of fourteen and fifteen years before. Burke's response was as follows:

It certainly was indiscreet at any period, but especially at his time of life, to parade enemies, or give his friends occasion to desert him; yet if his firm and steady adherence to the British constitution placed him in such a dilemma, he would risk all, and, as public duty and public experience taught him, with his last words exclaim, "Fly from the French Constitution".

At this point, Fox whispered that there was "no loss of friendship". "I regret to say there is", Burke replied, "I have indeed made a great sacrifice; I have done my duty though I have lost my friend. There is something in the detested French constitution that envenoms every thing it touches". This provoked a reply from Fox, yet he was unable to give his speech for some time since he was overcome with tears and emotion. Fox appealed to Burke to remember their inalienable friendship, but he also repeated his criticisms of Burke and uttered "unusually bitter sarcasms". This only aggravated the rupture between the two men. Burke demonstrated his separation from the party on 5 June 1791 by writing to Fitzwilliam, declining money from him.

Burke was dismayed that some Whigs, instead of reaffirming the principles of the Whig Party he laid out in the Reflections, had rejected them in favour of "French principles" and that they criticised Burke for abandoning Whig principles. Burke wanted to demonstrate his fidelity to Whig principles and feared that acquiescence to Fox and his followers would allow the Whig Party to become a vehicle for Jacobinism.

Burke knew that many members of the Whig Party did not share Fox's views and he wanted to provoke them into condemning the French Revolution. Burke wrote that he wanted to represent the whole Whig Party "as tolerating, and by a toleration, countenancing those proceedings" so that he could "stimulate them to a public declaration of what every one of their acquaintance privately knows to be...their sentiments". On 3 August 1791, Burke published his Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs in which he renewed his criticism of the radical revolutionary programmes inspired by the French Revolution and attacked the Whigs who supported them as holding principles contrary to those traditionally held by the Whig Party.

Burke owned two copies of what has been called "that practical compendium of Whig political theory", namely The Tryal of Dr. Henry Sacheverell (1710). Burke wrote of the trial: "It rarely happens to a party to have the opportunity of a clear, authentic, recorded, declaration of their political tenets upon the subject of a great constitutional event like that of the [Glorious] Revolution". Writing in the third person, Burke asserted in his Appeal:

[The] foundations laid down by the Commons, on the trial of Doctor Sacheverel, for justifying the revolution of 1688, are the very same laid down in Mr. Burke's Reflections; that is to say,—a breach of the original contract, implied and expressed in the constitution of this country, as a scheme of government fundamentally and inviolably fixed in King, Lords and Commons.—That the fundamental subversion of this antient constitution, by one of its parts, having been attempted, and in effect accomplished, justified the Revolution. That it was justified only upon the necessity of the case; as the only means left for the recovery of that antient constitution, formed by the original contract of the British state; as well as for the future preservation of the same government. These are the points to be proved.

Burke then provided quotations from Paine's Rights of Man to demonstrate what the New Whigs believed. Burke's belief that Foxite principles corresponded to Paine's was genuine. Finally, Burke denied that a majority of "the people" had, or ought to have, the final say in politics and alter society at their pleasure. People had rights, but also duties and these duties were not voluntary. According to Burke, the people could not overthrow morality derived from God.

Although Whig grandees such as Portland and Fitzwilliam privately agreed with Burke's Appeal, they wished he had used more moderate language. Fitzwilliam saw the Appeal as containing "the doctrines I have sworn by, long and long since". Francis Basset, a backbench Whig MP, wrote to Burke that "though for reasons which I will not now detail I did not then deliver my sentiments, I most perfectly differ from Mr. Fox & from the great Body of opposition on the French Revolution". Burke sent a copy of the Appeal to the King and the King requested a friend to communicate to Burke that he had read it "with great Satisfaction". Burke wrote of its reception: "Not one word from one of our party. They are secretly galled. They agree with me to a title; but they dare not speak out for fear of hurting Fox...They leave me to myself; they see that I can do myself justice". Charles Burney viewed it as "a most admirable book—the best & most useful on political subjects that I have ever seen", but he believed the differences in the Whig Party between Burke and Fox should not be aired publicly.

Eventually, most of the Whigs sided with Burke and gave their support to William Pitt the Younger's Tory government which in response to France's declaration of war against Britain declared war on France's Revolutionary Government in 1793.

In December 1791, Burke sent government ministers his Thoughts on French Affairs where he put forward three main points, namely that no counter-revolution in France would come about by purely domestic causes; that the longer the Revolutionary Government exists, the stronger it becomes; and that the Revolutionary Government's interest and aim is to disturb all of the other governments of Europe.

As a Whig, Burke did not wish to see an absolute monarchy again in France after the extirpation of Jacobinism. Writing to an émigré in 1791, Burke expressed his views against a restoration of the Ancien Régime:

When such a complete convulsion has shaken the State, and hardly left any thing whatsoever, either in civil arrangements, or in the Characters and disposition of men's minds, exactly where it was, whatever shall be settled although in the former persons and upon old forms, will be in some measure a new thing and will labour under something of the weakness as well as other inconveniences of a Change. My poor opinion is that you mean to establish what you call 'L'ancien Régime,' If any one means that system of Court Intrigue miscalled a Government as it stood, at Versailles before the present confusions as the thing to be established, that I believe will be found absolutely impossible; and if you consider the Nature, as well of persons, as of affairs, I flatter myself you must be of my opinion. That was tho' not so violent a State of Anarchy as well as the present. If it were even possible to lay things down exactly as they stood, before the series of experimental politicks began, I am quite sure that they could not long continue in that situation. In one Sense of L'Ancien Régime I am clear that nothing else can reasonably be done.

Burke delivered a speech on the debate of the Aliens Bill on 28 December 1792. He supported the Bill as it would exclude "murderous atheists, who would pull down Church and state; religion and God; morality and happiness". The peroration included a reference to a French order for 3,000 daggers. Burke revealed a dagger he had concealed in his coat and threw it to the floor: "This is what you are to gain by an alliance with France". Burke picked up the dagger and continued:

When they smile, I see blood trickling down their faces; I see their insidious purposes; I see that the object of all their cajoling is—blood! I now warn my countrymen to beware of these execrable philosophers, whose only object it is to destroy every thing that is good here, and to establish immorality and murder by precept and example—'Hic niger est hunc tu Romane caveto' ['Such a man is evil; beware of him, Roman'. Horace, Satires I. 4. 85.].

Burke supported the war against Revolutionary France, seeing Britain as fighting on the side of the royalists and émigres in a civil war, rather than fighting against the whole nation of France. Burke also supported the royalist uprising in La Vendée, describing it on 4 November 1793 in a letter to William Windham as "the sole affair I have much heart in". Burke wrote to Henry Dundas on 7 October urging him to send reinforcements there as he viewed it as the only theatre in the war that might lead to a march on Paris, but Dundas did not follow Burke's advice.

Burke believed the British government was not taking the uprising seriously enough, a view reinforced by a letter he had received from the Prince Charles of France (S.A.R. le comte d'Artois), dated 23 October, requesting that he intercede on behalf of the royalists to the government. Burke was forced to reply on 6 November: "I am not in His Majesty's Service; or at all consulted in his Affairs". Burke published his Remarks on the Policy of the Allies with Respect to France, begun in October, where he said: "I am sure every thing has shewn us that in this war with France, one Frenchman is worth twenty foreigners. La Vendée is a proof of this".

On 20 June 1794, Burke received a vote of thanks from the House of Commons for his services in the Hastings Trial and he immediately resigned his seat, being replaced by his son Richard. A blow fell upon Burke with the loss of Richard in August 1794, to whom he was tenderly attached and in whom he saw signs of promise which were not patent to others and which in fact appear to have been non-existent, although this view may have rather reflected the fact that his son Richard had worked successfully in the early battle for Catholic emancipation. King George III, whose favour he had gained by his attitude on the French Revolution, wished to create him Earl of Beaconsfield, but the death of his son deprived the opportunity of such an honour and all its attractions, so the only award he would accept was a pension of £2,500. Even this modest reward was attacked by the Duke of Bedford and the Earl of Lauderdale, to whom Burke replied in his Letter to a Noble Lord (1796): "It cannot at this time be too often repeated; line upon line; precept upon precept; until it comes into the currency of a proverb, To innovate is not to reform". He argued that he was rewarded on merit, but the Duke of Bedford received his rewards from inheritance alone, his ancestor being the original pensioner: "Mine was from a mild and benevolent sovereign; his from Henry the Eighth". Burke also hinted at what would happen to such people if their revolutionary ideas were implemented and included a description of the British Constitution:

But as to our country and our race, as long as the well compacted structure of our church and state, the sanctuary, the holy of holies of that ancient law, defended by reverence, defended by power, a fortress at once and a temple, shall stand inviolate on the brow of the British Sion—as long as the British Monarchy, not more limited than fenced by the orders of the State, shall, like the proud Keep of Windsor, rising in the majesty of proportion, and girt with the double belt of its kindred and coeval towers, as long as this awful structure shall oversee and guard the subjected land—so long as the mounds and dykes of the low, fat, Bedford level will have nothing to fear from all the pickaxes of all the levellers of France.

Burke's last publications were the Letters on a Regicide Peace (October 1796), called forth by negotiations for peace with France by the Pitt government. Burke regarded this as appeasement, injurious to national dignity and honour. In his Second Letter, Burke wrote of the French Revolutionary government: "Individuality is left out of their scheme of government. The State is all in all. Everything is referred to the production of force; afterwards, everything is trusted to the use of it. It is military in its principle, in its maxims, in its spirit, and in all its movements. The State has dominion and conquest for its sole objects—dominion over minds by proselytism, over bodies by arms".

This is held to be the first explanation of the modern concept of totalitarian state. Burke regarded the war with France as ideological, against an "armed doctrine". He wished that France would not be partitioned due to the effect this would have on the balance of power in Europe and that the war was not against France, but against the revolutionaries governing her. Burke said: "It is not France extending a foreign empire over other nations: it is a sect aiming at universal empire, and beginning with the conquest of France".

Later life

In November 1795, there was a debate in Parliament on the high price of corn and Burke wrote a memorandum to Pitt on the subject. In December, Samuel Whitbread MP introduced a bill giving magistrates the power to fix minimum wages and Fox said he would vote for it. This debate probably led Burke to edit his memorandum as there appeared a notice that Burke would soon publish a letter on the subject to the Secretary of the Board of Agriculture Arthur Young, but he failed to complete it. These fragments were inserted into the memorandum after his death and published posthumously in 1800 as Thoughts and Details on Scarcity. In it, Burke expounded "some of the doctrines of political economists bearing upon agriculture as a trade". Burke criticised policies such as maximum prices and state regulation of wages and set out what the limits of government should be:

That the State ought to confine itself to what regards the State, or the creatures of the State, namely, the exterior establishment of its religion; its magistracy; its revenue; its military force by sea and land; the corporations that owe their existence to its fiat; in a word, to every thing that is truly and properly public, to the public peace, to the public safety, to the public order, to the public prosperity.

The economist Adam Smith remarked that Burke was "the only man I ever knew who thinks on economic subjects exactly as I do, without any previous communications having passed between us".

Writing to a friend in May 1795, Burke surveyed the causes of discontent: "I think I can hardly overrate the malignity of the principles of Protestant ascendency, as they affect Ireland; or of Indianism [i.e. corporate tyranny, as practised by the British East Indies Company], as they affect these countries, and as they affect Asia; or of Jacobinism, as they affect all Europe, and the state of human society itself. The last is the greatest evil". By March 1796, Burke had changed his mind: "Our Government and our Laws are beset by two different Enemies, which are sapping its foundations, Indianism, and Jacobinism. In some Cases they act separately, in some they act in conjunction: But of this I am sure; that the first is the worst by far, and the hardest to deal with; and for this amongst other reasons, that it weakens discredits, and ruins that force, which ought to be employed with the greatest Credit and Energy against the other; and that it furnishes Jacobinism with its strongest arms against all formal Government".

For more than a year prior to his death, Burke knew that his stomach was "irrecoverably ruind". After hearing that Burke was nearing death, Fox wrote to Mrs. Burke enquiring after him. Fox received the reply the next day:

Миссис Берк передает свое почтение мистеру Фоксу и благодарит его за любезные вопросы. Миссис Берк передала его письмо мистеру Берку и, по его желанию, вынуждена сообщить мистеру Фоксу, что мистеру Берку стоило самой сердечной боли подчиниться суровому голосу своего долга, разорвав давнюю дружбу, но что он считал эту жертву необходимой; что его принципы остаются прежними; и что в какой бы части жизни ему еще ни оставалось, он понимает, что должен жить для других, а не для себя. Г-н Берк убежден, что принципы, которые он старался поддерживать, необходимы для благосостояния и достоинства его страны и что эти принципы могут быть реализованы только при общем убеждении в его искренности.

Берк умер в Биконсфилде , Бакингемшир, 9 июля 1797 года. и был похоронен там вместе со своим сыном и братом.

Наследие

Статуя Эдмунда Берка в Вашингтоне, округ Колумбия

считают Бёрка Большинство политических историков англоязычного мира либеральным консерватором. и отец современного британского консерватизма . Берк был утилитарным и эмпирическим в своих аргументах, в то время как Жозеф де Местр , коллега-консерватор с континента, был более провиденциалистским и социологическим и использовал в своих аргументах более конфронтационный тон.

Берк считал, что собственность имеет важное значение для человеческой жизни. Из-за его убежденности в том, что люди хотят, чтобы ими управляли и контролировали, разделение собственности легло в основу социальной структуры, помогая развивать контроль в рамках иерархии, основанной на собственности. Он рассматривал социальные изменения, вызванные собственностью, как естественный порядок событий, которые должны происходить по мере развития человечества. Он также считал, что разделение собственности и классовая система держат монарха под контролем потребностей классов, находящихся под ним. Поскольку собственность в значительной степени выравнивала или определяла разделение социального класса, класс тоже считался естественным — частью социального соглашения, согласно которому разделение людей на разные классы является взаимной выгодой всех субъектов. Забота о собственности – не единственное влияние Берка. Кристофер Хитченс подводит итог следующим образом: «Если можно считать, что современный консерватизм произошел от Бёрка, то это не только потому, что он апеллировал к владельцам собственности ради стабильности, но и потому, что он апеллировал к повседневному интересу к сохранению наследия предков и незапамятных времен». ".

Поддержка Бёрком интересов «угнетенного большинства», таких как ирландские католики и индейцы, привела к тому, что он оказался объектом враждебной критики со стороны тори; в то время как его противодействие распространению Французской Республики (и ее радикальных идеалов ) по Европе привело к аналогичным обвинениям со стороны вигов. Как следствие, Берк часто оказывался в изоляции в парламенте.

В 19 веке Бёрка хвалили как либералы , так и консерваторы . Друг Берка Филип Фрэнсис писал, что Берк «был человеком, который истинно и пророчески предвидел все последствия, которые возникнут в результате принятия французских принципов», но поскольку Берк писал с такой страстью, люди сомневались в его аргументах. Уильям Виндэм выступал с той же скамьи в Палате общин, что и Берк, когда он отделился от Фокса, и наблюдатель сказал, что Виндхэм говорил «как призрак Берка», когда он произнес речь против мира с Францией в 1801 году. Уильям Хэзлитт , политический оппонент Бёрка, считал его одним из трёх своих любимых писателей (остальные — Юниус и Руссо) и считал, что это «проверка здравого смысла и откровенности любого члена противоположной партии, позволит ли он Бёрку будь великим человеком». Уильям Вордсворт изначально был сторонником Французской революции и напал на Берка в «Письме к епископу Лландаффу» (1793 г.), но к началу 19 века он передумал и стал восхищаться Берком. В своих «Двух обращениях к фриголдерам Уэстморленда » Вордсворт назвал Берка «самым проницательным политиком своего времени», чьи предсказания «проверились временем». Позже он отредактировал свое стихотворение «Прелюдия», включив в него восхваление Берка («Гений Берка! Простите перо, соблазненное / Мнимыми чудесами») и изобразил его в виде старого дуба. Сэмюэл Тейлор Кольридж пережил такое же обращение, поскольку он критиковал Берка в «Стороже» , но в своем «Друге» (1809–1810) защищал Берка от обвинений в непоследовательности. Позже в своей Biography Literaria (1817) Кольридж приветствует Бёрка как пророка и хвалит Бёрка за то, что он «привычно ссылался на принципы . Он был научным государственным деятелем; и, следовательно, провидцем ». Генри Брум писал о Бёрке, что «все его предсказания, за исключением одного мимолетного высказывания, более чем сбылись: анархия и кровопролитие воцарились во Франции; завоевания и конвульсии опустошили Европу... [Т] провидение смертных не часто бывает способен проникнуть настолько далеко в будущее». Джордж Каннинг Берка считал, что «Размышления » «были оправданы ходом последующих событий; и почти каждое пророчество строго исполнилось». В 1823 году Каннинг писал, что он воспринял «последние работы и слова Берка как руководство к своей политике». Премьер от консерваторов -министр Бенджамин Дизраэли «был глубоко проникнут духом и чувствами более поздних произведений Берка».

XIX века либеральной партии Премьер-министр Уильям Гладстон считал Берка «журналом мудрости об Ирландии и Америке» и в своем дневнике записал: «Сделал много отрывков из Берка — иногда почти божественных ». Радикальный « член парламента и против хлебного закона активист Ричард Кобден часто хвалил книгу Берка Мысли и подробности о дефиците» . Историк-либерал лорд Эктон считал Берка одним из трех величайших либералов, наряду с Гладстоном и Томасом Бабингтоном Маколеем . Лорд Маколей записал в своем дневнике: «Я снова дочитал большую часть произведений Бёрка. Восхитительно! Величайший человек со времен Мильтона ». Депутат от либеральной партии Гладстона Джон Морли опубликовал две книги о Бёрке (включая биографию) и находился под влиянием Бёрка, в том числе его взглядов на предрассудки. Кобденский считал , радикал Фрэнсис Херст что Берк заслуживает «места среди английских либертарианцев, хотя из всех любителей свободы и всех реформаторов он был самым консервативным, наименее абстрактным, всегда стремившимся сохранить и обновить, а не вводить новшества. В политике он напоминал современного архитектора, который восстанавливал старый дом вместо того, чтобы снести его, чтобы построить на этом месте новый». «Размышления Берка о революции во Франции» вызвали споры на момент публикации, но после его смерти они стали его самой известной и влиятельной работой и манифестом консервативного мышления.

Две противоположные оценки Бёрка были предложены спустя много времени после его смерти Карлом Марксом и Уинстоном Черчиллем . В примечании к первому тому «Капитала » Маркс писал:

Подхалим, который за деньги английской олигархии играл романтического laudator temporis acti против Французской революции точно так же, как за деньги североамериканских колоний в начале американских проблем он играл либерала против английской олигархии, — был отъявленным вульгарным буржуа . «Законы торговли — это законы природы, а, следовательно, и законы Бога». (Э. Берк, LC, стр. 31, 32) Неудивительно, что, верный законам Бога и Природы, он всегда продавал себя на лучшем рынке.

В книге «Последовательность в политике» Черчилль писал:

С одной стороны, [Берк] предстает как выдающийся апостол Свободы, с другой — как грозный поборник Власти. Но обвинение в политической непоследовательности, примененное к этой жизни, кажется подлым и мелочным. История легко усматривает причины и силы, которые двигали им, а также огромные изменения в проблемах, с которыми он столкнулся, которые вызвали у того же глубокого ума и искреннего духа эти совершенно противоположные проявления. Его душа восставала против тирании, выступала ли она в образе властного монарха и коррумпированной судебной и парламентской системы, или, провозглашая лозунги несуществующей свободы, она восставала против него под диктовку жестокого толпа и злая секта. Никто не может читать Берка Свободы и Берка Власти, не чувствуя, что это один и тот же человек, преследующий одни и те же цели, ищущий одни и те же идеалы общества и правительства и защищающий их от нападок то с одной крайности, то с другой. .

Историк Пирс Брендон утверждает, что Берк заложил моральные основы Британской империи , воплощением которых стал суд над Уорреном Гастингсом , который в конечном итоге должен был ее уничтожить. Когда Берк заявил, что «Британская империя должна управляться по плану свободы, поскольку ею не будет управлять никто другой», это была «идеологическая бацилла, которая окажется фатальной. Это была патерналистская доктрина Эдмунда Бёрка о том, что колониальное правительство представляет собой доверие. Оно должно было использоваться таким образом на благо подчиненных людей, чтобы они в конечном итоге достигли своего права по рождению - свободы». В результате этих мнений Берк возражал против торговли опиумом , которую он назвал « контрабандной авантюрой», и осудил «великий позор британского характера в Индии». По словам политолога Дженнифер Питтс, Берк «возможно, был первым политическим мыслителем, который предпринял всестороннюю критику британской имперской практики во имя справедливости для тех, кто пострадал от ее морального и политического исключения».

Королевского общества искусств Синяя мемориальная доска посвящена Берку на Джеррард-стрит, 37, которая сейчас находится в китайском квартале Лондона .

Статуи Берка находятся в Бристоле, Англия , Тринити-колледже в Дублине и Вашингтоне, округ Колумбия. Берк также является тезкой частной подготовительной школы к колледжу в Вашингтоне, школы Эдмунда Берка .

Берк-авеню в Бронксе , Нью-Йорк, названа в его честь.

Критика

Одним из крупнейших и наиболее развитых критиков Бёрка был американский политический теоретик Лео Штраус . В своей книге «Естественное право и история» Штраус делает ряд замечаний, в которых несколько резко оценивает труды Бёрка.

Одной из тем, которую он в первую очередь затрагивает, является тот факт, что Берк проводит четкое разделение между счастьем и добродетелью и объясняет, что «Берк, следовательно, ищет основу правительства «в соответствии с нашими обязанностями», а не в «воображаемых правах человека». ". Штраус считает, что Берк считает, что правительство должно сосредоточиться исключительно на обязанностях, которые человек должен выполнять в обществе, а не пытаться удовлетворить какие-либо дополнительные потребности или желания. Правительство для Берка — это просто практичность, и оно не обязательно должно функционировать как инструмент, помогающий людям жить как можно лучше. Штраус также утверждает, что в некотором смысле теорию Берка можно рассматривать как противоположную самой идее формирования такой философии. Берк выражает мнение, что теория не может адекватно предсказывать будущие события, и поэтому людям необходимы инстинкты, которые нельзя практиковать или получить из идеологии.

Это приводит к всеобъемлющей критике Штрауса в отношении Берка, которая заключается в его отказе от использования логики. Берк отвергает широко распространенное среди теоретиков мнение о том, что разум должен быть основным инструментом при формировании конституции или контракта. Вместо этого Берк считает, что конституции должны создаваться на основе естественных процессов, а не на рациональном планировании будущего. Однако Штраус отмечает, что критика рациональности на самом деле работает против первоначальной позиции Берка о возвращении к традиционным образам жизни, поскольку некоторая доля человеческого разума присуща и, следовательно, частично основана на традиции. Что касается формирования законного социального порядка, Штраус не обязательно поддерживает мнение Берка — порядок не может быть установлен отдельными мудрыми людьми, а исключительно результатом объединения людей, обладающих историческими знаниями о прошлых функциях, которые можно использовать в качестве основы. Штраус отмечает, что из-за этой мысли Берк будет выступать против большего количества вновь образованных республик: хотя Ленцнер добавляет тот факт, что он, похоже, действительно верил, что конституция Америки может быть оправдана с учетом конкретных обстоятельств. С другой стороны, конституция Франции была слишком радикальной, поскольку она слишком сильно опиралась на просвещенные рассуждения, а не на традиционные методы и ценности.

Религиозная мысль

Основная статья: Религиозная мысль Эдмунда Берка

Религиозные сочинения Берка включают опубликованные работы и комментарии на тему религии. Религиозная мысль Берка была основана на убеждении, что религия является основой гражданского общества . Он резко критиковал деизм и атеизм и подчеркивал христианство как средство социального прогресса. Родившийся в Ирландии в семье католички и отца- протестанта , Берк энергично защищал англиканскую церковь , но он также продемонстрировал чувствительность к католическим проблемам. Он связал сохранение государственной религии с сохранением конституционных свобод граждан и подчеркнул пользу христианства не только для души верующего, но и для политических механизмов.

Неправильно указана цитата

«Когда хорошие люди ничего не делают»

Хорошо известное изречение о том, что «единственное, что необходимо для торжества зла, — это чтобы хорошие люди ничего не делали», широко ошибочно приписывают Бёрку. Известно, что в 1770 году Берк в « Мыслях о причине нынешних недовольств » написал следующий отрывок:

[Когда] плохие люди объединяются, хорошие должны объединяться; иначе они падут один за другим, безжалостной жертвой в презренной борьбе.

В 1867 году Джон Стюарт Милль сделал аналогичное заявление в инаугурационной речи в Университете Сент-Эндрюс :

Плохим людям для достижения своих целей не нужно ничего больше, чем то, чтобы хорошие люди наблюдали и ничего не делали.

Хронология

Библиография

• Защита естественного общества (1756 г.)
• Философское исследование происхождения наших представлений о возвышенном и прекрасном (1757 г.)
• Отчет о европейском поселении в Америке (1757 г.)
• Сокращение истории Англии (1757 г.)
• Редактор Ежегодного реестра около 30 лет (1758 г.)
• Трактаты о папских законах (начало 1760-х гг.)
• О современном состоянии нации (1769 г.)
• Мысли о причине нынешнего недовольства (1770)
• Об американском налогообложении (1774 г.)
• Примирение с колониями (1775 г.)
• Письмо шерифам Бристоля (1777 г.)
• Реформа представительства в Палате общин (1782 г.)
• Размышления о революции во Франции (1790 г.)
• Письмо члену Национального собрания (1791 г.)
• Обращение новых к старым вигам (1791 г.)
• Мысли о французских делах (1791)
• Замечания о политике союзников (1793 г.)
• Мысли и подробности о дефиците (1795)
• Письма о цареубийственном мире (1795–97)
• Письмо благородному лорду (1796 г.)

В популярных СМИ

Актер Т.П. МакКенна получил роль Эдмунда Бёрка в сериале « Долгота» в 2000 году.

См. также

• Дом Бургов — англо-нормандская и хиберно-нормандская династия, основанная в 1193 году.
• Консервативная партия
• Список предшественников аболиционистов

Ссылки

Источники

• В эту статью включен текст из публикации, которая сейчас находится в свободном доступе : Кузен, Джон Уильям (1910). Краткий биографический словарь английской литературы . Лондон: JM Dent & Sons – через Wikisource .
• Блейкмор, Стивен (редактор), Берк и Французская революция. Очерки двухсотлетия (The University of Georgia Press, 1992).
• Бурк, Ричард , Империя и революция: политическая жизнь Эдмунда Берка (Princeton University Press, 2015).
• Бромвич, Дэвид , Интеллектуальная жизнь Эдмунда Бёрка: от возвышенного и прекрасного к американской независимости (Кембридж, Массачусетс: Belknap Press , 2014). Обзор: Борец за свободу , The Economist, 5 июля 2014 г.
• Кларк, JCD (редактор), Размышления о революции во Франции: критическое издание ( Stanford University Press : 2001).
• Коун, Карл Б. Берк и природа политики (2 тома, 1957, 1964), подробная современная биография Берка; несколько некритичен и иногда поверхностен в отношении политики
• Томас Уэллстед Коупленд, «Эдмунд Берк и рецензии на книги в ежегодном реестре Додсли», Публикации Ассоциации современного языка , Vol. 57, № 2. (июнь 1942 г.), стр. 446–468.
• Куртенэ, К. П. Монтескье и Берк (1963), хорошее введение.
• Кроу, Ян, изд. Несокрушимый Эдмунд Берк: Очерки двухсотлетия (1997), эссе онлайн-издания американских консерваторов. Архивировано 27 мая 2012 года в Wayback Machine.
• Кроу, Ян, изд. Творческий виг: переоценка жизни и мыслей Эдмунда Берка. (2005). 247 стр. Очерки ученых
• Кроу, Ян. «Карьера и политическая мысль Эдмунда Берка», Журнал либеральной истории , выпуск 40, осень 2003 г.
• Фредерик Дрейер, «Происхождение размышлений Берка», Журнал современной истории , Vol. 50, № 3. (сентябрь 1978 г.), стр. 462–479.
• Роберт Экклсхолл, Английский консерватизм со времен Реставрации (Лондон: Анвин Хайман, 1990).
• Гиббонс, Люк. Эдмунд Берк и Ирландия: эстетика, политика и колониальное возвышенное. (2003). 304 стр.
• Хибберт, Кристофер (1990). Король мафии: история лорда Джорджа Гордона и беспорядков 1780 года . Дорсет Пресс. ISBN  0-88029-399-3 .
• Рассел Кирк , Консервативный разум: от Берка до Элиота (7-е изд. 1992 г.).
• Кирк, Рассел. Эдмунд Берк: новый взгляд на гения (1997), онлайн-издание. Архивировано 27 мая 2012 года в Wayback Machine.
• Крамник, Исаак. «Ярость Эдмунда Берка: Портрет амбивалентного консерватора» (1977). Интернет-издание Архивировано 27 мая 2012 года в Wayback Machine.
• Лок, Размышления Ф. П. Берка о революции во Франции (Лондон: Allen & Unwin, 1985).
• Лок, ФП Эдмунд Берк. Том I: 1730–1784 (Clarendon Press, 1999).
• Лок, ФП Эдмунд Берк. Том II: 1784–1797 (Clarendon Press, 2006).
• Левин, Юваль . Великие дебаты: Эдмунд Берк, Томас Пейн и рождение правых и левых (Basic Books; 2013), 275 страниц; их дебаты о Французской революции.
• Лукас, Пол. «О доктрине предписания Эдмунда Берка; или Обращение новых к старым юристам», «Исторический журнал», 11 (1968) открывает путь к эффективному синтезу идей Берка об истории, изменениях и предписаниях.
• Джим МакКью, Эдмунд Берк и наше нынешнее недовольство (The Claridge Press, 1997).
• Магнус, Филип. Эдмунд Берк: Жизнь (1939), старая биография
• Маршалл, П.Дж. Импичмент Уоррену Гастингсу (1965), стандартная история судебного процесса и роль Берка
• О’Брайен, Конор Круз , «Великая мелодия». Тематическая биография Эдмунда Берка (1992). ISBN   0-226-61651-7 .
• О'Горман, Фрэнк. Эдмунд Берк: Эдмунд Берк: Его политическая философия (2004), онлайн-издание, 153 стр. Архивировано 27 мая 2012 года в Wayback Machine.
• Паркин, Чарльз. Моральная основа политической мысли Берка (1956)
• Покок, JGA «Берк и древняя конституция», Исторический журнал, 3 (1960), 125–143; показывает долг Берка перед традицией общего права семнадцатого века в JSTOR.
• Редер, Линда К. «Эдмунд Берк: старый виг». Рецензент политической науки 2006 35: 115–131. ISSN   0091-3715 Полный текст: Эбско утверждает, что идеи Берка очень напоминают идеи консервативного философа Фридриха Августа фон Хайека (1899–1992).
• Дж. Дж. Сак, «Память о Берке и память о Питте: английский консерватизм противостоит своему прошлому, 1806–1829», The Historical Journal , Vol. 30, № 3. (сентябрь 1987 г.), стр. 623–640.
• Джей Джей Сак, От якобита к консерватору. Реакция и ортодоксия в Британии, ок. 1760–1832 (Издательство Кембриджского университета, 2004).
• Спиннер, Джефф. «Построение сообществ: Эдмунд Берк о революции», Polity, Vol. 23, № 3 (весна 1991 г.), стр. 395–421 в JSTOR.
• Стэнлис, Питер. Эдмунд Берк и естественный закон (1958)
• Андердаун, ПТ, Бристоль и Берк (брошюры Бристольской исторической ассоциации, № 2, 1961 г.)
• Вермейр, Коэн и Фанк Декард, Майкл (ред.) Наука чувствительности: чтение философских исследований Берка (Международный архив истории идей, том 206) (Springer, 2012)
• Джон Уэйл (редактор), Размышления Эдмунда Берка о революции во Франции. Новые междисциплинарные эссе (Manchester University Press, 2000).
• Уилан, Фредерик Г. Эдмунд Берк и Индия: политическая мораль и империя (1996)
• О'Коннор Пауэр, Дж. «Эдмунд Берк и его постоянное влияние», The North American Review , vol. 165, выпуск 493, декабрь 1897 г., 666–681.

Основные источники

• Кларк, JCD , изд. (2001). Размышления о революции во Франции. Критическое издание . Издательство Стэнфордского университета.
• Хоффман, Р.; Левак, П. (ред.) (1949). Политика Берка . Альфред А. Кнопф.
• Берк, Эдмунд. Сочинения и речи Эдмунда Берка (9 том 1981–), том 1 онлайн; том 2 онлайн; том 6 Индия: Начало импичмента Гастингсу, 1786–1788 гг., Онлайн; том 8 онлайн; том 9 онлайн.

Дальнейшее чтение

• Бурк, Ричард (2015). Империя и революция: политическая жизнь Эдмунда Берка . Издательство Принстонского университета.
• Бромвич, Дэвид (2014). Интеллектуальная жизнь Эдмунда Бёрка: от возвышенного и прекрасного к американской независимости . Издательство Гарвардского университета.
• Доран, Роберт (2015). «Берк: возвышенный индивидуализм». Теория возвышенного от Лонгина до Канта . Кембридж: Издательство Кембриджского университета. ОСЛК   959033482
• Лок, Ф.П. (1999). Эдмунд Берк. Том I: 1730–1784 . Кларендон Пресс.
• Лок, Ф.П. (2006). Эдмунд Берк. Том II: 1784–1797 . Кларендон Пресс.
• Маршалл, П.Дж. (2019) Эдмунд Берк и Британская империя в Вест-Индии: богатство, власть и рабство (Oxford University Press, 2019) онлайн-обзор
• Норман, Джесси (2014). Эдмунд Берк: провидец, который изобрел современную политику . Уильям Коллинз.
• О'Брайен, Конор Круз (1992). Великая Мелодия. Тематическая биография Эдмунда Берка . Издательство Чикагского университета
• Стивенс, Брет (8–9 августа 2020 г.). «Почему Эдмунд Берк все еще имеет значение». Нью-Йорк Таймс . № 42, 735 (Международное изд.). п. 8.
• Аглоу, Дженни (23 мая 2019 г.). «Большие болтуны» (рецензия на книгу Лео Дамроша , Клуб: Джонсон, Босуэлл и друзья, которые сформировали эпоху , издательство Йельского университета, 473 стр.). Нью-Йоркское обозрение книг . LXVI (9): 26–28.
• Виссер, Майкл (2008). «Берк, Эдмунд (1729–1797)» . В Хамови, Рональд (ред.). Нозик, Роберт (1938–2002) . Энциклопедия либертарианства . Таузенд-Оукс, Калифорния: SAGE , Институт Катона . стр. 43–44. дои : 10.4135/9781412965811.n220 . ISBN  978-1412965804 . LCCN   2008009151 . OCLC   750831024 .
• Уилан, Фредерик Г. (1996). Эдмунд Берк и Индия: политическая мораль и империя . Издательство Питтсбургского университета

Внешние ссылки

• Общество Эдмунда Берка при Колумбийском университете
• Харрис, Ян. «Эдмунд Берк» . В Залте, Эдвард Н. (ред.). Стэнфордская энциклопедия философии .
• Работы Берка в Интернет-библиотеке Свободы
• «Размышления о революции во Франции» Берка, слегка измененные для облегчения чтения.
• Работы Эдмунда Берка в Project Gutenberg
• Работы Эдмунда Берка или о нем в Интернет-архиве
• Работы Эдмунда Берка в LibriVox (аудиокниги, являющиеся общественным достоянием)
• Эдмунд Берк в программе «В наше время » на BBC
• Берк, по словам члена парламента доктора Джесси Нормана на bbc.co.uk
• Эдмунд Эдмунд Берк в Керли
• «Эдмунд Берк для эпохи постмодерна» , Уильям Ф. Бирн, Берфруа , 29 июня 2011 г.
• «Архивные материалы, касающиеся Эдмунда Бёрка» . Национальный архив Великобритании .
• Портреты Эдмунда Берка в Национальной портретной галерее, Лондон
• «Либерализм/консерватизм Эдмунда Берка и Ф.А. Хайека: критическое сравнение». Архивировано в Wayback Machine 24 апреля 2021 года Линдой К. Редер . Из Humanitas , Том X, № 1, 1997. Национальный гуманитарный институт.
• Эдмунд Берк в Find a Grave